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This study seeks to understand how national chauvinism and cultural patriotism are related to xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants. It does this by examining the extent to which historical legacy, in terms of geopolitical threats and national identity, moderates this relationship. A multilevel analysis across 24 European countries combines measures of national chauvinism, cultural patriotism, and xenophobic attitudes at the individual level with historical data, the geopolitical threat scale, and the national identity longevity index at the country level. Findings demonstrate that, according to these measures, historical legacies of threats and conflicts do not have an interaction effect, but the longevity of national identity moderates the relationship between national chauvinism/cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes. That is, in countries with greater national identity longevity, the positive relations between national chauvinism and xenophobic attitudes are weaker, but the negative relations between cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes are stronger. These findings contribute to the understanding of national identity by suggesting how it is related to a nation's historical legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon the 'contradictory forces, facts and tendencies' central to sociologist, historian, activist and cultural theorist W.E.B. Du Bois' framing of race, and places them within a metaphysical and sociological analysis of exclusionary frameworks in contemporary Italy. Problematizing the formation of global black perspectives, this text intends to initiate an exchange that may foster the development of strategies, language and tools needed for the making of a new narrative in the Italian context, a narrative that cannot be realized without a profound reflection on the historical trajectory of cultural exchange between the African continent and the territory known as Italy extending back into antiquity. Drawing upon the dialogue initiated in the Young Gifted and Black Italia (Y.G.B.I.) Research Residency, a range of interviews carried out over the past decade and a half, and several research platforms developed by Black History Month Florence (B.H.M.F.), I hope to highlight the potential for collective approaches that have the potential to provide the scaffold for Italian specific meditations with transnational implications. Calling for multiplicities in relation to social and psychological understandings of displacements and states of post-displacement in Italy, this writing seeks a contextually grounded positionality that, however hindered by the chauvinism of nationalistic narrations of history, imply an inclusion that need not be validated. In so doing I intimate an Italian-ness that is as conscious of how it is framed through its own making, as it is aware of the framing devices applied from abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1920s, the Soviet Union launched an official campaign against the so-called "Great Russian chauvinism." As a result, the Bolshevik Party embarked on a relentless offensive against this phenomenon. Decisions related to the support of national minorities were made at governmental and regional levels across all regions of the country. Soviet indigenization policy and the illconceived population resettlement policy contributed to the rise of nationalism. Resettlement was conducted on the entire territory of the Soviet Union with the aim of improving the economy and the national defense capability. The indigenous Slavic population often did not wish to accept the resettled people. In the Far East of the Soviet Union, the so-called Easterners, represented by the Chinese and the Koreans, often endured destructive consequences of local nationalism. Despite this negative experience, the majority of Koreans accepted the official Soviet discourse proclaiming the unity and equality of all nations and participated in the overall Soviet social-economic development and its collectivisation effort. In the Far East, joining a Soviet collective farm (kolkhoz) was the only option of survival for Koreans who were deprived of the right to return to their homeland. Kolkhoz was a safe space where Koreans could band together under state protection against local nationalism. It also gave Korean peasants a chance to work on land in consolidated ethnic units, preserving their language and culture. The Chinese population was primarily represented by seasonal workers. Unlike Koreans, they could freely move back to China at any time. As a result, Chinese were reluctant to join kolkhoz and avoided accepting Soviet citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article "Tocqueville's Dilemmas, and Ours: Sovereignty, Nationalism, Globalization" by Ewa Atanassow, the author explores the tensions between liberalism and democracy through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville, a 19th-century French liberal thinker. Atanassow highlights Tocqueville's belief that a rich civic life of non-state associations could alleviate the tension between liberty and equality. However, she also emphasizes Tocqueville's alternative solution of a strong sense of nationhood. By examining Tocqueville's ideas on democratic nationhood, Atanassow aims to connect his theories to contemporary issues of illiberal democracy and exclusionary nationalism. The article delves into Tocqueville's background, his writings, and his views on democracy, equality, and the role of the nation. Atanassow concludes by discussing the challenges that nations and liberals face today, such as finding national cohesion in diverse societies, encouraging patriotism while discouraging jingoism, and navigating the survival of liberal nations in a non-liberal world. While Atanassow's study provides valuable insights, it also raises questions about the applicability of Tocqueville's thought to present-day challenges. [Extracted from the article]

This report focuses on the diverse and multiple manifestations of political, state, and counter-state violence. Many of the examinations of political violence in this report highlight the continued need for disparate methodological and analytic lenses towards robust understandings of political violence across scales. Displacements and mobilities associated with flight from conflict are discussed in relation to the institutionalization of harm, trauma and containment through various state and supranational mechanisms of control. These mobilities include border crossings and associated violence against vulnerable populations seeking refuge. This is buttressed by discursive binary logics, such as us/them categorizations, which remain endemic to both structural and physical violence and foundational to right wing populism, jingoism, and other forms of political extremism. This report concludes by arguing the peace is not the opposite of war but rather its temporal substitute and partner in an assemblage of political and economic co-dependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This symposium commentary on Alana Lenin's Why Race Still Matters considers the terms by which apologists of racism deploy the alibi of nation and (white) identity. The increasingly efficacious claim to 'mere' nationhood and the allegedly organic immutability of majoritarian identity both enables racism whilst impugning anti-racism. Attention will be given here to the chicanery by which racism often ceases to something to be ideologically justified or defended; but instead, the demands of anti-racism are simply deflected through asserting the seemingly superseding dictates of national righteousness. My commentary also speculates about certain connections between the white majority settings surveyed by Lentin and wider postcolonial settings where comparable politics of bordering, chauvinism and 'racial capitalist' stratification are pursued but without the same overarching reference to whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that as a diasporic poet, Agha Shahid Ali's sense of nationalism is not 'jingoism', for his vision is cosmopolitan and his approach is humanistic. We contend that despite being exposed to Muslim, Hindu and American culture, he does not overlook or close his eyes on inflictions and woes of his compatriots but expresses a sensitive knowledge about the politics of Kashmir, a fact that turns his poetic expression into a protest against the plight of Kashmiri people. Based on this context, we observe Agha Shahid Ali's poetry in the light of Richard Jenkin's concepts of identity and ethnicity and their relation to politics and 'perceived interests' as historical constructs, neither natural nor inevitable. The paper argues that on the cultural plane, his poems are suffused with images that reaffirm the composite culture of India and, as a matter of fact, South Asia. The focus, therefore, is on the images which range from those of Radha/Krishna and Laila/Majnun to Husain and Zainab. Hence, through close selected textual analysis of selected poems, we explore his literary inspiration through diverse influences from Ghalib and Faiz Ahmed Faiz to James Meryll and Lorca. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During Vladimir Putin's third presidential term, the Russian government and media's rhetorical embrace of illiberalism, patriotism, and chauvinism was accompanied and partly facilitated by the invocation of historical precedent and "correct" historical understanding. Politicians stressed the importance of a shared historical memory to Russian national identity, rendering the interpretation of history a question of patriotism. The government and state-supportive media then used "patriotic" historical memories to legitimize government policies. Through framing analysis of three significant episodes—namely, the Ukraine Crisis, imposition of sanctions, and Russian intervention in Syria—I outline how the government and state-supportive media conflated these events with supposed historical precedents. This conflation made "patriotic" (or government-approved) history an everyday topic of discussion, but it also confused supporting government policy with celebrating historical triumph (or condemning historical tragedy). In this way, the government co-opted the emotional power of the history they invoked for the purposes of legitimizing their policies. This was compounded by the government and state-supportive media using and citing images and descriptions of ordinary people performing their patriotism in a manner that simultaneously demonstrated awareness of Russian history and support for the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This contribution concerns the nationalist ideology of the radical right and the kind of nationalism that prevails amongst its voters. The article addresses whether closeness to the nation, patriotism and chauvinism are relevant for people to be attracted to the radical right compared with competing parties or whether a reference to an out‐group perceived to harm (economic or cultural) interests is necessary for voters to opt for the radical right. The argument here is based on the ASEN lecture at the 2018 General Conference in London and sets forth a closer interest in nationalist nostalgia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates the role of the Courts in lending currency to the politics of Hindutva in the 1990s. It focuses on some of the significant and connected cases of the Ayodhya dispute and the infamous Hindutva judgments to illustrate how the court legitimised, perhaps inadvertently, a jingoistic and intolerant ideology as an acceptable political strategy. The rise and electoral successes of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) post-emergency accompanied the party's reliance on the judicial instruments to make its Hindu nationalist ideology palatable to a larger audience and the 'secular' citizen. Contrary to the stance of Hindu nationalist organisations against codification of Hindu law and any state interference in matters of religion at the time of independence, in the 1990s the movement relied significantly on judicial instruments for its own legitimacy and for expanding the domain of religion by seeking the patronage of 'law'. The Court, in what came to be known as the Hindutva judgments, attempted to separate 'Hindutva' from 'Hinduism', thereby aiding the launch of a new dawn of Hindutva which could then become synonymous with democracy and development. Most significantly, it also opened the doors for electoral promises to be routed through the courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates the role of the Courts in lending currency to the politics of Hindutva in the 1990s. It focuses on some of the significant and connected cases of the Ayodhya dispute and the infamous Hindutva judgments to illustrate how the court legitimised, perhaps inadvertently, a jingoistic and intolerant ideology as an acceptable political strategy. The rise and electoral successes of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) post-emergency accompanied the party's reliance on the judicial instruments to make its Hindu nationalist ideology palatable to a larger audience and the 'secular' citizen. Contrary to the stance of Hindu nationalist organisations against codification of Hindu law and any state interference in matters of religion at the time of independence, in the 1990s the movement relied significantly on judicial instruments for its own legitimacy and for expanding the domain of religion by seeking the patronage of 'law'. The Court, in what came to be known as the Hindutva judgments, attempted to separate 'Hindutva' from 'Hinduism', thereby aiding the launch of a new dawn of Hindutva which could then become synonymous with democracy and development. Most significantly, it also opened the doors for electoral promises to be routed through the courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The populist radical right (PRR) is increasingly associated with welfare chauvinism, but the literature mainly focuses on Western and Northern European cases. Turning attention to Central Eastern Europe, this article investigates how PRR parties in Hungary frame welfare issues in five social policy areas from 2010 to 2016. This is done through a critical frame analysis applied to party manifestos and State of the Nation speeches by the Fidesz and Jobbik parties. Special care is taken to delineate the interlocking but not interchangeable concepts of nationalism and populism, as recent research asserts this distinction is often overlooked. The main findings are threefold: First, these parties articulate their positions chiefly through nationalist rather than populist framing; Second, while Hungary's PRR exhibits welfare chauvinist framing similar to Western and Northern Europe, a main difference detected was the role of the communist legacy; Third, beyond the article's original goals, the findings revealed a strong connection between nationalist framing and the role of gender, suggesting that the two are not mutually exclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 29 September 2016, the Indian army conducted a surgical strike along the India-Pakistan border. The mainstream news media in India followed the event with assertive nationalistic rhetoric. What was supposed to be a covert military operation against terrorism became morphed into political rhetoric aggravated by the unwarranted jingoism of television news channels and social media. The coverage of the strike on television news is typically characterized by a confluence of militant nationalist discourses, and the ideologically imbued labelling of specific communities. Within this context, drawing from the close reading of the coverage, this article analyses how Indian television news sustains the construction of a fictive "we", conflated with the government policies and military strategies, and speaks for a supposedly homogeneous national consensus that also consciously obscures the dissent through minority voices. The article emphasizes the relationship between communities, formal politics, and the supposedly non-political spaces and practices of news media in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on research regarding the influence of national identity salience on attitudes towards international institutions and the impact of nationalism on foreign policy preferences, in a case study of America, I explore the role of chauvinistic nationalism to understand its impact on attitudes towards international jurisdiction of punishment for alleged human rights violations by members of the American military. Using binomial regression of survey responses from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I find that respondents with higher levels of chauvinistic nationalist sentiment also have higher levels of opposition to the jurisdiction of international legal institutions to prosecute members of a nation's military. This study is the first of its kind to offer a systematic and multivariate explanation for public opinion towards the jurisdiction of international human rights institutions over a nation's armed forces using national survey data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dix-Neuf is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on distinction between patriotism and chauvinism, in their contemporary context. It mentions patriotism is nothing more than love of one's country, language, history, and nature and has always been an expression of an inferiority complex, a nation-wide inferiority complex, and perhaps here lies its social power. It also mentions bitter lesson of the horrors of the Second World War, is the ever-closer union of people and nations.

The article examines the political dynamics of national in Japan. Topics covered include the opinion that the New Right transformation of Japanese politics is the driving force of contemporary nationalism, xenophobia and jingoism that target South Korea and China in popular media and the opinion that the national of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe involves the rewriting of Japan's shared past with Asia.

This study examines the premise that national identification inevitably leads citizens to endorse chauvinism in the international arena. It argues that the relationship between national identification and chauvinism is affected by three contextual factors: globalization, inter-state conflict, and social division. A multilevel analysis of cross-national survey data from the International Social Survey Program National Identity II (2003) was employed in order to observe these three contextual effects, the sample consisting of 33 countries. The results demonstrate that closer relations exist between national identification and chauvinism in more globalized countries. The effects of inter-state conflict vary according to the indices used to measure conflict. Those countries that experienced a large number of deaths during the 2000s and mobilized resources and personnel evinced a higher level of chauvinism. This effect is not evidenced by other measures of conflict, however. Social division did not affect the level of chauvinism or its relation with national identification. These findings are used to critically evaluate the notion that citizens who identify with their nation tend to be nationally chauvinistic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At the turn of the first millennium, the rise of autonomous communes and city-states in northern Italy coincided with the development of a particular sense of attachment to land and city, which is widely labeled as civic patriotism. Neither the transformation of these collective identities across time nor the macrostructural dynamics behind this transformation has received much attention. Through an examination of these communes and city-states from the eleventh to the sixteenth century, this paper unpacks different forms of collective identities that prevailed in northern Italy in different periods of time, all of which have previously been labeled as 'patriotism' in the literature. The differentiation I propose between 'communal patriotism,' 'civic nationalism,' and 'city-state chauvinism' presents a more nuanced picture which highlights the differences in the ways these collective identities are produced, reproduced, and transformed. My analysis also discusses the role played by macrostructural dynamics (e.g., changing climate in the macropolitical economy as well as inter-city-state system in the peninsula) in transforming these collective identities. Alongside a longue durée evolutionary transformation, there were two conjunctural moments which created ruptures in the transformation of collective identities in northern Italy: The first took place during the territorialization of the communes and the conquest of the contado in the mid-twelfth century and the second occurred in the aftermath of the crisis of the fourteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the response on the perspective of Russian Christians on the Ukrainian crisis. Topics discussed include the Russian imperialism and Chauvinism, the justifications for the actions of Russia in Crimea, the overcoming of nationalism, and the clarity of Christians toward the refugees.

The author argues that the return of Crimea to Russia, events in and around Ukraine, and associated tendencies in Russian domestic politics have created a new reality for Russian society. Many liberals consider declining Russian influence in the world a necessary condition of internal liberalization, while many of those who favor an independent role for Russia in the world and the strengthening of its influence are proponents of an authoritarian or even Stalinist internal regime. As a result, Russians face the unpalatable choice between a democratic Russia that has been reduced to a junior partner of the West and a strong Russia with a dictatorial nationalist regime that is a threat to all its neighbors. The author proposes a third option that would meet the aspirations of the majority by combining a normal moderate patriotism with an equally moderate liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kashmir question is felt by many to be beyond resolution. As many again regard it as a situation wherein the status quo of on-going violence is now a ‘conflict industry’ with too much vested interest in play for any genuine avenues of negotiation to be pursued. The Kashmir Valley seems to have joined the long list of often forgotten Balkanised stories about unresolved hostilities written around the themes of geopolitics and jingoistic nationalism. The psychotherapist Justine Hardy looks at the question from another point of view, that of the psychological state of the people of Kashmir, the real stakeholders in any possible agreement between Pakistan and India over the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir. She presents the case for adding another approach to those that appear to have stalled along the way. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study answers the question to what extent support for national cultural protectionism differs between countries, and to what extent differences between countries are related to levels of globalization. We propose that globalization processes affect people′s support of cultural protectionism, both by a diversification view on globalization, that is, larger supply of goods, and by a nationalistic interpretation, that is, a threat to the nation and rising nationalism. National cultural protectionism of 27,725 respondents from 23 countries is analyzed (International Social Survey Programme data). Multi-level analyses show that globalization affects cultural protectionism negatively, providing support for the diversification interpretation. However, the positive indirect effect of globalization on cultural protectionism via chauvinism and cultural patriotism provides evidence for the nationalistic interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Young Ireland nationalists conciliated slaveholding and proslavery Americans in the mid-1840s by situating Irish debates over American slavery within a broader discussion of Ireland's status in the British Empire. As Irish nationalists sought to redefine Ireland's political relationship to Great Britain, many came to see material and rhetorical support from the United States as indispensable to their efforts. Unlike Daniel O'Connell, Young Irelanders proved willing to overlook slavery in the United States because they believed that an Irish-American alliance could be mobilised to critique British imperialism and potentially to gain greater autonomy for Ireland. Debates among Irish nationalists over accepting aid from slaveholding and proslavery Americans, therefore, bring into focus where O'Connell and Young Ireland differed with regard to Ireland's sufferings under the Union and involvement in the Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the relationship between German nationalism and the border dispute between Germany and France known as the Rhine Crisis of 1840. The author discusses how German chauvinism impacted the country's politics, explores the oppositional views of national identity that were constructed in response to this jingoism, and analyzes how the Rhine Crisis related to the dynamics of patriotism.

The more benign aspects of nationalism evident in the 2012 Olympics in London may inspire athletes to run faster, jump higher and be stronger, but nationalism can easily slide into jingoism and xenophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Cultural Palace of Nationalities, one of the Ten Monumental Buildings built in 1959 in Beijing to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), is considered a ‘political building’ in that it brings together ethnicity, architecture, art, technology and, most importantly, representations of the Party-state’s policy on the unity of the many different nationalities in China. A careful examination of the history of the Palace’s construction and its exhibits reveals two unsettling problems: the Chinese Communist Party’s manipulation of official images of national minorities, along with the Party’s difficulties in dealing with ethnic nationalism, regional separatism and local identity in the first decade of the PRC. These same thorny issues continue to cause the current government a major headache. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author reflects on the advantages and disadvantages of considering sport and developmental physical activity as part of a powerful social force in the Western world. He points out how such social force can be dangerous if perverted when taken in the light of positive nationalism versus blind chauvinism. He explains why he is of the opinion that sport during the 21st century has become a societal institution with an inadequately-defined theory.

Vladimir S. Malakhov outlines state-sponsored efforts to create a civic nation-state, which Gleb Pavlovskii and others have called "The Russian Project." The author points out that the multicultural, multiethnic, and multiconfessional legacies of "Rossiia"* [Russia] make it extraordinarily difficult to change the meaning of the ethnonational term "Russian." Based on diverse United States and European histories, and despite their mixed experiences of immigrant incorporation, he advocates a return to the credibility of the term "multicultural." Toward this end, he suggests that the multiethnic meaning of "Rossiia" is being restored as the best defense against Russian chauvinist nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Winchester College has always had a reputation for intellectual excellence. Nevertheless, in keeping with contemporary trends it embraced the late nineteenth century cult of games, but with reservations. Winchester is a corrective to simplistic generalisations about the uniform chauvinistic philistinism of the period public school system. It was characterised by encouragement of individuality and intellectual effort and by a restrained attitude to military matters, games and xenophobic conditioning, There was a sobriety about Wykehamist reactions to the Great War which merits attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History as a school subject has been a thorny issue for advocates of peace education at least since the 1880s. Efforts, including the substitution of cultural history for military history, have been made to ensure that history teaching promotes international understanding, not propagates chauvinism. The Norden Associations of Scandinavia, which were involved in textbook revision since 1919, achieved some success by altering contents, but national myths remained central to each country's historical narrative, making it difficult to give history education its desired international orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, a response to the article "Stalin's populism and the accidental creation of Russian national identity" elsewhere in the issue by David Brandenberger, critiques his thesis that modern Russian nationalism has its origins in the russocentric populism promoted by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in the 1930s and 40s. Brandenberger's argument is seen as needing more historical context, both by better defining nationalism and national identity in post-Soviet Russia, and by examining debates in the pre-Stalinist Soviet Union about chauvinism versus the goal of a multi-ethnic state.

The article presents a study that examines the patriotism in the young people of Murmansk oblast. It is conducted as part of a survey by the sociology laboratory of Murmansk State Pedagogical University, in collaboration with the Murmansk Oblast Administration for Youth Affairs in December 2007. It has a total participants of 775 people, with quota sampling in accordance with sex and age and place of residence. Meanwhile, it mentions that the variety on the aspects of phenomenon of patriotism among young people in Murmansk is contributed by the complex nature of patriotism, variation on the forms of its manifestation, and the functional relation between its specific content and historical, social, political, and economic conditions.

Since the rise of mass politics, the role national identities play in international relations has been debated. Do they produce a popular reservoir easily tapped for war or bestow dignity thereby fostering cooperation and a democratic peace? The evidence for either perspective is thin, beset by different conceptions of identity and few efforts to identify its effects independent of situational factors. Using data drawn from new national surveys in Italy and the United States, we advance a three-dimensional conception of national identity, theoretically connecting the dimensions to conflictive and cooperative dispositions as well as to decisions to cooperate with the United Nations in containing Iran's nuclear proliferation and Sudan's humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Attachment to the nation in Italy and the United States is found to associate with less support for militarist options and more support for international cooperation as liberal nationalists expect. This depends, however, on containing culturally exclusive conceptions of the nation and chauvinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the changing circumstances, our nation is facing plenty of disrupting and fissiparous tendencies arising out of various anti-social elements and the ideological clashes. The Indian nation is struggling to maintain its unity and integrity. Extreme fundamentalism of the own people and violent factors have been posing a major threat to the socio-political fabric of India. The people are fighting amongst themselves on very trivial issues that have interrupted the very process of nation building. In fact, the diverse condition in India is responsible for nurturing the myriad mutual problems and crises of identity and cooperation. The diversity syndrome of Politics in India led to dysfunctional activities like regional chauvinism, political apathy, pseudo-secularism and interplay between parochial demands and systemic outputs that challenged the established system of institutions and symbols towards new threshold of performance. There seems to be no easy approach to the development of a manifest and categorical national identity. In this article, divisive practices prevailing in Indian politics that are hampering the process of nation building are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has emerged as one of the most controversial political figures since 2000, eliciting both admiration and condemnation. What is termed 'Mugabeism' is a summation of a constellation of political controversies, political behaviour, political ideas, utterances, rhetoric and actions that have crystallised around Mugabe's political life. It is a contested phenomenon with the nationalist aligned scholars understanding it as a pan-African redemptive ideology opposed to all forms of imperialism and colonialism and dedicated to a radical redistributive project predicated on redress of colonial injustices. A neoliberal-inspired perspective sees Mugabeism as a form of racial chauvinism and authoritarianism marked by antipathy towards norms of liberal governance and disdain for human rights and democracy. This article seeks to analyse Mugabeism as populist phenomenon propelled through articulatory practices and empty signifiers. As such it can be read at many levels: as a form of left-nationalism; as Afro-radicalism and nativism; a patriarchal neo-traditional cultural nationalism and an antithesis of democracy and human rights. All these representations make sense within the context of colonial, nationalist, postcolonial and even pre-colonial history that Mugabe has deployed to sustain and support his political views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of medical book publishing in the 20th century, relating the industry to socioeconomic aspects such as nationalism, the growth of the book publishing industry, and the national identities of Canada and the U.S. It describes how medical books reflected the greater societal mindsets of jingoism, chauvinism, and exceptionalism. Other subjects under discussion include the medical writing of American and Canadian doctors, the isolationism of American doctors in regard to their training, and the characteristics of North American medical education.

This study primarily deals with Stalin's nationalities policy before, during and after the World War II. In this context, first of all historical background of the nationality policy is mentioned and secondly the place of nationality policy within the framework of general character of Stalin regime is determined. It is our purpose to make some determinations both about the effects of Stalinism to the Soviet policies and the transformation progress of "homo-sovieticus" creation project to Russian chauvinist nationalism, especially by displaying the events happened during the Warld War II. Finally the study comes to an end with a very short analysis on the results of Stalin regime which lasted thirty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses facts related to consciousness chauvinism. It states that consciousness chauvinism is the view that only consciousness psychological states are intrinsically mental and the mentality of unconscious psychological states is derived from the authentic mentality that is immanent to consciousness. It adds that consciousness chauvinism are the two most remarkable characteristic of the mental, however, these two aspects which are related to one another remain a mystery. It highlights that by consciousness chauvinism, the author views that only conscious psychological states and processes are intrinsically mental.