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The article examines the symbolism of vegetal forms used in Catalan modernism at the turn of the 20th century. Catalan modernism was one of the artistic movements that widely used nature as a source of inspiration. Vegetal elements of decoration were not just aesthetic ornaments, they were filled with historical and cultural symbolism acquiring ideological value. Guided by the national ideals that were formed during the 19th century in the wake of the Renaixença, the artists of Catalan modernism created a symbolic universe. Vegetal ornamentation synthesised and visually conveyed the diversity of ideas of Catalanism, i.e., nationalism, tradition, heroic past and religious sentiment. It resulted in an iconographic program adapted to the distinctive features of Catalan society and, in particular, to the ideological background with which conservative Catalanists identified themselves.

The circumstances surrounding the call for a referendum on national independence in Catalonia in October 2017 led to high levels of collaboration between two, at first sight, unlikely partners: anarchists and Catalan independentists. Unlikely as this alliance may seem, it was well grounded on a number of factors: first of all, in the State response to the independentist challenge—the massive repression and the blockading of institutional channels to process nationalist demands pushed both movements closer in opposition to the central government; and secondly, in the prolonged interactions (in specific regions and industries) and engagement in joint solidarity activities between anarchists and segments of the Catalan left who had been influenced by the bottom‐up approach of the indignados movement. Finally, this collaboration was also rooted on a long history of mutual engagement between anarchism and sectors of Catalan nationalism that, while not unproblematic, provided deep roots to this dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the study of national symbols of Catalonia: their emergence and visual representation in the art of the 19th century. National symbolic system of Catalonia date back to the Renaixença movement in literature that initiated the formation of the Catalan language and literature. The scope and purpose of the article included an investigation of the works of the most prominent representatives of the Catalan national renaissance in order to identify the origins of the symbols they deploy. Consideration of symbols serves the purpose of defining the way national aspects get their visual representation. The method of historical typology was used to systematize the sources. Memoirs and publications in the press were analyzed with the textual method, and visual materials – with stylistic and iconic methods. Detailed research of the works of Renaixença has shown that Catalan cultural code initially emerged in poetry. In the second half of the 19th century, the symbols acquired visuality in fine art, namely paintings and visual design of the front pages of Catalan newspapers and magazines. The article provides a detailed account of selected examples of such visuals. At that time, Catalan intellectuals created works devoted to the history of Catalan-speaking lands, seeking to find roots that would picture the ancient nature of their motherland. They searched the archives and looked into medieval literature and folklore to prove the continuity of prosperous medieval Catalonia, part of the Kingdom of Aragon, and nineteenth-century Catalonia. Thinking over national history gave birth to national identity. At the same time history acquired a visual dimension. Churches, monasteries, memorable dates, leaders and thinkers that bore distinct national identity were visualized. Medieval plots penetrated art that tapped into heroic deeds of the past for inspiration. The spread of visual images helped bridge the gap between past and present. The newly acquired continuity of tradition strengthened the national narrative. The process enabled the national unity of the Catalan people with the central idea of an imaginary community of a nation-state.

La Verge de Montserrat is a statue of the Virgin Mary and her son found in Catalonia in the eleventh century in which both characters are depicted as "Black." This female figure occupies a particular position in current Catalonia since she is considered the patron saint of the country and constitutes one of the symbolic cornerstones of Catalan nationalism. Through the concept of "iconic path," this article tracks the formation and evolution of this image in Catalonia from its inception until the present day, bringing special attention to the roles and significances that it has acquired within the context of the current pro-independence movement. We also draw a comparison between the "lives" of this image in Catalonia and its development in other countries, namely Puerto Rico, Equatorial Guinea and Sardinia. In each of these places, the image of the goddess has been reinterpreted according to local viewpoints. Yet these conceptualizations are not fixed or homogeneous, but radically dynamic and problematic. The iconic paths of images diverge and converge across time giving birth to new creative exercises. Through this approach, our aim is to propose a relational and processual model for the study of religious images, and images in general, as historical objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of MARCO (Márketing y Comunicación Política) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to the selective exposure theory, individuals are exposed to the media based on their ideological orientations, and they seek messages that match their convictions. This paper proposes to expand the study of selective exposure beyond the left-right cleavage. It does so by exploring the importance of positions on the centre-periphery axis as predictors of media preferences through a logistic regression using data from the latest post-election survey conducted in Catalonia by the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research (CIS). The results underscore that there was a clear segmentation of audiences according to national identities: whereas citizens with nationalist inclinations preferred to consume Catalan media, non-nationalists preferred Spanish media. In addition, national identity was the most important explanatory factor for radio and television preferences, as opposed to the written press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the development of Wagnerism in late-nineteenth-century Spain, focusing on how it became an integral part of Catalan nationalism. The reception of Wagner's music and ideas in Spain was determined by the country's uneven economic development and the weakness of its musical and political institutions--the same weaknesses that were responsible for the rise of Catalan nationalism. Lack of a symphonic culture in Spain meant that audiences were not prepared to comprehend Wagner's complexity, but that same complexity made Wagner's ideas acceptable to Spanish reformers who saw in the composer an exemplar of the European ideas needed to fix Spanish problems. Thus, when Wagner's operas were first staged in Spain, the Teatro Real de Madrid stressed Wagner's continuity with operas of the past; however, critics and audiences engaged with the works as difficult forms of modern music. The rejection of Wagner in the Spanish capital cleared the way for his ideas to be adopted in Catalonia. A similar dynamic occurred as Spanish composers tried to meld Wagner into their attempts to build a nationalist school of opera composition. The failure of Tomás Bréton's Los amantes de Teruel and Garín cleared the way for Felip Pedrell's more successful theoretical fusion of Wagnerism and nationalism. While Pedrell's opera Els Pirineus was a failure, his explanation of how Wagner's ideals and nationalism could be fused in the treatise Por nuestra música cemented the link between Catalan culture and Wagnerism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 20th century, several outstanding Catalan politicians became famous after being judged in court. Their trial experience was crucial for the later development of their successful careers. Taking full advantage of the political nature of their court cases, all succeeded in presenting themselves as heroes and/or martyrs of the Catalan cause against Spanish governmental oppression. All subsequently became, or already were, presidents of Catalan autonomous rule: Enric Prat de la Riba, Francesc Macià, Lluís Companys and Jordi Pujol. With a comparative approach, the author attempts to show how politicians have used trials as a stage or as a public platform to gain popularity.

Catalans have belonged to composite monarchies, imperial constellations and nation states, and, as a result, have possessed multiple identities and allegiances throughout history. Catalan nationhood first emerged in the Middle Ages. Upon the Union of the crowns of Aragon and Castile in the late fifteenth century, educated Catalans also came to feel 'Spanish', understood as an overarching imperial identity consisting of a community of pure-blooded Catholics on both sides of the Atlantic. Following the loss of most of the American colonies in the early nineteenth century, Spanishness became increasingly regarded as a form of national identification. Various patrias or nationalities of the Iberian Peninsula shared customs, increasingly spoke a similar language, and consisted of citizens and subjects of the constitutional monarchy. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Catalans possessed dual identities - as Catalans and Spaniards - which proved mutually reinforcing. At the same time, ongoing and age-old rivalries between Catalans and Castilians over the direction of the state harboured the seeds from which a regionalist and ultimately an ambiguous nationalist movement would spring.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scotland is not the only sub-state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self-determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, the author attempts to realise two different and not completely complementary objectives. On the one hand, his intention is to familiarise readers with the dynamics of Catalan history over time, as well as with the ways in which Catalan historians in particular have helped to shape and determine Catalan nationalist discourse. On the other hand, the author has tried to question the obsessively political nature of both national and nationalist historiography, and the numerous contradictions involved, especially when the object of study is as imprecise as any political projection or desire.

This article aims to address how two specific national identities—Basque and Catalan—, enhanced by their nationalisms and by the Spanish democratization process, were able to materialize politically and legally in what is qualified as nation-autonomies. To analyze this case study we start covering the role of the nation-State and the relationship between the concepts of State and nation. It specially highlights the emergence of new political units, which the author classifies as nation-autonomies, which constitute a real challenge to the traditional concept of sovereignty, focusing the Spanish case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The independence movement in Catalonia is gaining momentum. As part of this push, pro-independence groups are attempting to replace the 'official' national hero Rafael Casanova with Josep Moragues. Both men fought in the War of the Spanish Succession, which saw Catalonia fall to a Bourbon army and lose its historic autonomy. Although neither man was actually fighting a separatist war, this article shows that Moragues can be reinterpreted as a symbol of Catalonia's past and future statehood, whereas Casanova is associated with its current position as an Autonomous Community, and therefore represents compromise rather than a fight for Catalan sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Museum of the History of Catalonia (MHC), opened in 1996, houses a permanent exhibition that takes the visitor through the story of Catalonia from pre-history to 1980, as well as temporary exhibitions. It was conceived as a political project with a clear nation-building function, devised by the ruling centre-right Catalanist coalition Convergència i Unió as a way of teaching Catalans a different version of their history from the one that had come to them from the Spanish state, especially under the Franco regime. The article analyses the structure and content of the Museum's permanent exhibition, as well as some of the debates that have surrounded it, in the light of work by Tony Bennett and others on the evolution of the role of museums in state- and nation-building since the nineteenth century. The analysis shows how the nationalist ideology of CiU shaped the design and functions of the MHC in the period up to 2003. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]