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This special issue on substance use issues comes at a critical time for Canadian health policy makers and researchers. Most attention is currently focussed on the opioid crisis and the potential impacts of cannabis legalization. However, our most widely used and harmful substances continue to be alcohol and nicotine. Our policies to reduce harms from these substances are failing. While alcohol control policies are being gradually abandoned, opportunities to maximize the harm reduction potential of new, alternative and safer nicotine delivery devices are not being grasped. More generally, a greater focus is needed on harm reduction strategies that are informed by the experience of marginalized people with severe substance use-related problems so as to not exacerbate health inequities. In order to better inform policy responses, we recommend innovative approaches to monitoring and surveillance that maximize the use of multiple data sources, such as those used in the Canadian Substance Use Costs and Harms (CSUCH) project. Greater attention to precision in defining patterns of risky use and harms is also needed to support policies that more accurately reflect and respond to actual levels of substance use-related harm in Canadian society.Ce numéro spécial sur les problèmes de consommation de substances paraît dans une période cruciale pour les responsables des politiques et pour les chercheurs canadiens en matière de santé. À l’heure actuelle, ce sont la crise des opioïdes et les répercussions possibles de la légalisation du cannabis qui retiennent le plus l’attention. Cependant, les substances les plus consommées et les plus nocives demeurent l’alcool et la nicotine. Les politiques visant à réduire les méfaits de ces substances ne suffisent pas : les politiques sur le contrôle de l’alcool sont progressivement abandonnées et on ne saisit pas les occasions de maximiser le potentiel de réduction des méfaits associé aux nouveaux dispositifs d’administration de nicotine plus sécuritaires. Plus généralement, il faut davantage cibler les stratégies de réduction des méfaits fondées sur l’expérience des personnes marginalisées ayant de graves problèmes de consommation de substances, de manière à ne pas aggraver les inégalités en matière de santé. Afin de mieux éclairer les interventions stratégiques, nous recommandons des approches novatrices de contrôle et de surveillance qui maximisent le recours à de multiples sources de données, comme celles utilisées dans le cadre du projet Coûts et méfaits de l’usage de substances au Canada (CEMUSC). Il faut également accorder une plus grande attention à la précision des définitions de ce qu’est une habitude de consommation à risque et un méfait, afin de favoriser l’adoption de politiques qui tiennent mieux compte des taux réels de méfaits liés à la consommation de substances dans la société canadienne et qui sont davantage capables de les contrer.Substance use in Canada cost $46 billion in 2017, with the great majority of these costs resulting from the use of tobacco and alcohol. Substance use-related costs, harms and rates of use have been increasing in Canada over the past decades for both legal and illegal substances, including those for cannabis. Canadian policies to address our most harmful substances, i.e. alcohol, cannabis and tobacco, are largely failing, despite significant opportunities to improve policies on pricing, taxation and marketing of legal substances. Canada's monitoring and surveillance efforts can be improved by developing more discerning measures of risk and maximizing the use of multiple data sources.Au Canada, la consommation de substances a coûté 46 milliards de dollars en 2017, la grande majorité de ces coûts découlant du tabagisme et de la consommation d’alcool. Au Canada, les taux de consommation de substances ainsi que les coûts et les méfaits connexes ont augmenté au cours des dernières décennies, que ce soit pour les substances légales ou illégales, en particulier le cannabis. Les politiques canadiennes en matière de lutte contre la consommation des substances les plus nocives, soit l’alcool, le cannabis et le tabac, sont en grande partie inefficaces, malgré d’importantes possibilités d’amélioration en matière de tarification, de taxation et de commercialisation des substances légales. Il est possible d’améliorer les efforts de contrôle et de surveillance au Canada en élaborant des mesures de risque bien pensées et en maximisant l’utilisation de multiples sources de données.

Background Over the past decade, rates of drug poisoning deaths have increased dramatically in Canada. Current evidence suggests that the non-medical use of synthetic opioids, stimulants and patterns of polysubstance use are major factors contributing to this increase. Methods Counts of substance poisoning deaths involving alcohol, opioids, other central nervous system (CNS) depressants, cocaine, and CNS stimulants excluding cocaine, were acquired from the Canadian Vital Statistics Death Database (CVSD) for the years 2014 to 2017. We used joinpoint regression analysis and the Cochrane-Armitage trend test for proportions to examine changes over time in crude mortality rates and proportions of poisoning deaths involving more than one substance. Results Between 2014 and 2017, the rate of substance poisoning deaths in Canada almost doubled from 6.4 to 11.5 deaths per 100,000 population (Average Annual Percent Change, AAPC: 23%, p Conclusions Increases in substance-related poisoning deaths between 2014 and 2017 were associated with polysubstance use. Increased co-use of stimulants with opioids is a key factor contributing to the epidemic of opioid deaths in Canada.

OBJECTIVE: Policy makers require evidence-based estimates of the economic costs of substance use-attributable lost productivity to set strategies aimed at reducing substance use-related harms. Building on a study by Rehm et al. (2006), we provide estimates of workplace costs using updated methods and data sources. METHODS: We estimated substance use-attributable productivity losses due to premature mortality, long-term disability, and presenteeism/absenteeism in Canada between 2007 and 2014. Lost productivity was estimated using a hybrid prevalence and incidence approach. Substance use prevalence data were drawn from three national self-report surveys. Premature mortality data were from the Canadian Vital Statistics Death Database, and long-term disability and workplace interference data were from the Canadian Community Health Survey. RESULTS: In 2014, the total cost of lost productivity due to substance use was $15.7 billion, or approximately $440 per Canadian, an increase of 8% from 2007. Substances responsible for the greatest economic costs were alcohol (38% of per capita costs), tobacco (37%), opioids (12%), other central nervous system (CNS) depressants (4%), other CNS stimulants (3%), cannabis (2%), cocaine (2%), and finally other psychoactive substances (2%). CONCLUSION: In 2014, alcohol and tobacco represent three quarters of substance use-related lost productivity costs in Canada, followed by opioids. These costs provide a valuable baseline that can be used to assess the impact of future substance use policy, practice, and other interventions, especially important given Canada’s opioid crisis and recent cannabis legalization. ELECTRONIC SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL: The online version of this article (10.17269/s41997-019-00271-8) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Alcohol minimum unit pricing is a strategy capable of reducing alcohol-related harm from cheap alcoholic beverages. We used the International Model of Alcohol Harms and Policies (InterMAHP), an open-access alcohol harms estimator and policy scenario modeler, to estimate the potential health benefits of introducing minimum unit pricing in Québec, Canada.Aggregated mortality and hospitalization data were obtained from official administrative sources. Alcohol sales and pricing data were obtained from the partial government retail monopoly and Nielsen. Exposure data were from the Canadian Substance Use Exposure Database. Average price changes under two minimum-unit-pricing scenarios were estimated by applying a product-level pricing analysis. The online InterMAHP tool was used to automate the estimation of observed alcohol-attributable harm and what was projected in each policy scenario.Alcohol was estimated to cause 2,850 deaths and 24,694 hospitalizations in Québec in 2014. Introducing minimum unit pricing of CAD$1.50 was estimated to reduce consumption by 4.4%, alcohol-attributable deaths by 5.9% (95% CI [0.2%, 11.7%]), and alcohol-attributable hospital stays by 8.4% (95% CI [3.2%, 13.7%]). Higher minimum unit pricing of CAD$1.75 was estimated to reduce alcohol-attributable deaths by 11.5% (95% CI [5.9%, 17.2%]) and alcohol-attributable hospital stays by 16.3% (95% CI [11.2%, 21.4%]).The results of this policy modeling study suggest that the introduction of minimum unit pricing between CAD$1.50 and $1.75 would substantially reduce the alcohol-caused burden of disease in Québec. The quantification of alcohol-caused death and disability, and the changes in these measures under two scenarios, was significantly automated by the open-access resource, InterMAHP.

Aims Building upon an existing methodology and conceptual framework for estimating the association between the use of substances and crime, we calculated attributable fractions that estimate the proportion of crimes explained by alcohol and six other categories of psychoactive substances. Design Cross-sectional surveys. Setting Canadian federal correctional institutions. Participants Canadian men (n = 27 803) and women (n = 1335) offenders who began serving a custodial sentence in a Canadian federal correctional institution between 2006 and 2016. Measurements Offenders completed the computerized assessment of substance abuse, a self-report tool designed to assess (1) whether the offence for which they were convicted would have occurred had they not been intoxicated from alcohol or another substance, (2) whether they committed the offence to support their alcohol or other substance use and (3) whether they were dependent on alcohol (alcohol dependence scale) or another substance (drug abuse screening test). Offences were grouped into four mutually exclusive categories: violent crimes, non-violent crimes, impaired driving and substance-defined crimes. This study focused on violent and non-violent crime categories. Substances assessed were: alcohol, cannabis, opioids, other central nervous system (CNS) depressants, cocaine, other CNS stimulants and other substances. Findings According to offender self-report, 42% of all violent and non-violent crime would probably not have occurred if the perpetrator had not been under the influence of, or seeking, alcohol or other substances. Between 2006 and 2016, 20% of violent crimes and 7% of non-violent crimes in Canada were considered attributable to alcohol. In contrast, all other psychoactive substance categories combined were associated with 26% of all violent crime and 25% of non-violent crime during the same time-frame. Conclusions Attributable fraction analyses show that more than 42% of Canadian crime resulting in a custodial sentence between 2006 and 2016 would probably not have occurred if the perpetrator had not been under the influence of or seeking alcohol or other drugs. Attributable fractions for alcohol and substance-related crime are a potentially useful resource for estimating the impact of alcohol and other substances on crime.

Alcohol's impact on global health is substantial and of a similar order of magnitude to that from COVID-19. Alcohol now also poses specific concerns, such as increased risk of severe lung infections, domestic violence, child abuse, depression and suicide. Its use is unlikely to aid physical distancing or other preventative behavioural measures. Globally, alcohol contributes to 20% of injury and 11.5% of non-injury emergency room presentations. We provide some broad comparisons between alcohol-attributable and COVID-19-related hospitalisations and deaths in North America using most recent data. For example, for Canada in 2017 it was recently estimated there were 105 065 alcohol-attributable hospitalisations which represent a substantially higher rate over time than the 10 521 COVID-19 hospitalisations reported during the first 5 months of the pandemic. Despite the current importance of protecting health-care services, most governments have deemed alcohol sales to be as essential as food, fuel and pharmaceuticals. In many countries, alcohol is now more readily available and affordable than ever before, a situation global alcohol producers benefit from and have helped engineer. We argue that to protect frontline health-care services and public health more generally, it is essential that modest, evidence-based restrictions on alcohol prices, availability and marketing are introduced. In particular, we recommend increases in excise taxation coupled with minimum unit pricing to both reduce impacts on health-care services and provide much-needed revenues for governments at this critical time.

Data regarding alcohol-caused health harms are required by policymakers for setting health priorities. However, these estimations are currently resource intensive, and estimates vary substantially by method. Thus, many countries, states, and regions do not track these harms. We address this limitation through creation of the International Model of Alcohol Harms and Policies (InterMAHP), an open-access alcohol harms estimator. InterMAHP consists of methodologies and program software designed to assist alcohol research teams in estimating alcohol-attributable mortality and morbidity, by region. It is available at www.intermahp.cisur.ca. Application is illustrated through updated estimates of alcohol-attributable mortality in Canada.Mortality counts and per capita alcohol sales were obtained from Statistics Canada. Drinking and bingeing prevalences were obtained from the Canadian Substance Use Exposure Database. InterMAHP automated the calculations of alcohol-attributable fractions (AAF) using the modern AAF formulation and a gamma distribution to specify the continuous prevalence distribution of consumption.Alcohol is a leading driver of mortality in Canada. In 2016, more than 14,800 (95% CI [12,435, 17,127]) deaths were alcohol attributable, representing 5.5% of all deaths. This burden is borne disproportionately by men (79%). Among condition categories, cancer is the leading cause of alcohol-attributable mortality in both men and women.InterMAHP has the potential to assist public health researchers globally in estimating alcohol harms. This open-access software was used to estimate alcohol-attributable mortality in Canada, which was shown to be substantial. Policies proven to reduce alcohol consumption and related harms should be considered to reduce this burden.

This summary article compares government revenue from the sale and distribution of alcohol to the societal costs caused by alcohol use for the year 2014. Statistics Canada data reported government revenue of $10.9 billion; however, this was offset by net societal costs of $14.6 billion, as reported by Canada's national substance use surveillance system, the Canadian Substance Use Costs and Harms project. The societal costs include health care, economic loss of production, criminal justice and other direct costs. Though revenue from alcohol sales has been described as a benefit to public coffers, accounting that includes costs incurred shows that all provinces and territories in Canada are running an alcohol deficit, totalling $3.7 billion nationally.Cet aperçu offre une comparaison entre les recettes publiques provenant de la vente et de la distribution d’alcool et les coûts pour la société associés à la consommation d’alcool, et ce, pour l’année 2014. Les données de Statistique Canada font état de recettes publiques de 10,9 milliards de dollars. Toutefois, ce montant est contrebalancé par des coûts nets pour la société de 14,6 milliards de dollars, comme le rapporte le projet Coûts et méfaits de l’usage de substances au Canada, un projet de surveillance nationale de la consommation de substances. Les coûts pour la société sont constitués des soins de santé, de la perte de productivité économique, de la justice pénale et de divers autres coûts directs. Bien que les recettes de vente d’alcool soient considérées comme un avantage pour les coffres de l’État, une comptabilisation tenant compte des coûts engagés montre que les provinces et les territoires du Canada subissent plutôt un déficit associé à l’alcool, pour un total de 3,7 milliards de dollars à l’échelle nationale.Canada runs an alcohol deficit of $3.7 billion per year, when accounting considers both government revenue and societal costs from established sources. Government revenue totalled $10.9 billion in 2014, but this was more than offset by societal costs of $14.6 billion, as reported by the Canadian Substance Use Costs and Harms project. Societal costs include health care, lost productivity, criminal justice and other direct costs. Among provinces and on a per capita basis, Alberta had the lowest government revenue and the highest alcohol deficit.Le Canada subit un déficit associé à l’alcool d’environ 3,7 milliards de dollars par année si on comptabilise à la fois les recettes publiques et les coûts pour la société provenant de sources établies. Les recettes publiques étaient de 10,9 milliards de dollars en 2014, mais ce montant a été plus que contrebalancé par des coûts pour la société de 14,6 milliards de dollars, comme le rapporte le projet Coûts et méfaits de l’usage de substances au Canada. Les coûts pour la société sont constitués des soins de santé, de la perte de productivité, de la justice pénale et de divers autres coûts directs. Au sein des provinces, et sur la base d’un calcul par habitant, c’est en Alberta que les recettes publiques sont les plus faibles et que le déficit associé à l’alcool a été le plus élevé.

Aim To establish whether the population-level pattern of cannabis use by quantity is similar to the distributions previously reported for alcohol, in which a small subset of drinkers accounts for a majority of total population alcohol consumption. Method The current study pooled Waves 1–3 of the 2018 National Cannabis Survey (n = 18,900; 2584 past-three-month cannabis users), a set of stratified, population-based surveys designed to assess cannabis consumption and related behaviors in Canada. Each survey systematically measured self-reported cannabis consumption by quantity across seven of the major cannabis-product types. In order to enable the conversion of self-reported consumption of non-flower cannabis products into a standard joint equivalent (SJE: equal to 0.5 g of dried cannabis), we created conversion metrics for physical production equivalencies across cannabis products. Results Similar to the findings in the alcohol literature, study results show that cannabis consumption is highly concentrated in a small subset of users: the upper 10% of cannabis users accounted for approximately two-thirds of all cannabis consumed in the country. Males reported consuming more cannabis by volume than females (approximately 60% versus 40%), with young males (15–34 years old) being disproportionately represented in the heaviest-using subgroups. Conclusions Most of the cannabis used in Canada is consumed by a relatively small population of very heavy cannabis users. Future research should attempt to identify the characteristics of the heaviest-using groups, as well as how population-level cannabis consumption patterns relate to the calculus of cannabis-related harms in society.

The existence and potential level of cardioprotection from alcohol use is contested in alcohol studies. Assumptions regarding the risk relationship between alcohol use and ischaemic heart disease (IHD) are critical when providing advice for national drinking guidelines and for designing alcohol harm monitoring systems. We use three meta-analyses regarding alcohol use and IHD risk to investigate how varying assumptions lead to differential estimates of alcohol-attributable (AA) deaths and weighted relative risk (RR) functions, in Australia and Canada. Alcohol exposure and mortality data were acquired from administrative sources and AA fractions were calculated using the International Model of Alcohol Harms and Policies. We then customized a recent Global Burden of Disease (GBD) analysis to inform drinking guidelines internationally. Australians drink slightly more than Canadians, per person, but are also more likely to identify as lifetime abstainers. Cardioprotective scenarios resulted in substantial differences in estimates of net AA deaths in Australia (between 2933 and 4570) and Canada (between 5179 and 8024), using GBD risk functions for all other alcohol-related conditions. Country-specific weighted RR functions were analyzed to provide advice toward drinking guidelines: Minimum risk was achieved at or below alcohol use levels of 10 g/day ethanol, depending on scenario. Consumption levels resulting in &lsquo, no added&rsquo, risk from drinking were found to be between 10 and 15 g/day, by country, gender, and scenario. These recommendations are lower than current guidelines in Australia, Canada, and some other high-income countries: These guidelines may be in need of downward revision.