Search

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the practice of digital self-tracking. Researchers have drawn attention to who self-tracks, why people self-track, and what it feels like to se...

This paper explores the rise of fertility apps and what data-sharing in this arena can mean for app users. The paper offers a brief background of some available fertility apps, how they work and wh...

The widespread use of Fitbits, Garmins and Apple Watches is emblematic of the ‘Quantified Self’ (QS) movement, where participants utilise digital self-tracking devices to generate a broad range of ...

Chapter 11 addresses a crossover domain in which images and artifacts co-exist in surveillance. It turns the question of visibility around: not just what we see, but how we are seen, including how we are constituted through various gazes. While most analyses of surveillance look to technology and security, this chapter explores the “culture of surveillance,” in which surveillance is an interactive practice of social-ordering and world-ordering. It traces the politics of surveillance through an analysis of historical and social trends in China and Euro-America: the pre-modern society of sovereignty, the modern society of discipline, and the contemporary networked society of control. It thus compares how surveillance provokes censorship, self-discipline, and creative social-ordering. Chapter 11 concludes that these are political rather than technical or cultural issues, and that they pose problems for both democratic societies and authoritarian states. It thus uses non-Western concepts and experiences to explore the sensible politics of visual artifacts.

The rise of fitness-tracking devices such as the Fitbit in personal health and wellness is emblematic of the use of data-gathering health and fitness technologies by institutions to create a surveillance regime. Using postings on Fitbit community message boards and the theoretical frames of Michel Foucault and sociomaterialist scholars, the goal of this article is to analyse the experiences of those who choose to self-track using a Fitbit and the constellation of barriers and facilitators (human and non-human) related to social class and gender that enable and constrain one’s ability to use a Fitbit as intended. First, we examine the social class assumptions of Fitbit as a risk management tool in the workplace, illustrating what elements must come together – both human and non-human – to create an environment that enables walking throughout the workday to combat the risks of sedentary work. Second, we explore the ways that Fitbit users ‘confessed’ to their past inactivity and how gendered home labour differently enables and constrains some of the users’ abilities to act on their confessions. Ultimately, one’s ability to engage in the idealized use of the Fitbit in the minds of its users, or what we term the ‘Fitbit subject assemblage’, is structured by numerous material and social factors that must be taken into account when examining the mechanics of power in fitness tracking.

© The author(s), 2019. The emergence and proliferation of smart sensor technologies has enabled the self-tracking of everyday life in an unprecedented manner as the logic of quantification and datafication extends to diverse aspects of life, including education, work, and healthcare. This development is epitomized by the numerous corporate wellness programs that are based on the use of self-tracking tools. Faced with increased competition, Fitbit, one of the most popular brands in wearable self-tracking devices, recently launched the Fitbit Care platform. Its aim is to establish itself as the leading actor in employee corporate wellness programs by providing comprehensive offerings that include self-tracking tools, apps, digital interventions, and personalized health coaching. Focusing on the Fitbit Care platform, this paper examines the intersection of self-surveillance, corporate wellness, and healthcare, highlighting the socioeconomic inequalities propagated by the ideology of dataism that privileges those who are able to engage in activities that generate desirable data.

This paper utilises Foucault's theory of disciplinary power and concepts of surveillance, regulation and technologies of the self. The concepts are used to explore practices that we associate with the notion of swimmers ‘living by fat numbers' during their competitive swimming careers as adolescents and post-career as adult women. Extracts from narrative accounts generated via in-depth interviews are presented and analysed utilising some Foucauldian concepts relating to power and surveillance. The paper illustrates the ways in which fat, weight and food numbers are a focus of surveillance and regulation by others and by swimmers themselves. Particular thinking and practices relating to the body, weight, food and performance are shown to become embedded, accepted and normalised within a sporting culture and be sustained beyond it some 10–30 years on. The paper raises issues for those within and beyond sporting cultures to engage with; relating to the enduring long-term impact of the normalisation of body p...

Motor vehicles are widely used, quite valuable, and often targeted for theft. Preventive measures include car alarms, proximity control, and physical locks, which can be bypassed if the car is left unlocked, or if the thief obtains the keys. Reactive strategies like cameras, motion detectors, human patrolling, and GPS tracking can monitor a vehicle, but may not detect car thefts in a timely manner. We propose a fast automatic driver recognition system that identifies unauthorized drivers while overcoming the drawbacks of previous approaches. We factor drivers' trips into elemental driving events, from which we extract their driving preference features that cannot be exactly reproduced by a thief driving away in the stolen car. We performed real world evaluation using the driving data collected from 31 volunteers. Experiment results show we can distinguish the current driver as the owner with 97% accuracy, while preventing impersonation 91% of the time.

In early 2009 the British tabloid and broadsheet media were consumed with the impending death of reality TV star Jade Goody. Goody, an under-educated working-class girl transformed into a media personality by UK's Big Brother, had already been at the centre of two major media controversies: one in 2002 for her tabloid vilification and recuperation during Big Brother 3 and again in 2007 for using racist language against a housemate on Celebrity Big Brother. Her medical diagnosis of advanced cervical cancer, however, shifted the controversy in terms of magnitude: filming a reality TV show for Living TV during her treatment and rapid decline, Goody was accused of ‘selling her illness’ to the media and even of intending to die on television, the ultimate taboo. These programmes were widely reviled by commentators as the nadir in Goody's mutually exploitative relationship with celebrity media, but we argue that the Jade series is a structurally groundbreaking programme in which real time and television time be...

Digital technologies have given rise to increased occurrences of self-surveillance and forms of ‘virtual vigilantism’. This has progressed from key moments such as the video recording of the Rodney King incident, to recording human rights abuses, to citizen grassroots surveillance. From this has emerged the phenomenon known as citizen journalism where recent urban crises have been recorded on mobile phones by the individuals involved. Also on the increase are forms of mob vigilantism, or ‘participatory panopticon’; examples here include phone images spread over the Internet as severe forms of ‘community punishment’. I argue that these unmediated forms of bottom-up surveillance – sousveillance – show the early signs of a new type of civil responsibility that stands unregulated and without restraint. This paper addresses the issues of increased individualised self-surveillance and asks whether this is the consequence of a personalised resistance to an ever increasing surveillance society.

DOE G 413.3-10A, Section 3.a states: “The Contractor has primary responsibility for implementing and maintaining a surveillance program to ensure continued compliance of the system with ANSI/EIA-748B. DOE O 413.3B requires the FPD to ensure the contractor conducts a Self-Surveillance annually. This annual Self-Surveillance,…should cover all 32 guidelines of the ANSI/EIA748B. Documentation of the Self-Surveillance is sent to the CO and the PMSO (copy to OECM) confirming the continued compliance of their EVMS ANSI/EIA748B...” This review, and the associated report, is deemed to satisfy this requirement.

Although no study has definitively shown that unfocused screening of skin cancer is effective, many campaigns have been organized with the aim of increasing awareness on melanoma risk factors. The objective of this study was to analyse the results of the Skin Cancer Screening Day in Italy during the period 2005-2007, to determine the priorities for melanoma control plans in a Mediterranean country. A total of 5002 patients were screened by dermatologists in 31 cities. Individuals who considered themselves to have many naevi and those with a family history of melanoma showed a higher number of common and atypical naevi. Ten melanomas, 20 basal cell carcinomas and two squamous cell carcinomas were histopathologically confirmed. Our observations provide the following suggestions for melanoma prevention strategies: (a) an unfocused campaign is suitable to inform the public about the importance of self-examination of the skin, but is not useful to identify a larger number of melanomas; and (b) melanoma screening campaigns should focus on a selected population, which meets rigorous risk criteria to maintain higher cost-effectiveness. The financial support to effective melanoma screening programmes could be increased, especially in southern populations where lower levels of self-surveillance and socioeconomic conditions represent risk factors for late identification of melanoma.

We often see the government or the corporation as the greatest threat to information privacy. But due to a nascent data practice called “self-surveillance,” the greatest threat may actually come from ourselves. Using various existing and emerging technologies, such as GPS-enabled smartphones, we are beginning voluntarily to measure ourselves in granular detail - how long we sleep, where we go, what we breathe, what we eat, how we spend our time. And we are storing these data casually in the “cloud,” and giving third-parties broad access. This practice of self-surveillance will decrease information privacy in troubling ways. To counter this trend, we recommend the creation of the Personal Data Guardian, a new professional who manages Personal Data Vaults, which are repositories for self-surveillance data.

It has become cliche to observe that new information technologies endanger privacy. Typically, the threat is viewed as coming from Big Brother (the government) or Company Man (the firm). But for a nascent data practice we call "self-surveillance," the threat may actually come from ourselves. Using various existing and emerging technologies, such as GPS-enabled smartphones, we are beginning to measure ourselves in granular detail - how long we sleep, where we drive, what we breathe, what we eat, how we spend our time. And we are storing these data casually, perhaps promiscuously, somewhere in the "cloud," and giving third-parties broad access. This data practice of self-surveillance will decrease information privacy in troubling ways. To counter this trend, we recommend the creation of the Privacy Data Guardian, a new profession that manages Privacy Data Vaults, which are repositories for self-surveillance data. In Part I, we describe the emerging data practice of self-surveillance, which has been enabled by various new measurement and communication technologies. We explain how self-surveillance can produce substantial benefits to both the individual and society, in both intrinsic and instrumental terms. Unfortunately, such benefits may never be achieved without substantial privacy costs. Part II makes threshold clarifications about those privacy costs. It proffers two different metrics by which privacy might be measured and explains why the rise of self-surveillance will entail the net loss of privacy under either metric. We also point out that the problem of self-surveillance (our surveilling us) is, fortunately, more tractable than related privacy problems, such as third-party surveillance of us and our surveillance of third-parties. Having cleared this brush, we turn to our central proposal - the creation of the Personal Data Guardian, a professional whose job it is to maintain a client’s self-surveillance data in a Personal Data Vault. In addition to providing technical specifications of this approach, we outline the specific legal relations, which include a fiduciary relationship, between client and Guardian. In addition, we recommend the creation of an evidentiary privilege, similar to a trade secret privilege, that protects self-surveillance data held by a licensed Guardian. Finally, Part IV answers objections that our solution is implausible or useless. We conclude by pointing out that various legal, technological, and self-regulatory attempts at safeguarding privacy from new digital, interconnected technologies have not been particularly successful. Before self-surveillance becomes a widespread practice, some new innovation is needed. In our view, that innovation is a new "species," the Personal Data Guardian, created through a fusion of law and technology and released into the current information ecosystem.

This article explores disciplining effects of current anti-doping surveillance systems on the health consequences of non-elites’ daily behaviors and habits. As they are left out of direct anti-doping testing and enforcement, it is tempting to argue non-elites are unaffected by anti-doping efforts focused on the elite level of their sport. However, it is because they are not subject to anti-doping surveillance systems nor forced to comply with anti-doping regulations that non-elites are implicated within the wider arena of disciplinary power that envelops both elite and non-elite athletes and anti-doping agencies (Foucault 1979). Drawing on data from 28 interviews with non-elite runners I argue these runners do conform to the rules and norms of their sport as far as they understand them, but their knowledge of banned substances is inadequate and many non-elite runners have only a superficial and sometimes incorrect understanding of doping. Many view doping and its associated health risks as a problem only of elite running, as well as a problem limited to only a handful of widely publicized performance enhancing drugs or doping methods. As a result of these misunderstandings non-elite runners are vulnerable to negative health effects of over the counter (OTC) medications and nutritional supplements, which they view as “safe” and part of normal training as a result of the current elite surveillance model of anti-doping. The recent death of a non-elite marathon runner linked to use of the unregulated energy supplement DMAA demonstrates, questionable products are used by runners who may not be fully aware of the risks of use.

Histories of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century medicine emphasise the rise of professional and scientific authority, and suggest a decline in domestic health initiatives. Exploring the example of weight management in Britain, we argue that domestic agency persisted and that new regimes of measurement and weighing were adapted to personal and familial preferences as they entered the household. Drawing on print sources and objects ranging from prescriptive literature to postcards and ‘personal weighing machines’, the article examines changing practices of self-management as cultural norms initially dictated by ideals of body shape and function gradually incorporated quantified targets. In the twentieth century, the domestic management of health—like the medical management of illness—was increasingly technologised and re-focused on quantitative indicators of ‘normal’ or ‘pathological’ embodiment. We ask: in relation to weight, how did quantification permeate the household, and what did this domestication of bodily surveillance mean to lay users?