Search

Background Substantial evidence supports community health workers' (CHWs) contributions to improving health and reducing inequities. Common evaluation indicators can strengthen the evidence base and support the profession. Objectives We describe the development of a 6-year community-academic partnership to identify common CHW process and outcome indicators. Methods Methods include interviews, focus groups and a survey conducted in Michigan, a Summit in Oregon, consultations at national conferences, and regular conference calls. Results Using popular education as a primary strategy, we have honed our original goal, identified a set of 20 recommended constructs, developed a national constituency with international connections, and obtained dedicated funding. Conclusions Participatory identification, development, and uptake of a set of common indicators (CI) for CHW practice will allow data to be aggregated at multiple levels, potentially leading to more sustainable financing of CHW programs. Given that measurement drives practice, a set of common CHW indicators can help to preserve the flexibility and integrity of the CHW role.

Of the millions of Community Health Workers (CHWs) serving their communities across the world, there are approximately twice as many female CHWs as there are male. Hiring women has in many cases become an ethical expectation, in part because working as a CHW is often seen as empowering the CHW herself to enact positive change in her community. This article draws on interviews, participant observation, document review and a survey carried out in rural Amhara, Ethiopia from 2013 to 2016 to explore discourses and experiences of empowerment among unpaid female CHWs in Ethiopia’s Women’s Development Army (WDA). This programme was designed to encourage women to leave the house and gain decision-making power vis-à-vis their husbands—and to use this power to achieve specific, state-mandated, domestically centred goals. Some women discovered new opportunities for mobility and self-actualization through this work, and some made positive contributions to the health system. At the same time, by design, women in the WDA had limited ability to exercise political power or gain authority within the structures that employed them, and they were taken away from tending to their individual work demands without compensation. The official rhetoric of the WDA—that women’s empowerment can happen by rearranging village-level social relations, without offering poor women opportunities like paid employment, job advancement or the ability to shape government policy—allowed the Ethiopian government and its donors to pursue ‘empowerment’ without investments in pay for lower-level health workers, or fundamental freedoms introduced into state-society relations.

The 2010 Affordable Care Act provided new impetus and funding opportunities for state Medicaid agencies to integrate community health workers (CHWs) into their health systems. Community health workers are trusted community members who participate in training so they can promote health in their own communities. This qualitative study shares lessons and strategies from Oregon's early efforts to integrate CHWs into Medicaid with concomitant financing, policy, and infrastructure issues. Key informant interviews were conducted with 16 Coordinated care organizations (CCO) and analyzed using an iterative, immersion-crystallization approach. Coordinated care organizations found CHW integration a supportive factor for Medicaid-enrolled members navigating health and social services, educating members about disease conditions, and facilitating member engagement in primary care. Barriers to CHW integration included a lack of understanding about CHW roles and their benefits to health systems, as well as a need for more intensive guidance and support on financing and integrating CHW services.

IntroductionWater fetching for household needs can cause injury, but documentation of the burden of harm globally has been limited. We described the frequency, characteristics and correlates of water-fetching injuries in 24 sites in 21 low-income and middle-income countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean.MethodsIn a survey of 6291 randomly selected households, respondents reported whether and how they had experienced water-fetching injuries. Responses were coded for injury type, mechanism, bodily location and physical context. We then identified correlates of injury using a multilevel, mixed-effects logistic regression model.ResultsThirteen per cent of respondents reported at least one water-fetching injury. Of 879 injuries, fractures and dislocations were the most commonly specified type (29.2%), and falls were the most commonly specified mechanism (76.4%). Where specified, 61.1% of injuries occurred to the lower limbs, and dangerous terrain (69.4%) was the most frequently reported context. Significant correlates included being female (aOR=1.50, 95% CI 1.15 to 1.96); rural (aOR=4.80, 95% CI 2.83 to 8.15) or periurban residence (aOR=2.75, 95% CI 1.64 to 4.60); higher household water insecurity scores (aOR=1.09, 95% CI 1.07 to 1.10) and reliance on surface water (aOR=1.97, 95% CI 1.21 to 3.22) or off-premise water sources that required queueing (aOR=1.72, 95% CI 1.19 to 2.49).ConclusionThese data suggest that water-fetching injuries are an underappreciated and largely unmeasured public health challenge. We offer guidelines for comprehensive data collection on injuries to better capture the true burden of inadequate water access. Such data can guide the design of interventions to reduce injury risk and promote equitable water access solutions.

Many of medical anthropology's most pressing research questions require an understanding how infections, money, and ideas move around the globe. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) is a $9 billion project that has delivered 20 billion doses of oral polio vaccine in campaigns across the world. With its array of global activities, it cannot be comprehensively explored by the traditional anthropological method of research at one field site. This article describes an ethnographic study of the GPEI, a collaborative effort between researchers at eight sites in seven countries. We developed a methodology grounded in nuanced understandings of local context but structured to allow analysis of global trends. Here, we examine polio vaccine acceptance and refusal to understand how global phenomena-in this case, policy decisions by donors and global health organizations to support vaccination campaigns rather than building health systems-shape local behavior.

Water sharing offers insight into the everyday and, at times, invisible ties that bind people and households with water and to one another. Water sharing can take many forms, including so-called “pure gifts,” balanced exchanges, and negative reciprocity. In this paper, we examine water sharing between households as a culturally-embedded practice that may be both need-based and symbolically meaningful. Drawing on a wide-ranging review of diverse literatures, we describe how households practice water sharing cross-culturally in the context of four livelihood strategies (hunter-gatherer, pastoralist, agricultural, and urban). We then explore how cross-cutting material conditions (risks and costs/benefits, infrastructure and technologies), socio-economic processes (social and political power, water entitlements, ethnicity and gender, territorial sovereignty), and cultural norms (moral economies of water, water ontologies, and religious beliefs) shape water sharing practices. Finally, we identify five new directions for future research on water sharing: conceptualization of water sharing; exploitation and status accumulation through water sharing, biocultural approaches to the health risks and benefits of water sharing, cultural meanings and socio-economic values of waters shared; and water sharing as a way to enact resistance and build alternative economies.

Background Many Community Health Workers (CHWs) experience the same socioeconomic and health needs as their neighbors, given that they are by definition part of their communities. Yet very few studies aim to measure and characterize experiences of deprivation, poverty, and wellbeing among community health workers. This study quantitatively examines deprivation and wellbeing in Ethiopia’s Women’s Development Army (WDA), a massive unpaid community health workforce intended to improve population health and modernize the country. Methods We conducted a survey of 422 volunteer WDA leaders and community members in rural Amhara state, part of a mixed-methods ethnographic study of the experiences of women in the WDA. The survey asked a variety of questions about respondents’ demographics, education, assets, and access to government services. We also used survey measures to evaluate respondents’ levels of household food and water security, stressful life events, social support, work burden, and psychological distress. Results Volunteer WDA leaders and community members alike tend to have very low levels of schooling and household assets, and to be heavily burdened with daily work in several domains. Large proportions are food and water insecure, many are in debt, and many experience stretches of time with no money at all. Our survey also revealed differences between volunteer WDA leaders and other women that warrant attention. Leaders are less likely to be married and more likely to be divorced or separated. Leaders are also more likely to experience some aspects of food insecurity and report greater levels of psychological distress and more stressful life events. They also report slightly less social support than other women. Conclusions In rural Amhara, women who seek out and/or are sought and recruited for leader roles in the WDA are a population living in precarity. In several domains, they experience even more hardship than their neighbors. These findings highlight a need for careful attention and further research into processes of volunteer CHW selection, and to determine whether or not volunteering for CHW programs increases socioeconomic and health risks among volunteers. CHW programs in settings of poverty should stop using unpaid labor and seek to create more paid CHW jobs.

Creating community health worker jobs in the public sector is a prominent goal in the global health development industry. According to industry leaders, Ethiopia’s government has created community health worker jobs at a scale and in a way that other countries can look to as a model. Based on extensive document review and interviews with district, national, and international health officials, we show that narratives about saving lives, empowering women, and creating model citizens in a context of resource scarcity allow Ethiopia’s ruling party to obtain international admiration for creating salaried community health worker jobs and to simultaneously avoid criticisms of its concurrent use of unpaid women’s community health labor. Public sector community health worker investments in the twenty-first century reveal the layered narratives inherent in global development practices that entangle states, international donors, NGOs, and citizens.

In this article, we use semistructured interviews and documents produced by Ethiopian government officials and international health donors to examine two key features of the nation's community health worker (CHW) program: (1) the process and criteria of selecting community health workers; and (2) policies, rhetoric, and experiences of payment and empowerment. We examine these from the varied perspectives of district health officials, Health Extension Workers, and leaders and members within Ethiopia's so-called Women's Development Army, whom we interviewed during 2012–14. According to national policymakers and policy documents, the goals of the Women's Development Army are twofold: first, to reduce mortality and second, to produce “model” women, who discipline themselves and their neighbors to enact healthy behaviors. The Army is supposed to simultaneously “empower” these women to be more autonomous from husbands and more active in development-oriented work. Yet one of the key criteria sought by district-level health officials—willingness to “accept what we teach them and implement what we tell them”—highlights that Army leaders are to remain subordinate to government health officials. Many female members of the Women's Development Army expressed ambivalence about their selection, particularly as the position was unpaid. Some questioned why women were expected to volunteer when men had previously been paid to do similar work. These data emphasize the differences in goals, aims, and experiences among various actors involved in CHW programs, and the need for researchers to address whether or not respondents are comfortable to express perspectives that might question dominant goals and discourses.

Major global health institutions, public and private, currently see community health workers (CHWs) as crucial resources. But the daily experiences and complex motives of CHWs, as well as their concerns and criticisms, remain poorly understood by the institutions that promote their value and draw on their labor. Donors, states, NGOs, and other public health institutions often approach the motivations and performance of CHWs as problems that can be solved with a mix of psychological, economic, and management theories; novel incentive packages and supervisory structures; and surveys, interviews, and randomized controlled trials. This special issue shifts the goal toward documenting power inequalities, labor relations, and interactions among CHWs, donors, health officials, supervisors, and care recipients. The articles in this issue offer valuable ethnographic accounts of CHWs in 21st-century Africa, Latin America, and Asia, and deliver a clear message: CHWs participate in important relationships and politics, seeking change in their own job conditions and roles, and other social, political, and economic changes. These forms of “participation” are variable, evolving, and shaped by unique local histories as well as transnational policies and norms. The articles here aim to demonstrate that ethnography and mixed methods can help bring about improvements in policy and practice by explaining and interpreting CHW practices and governance and by encouraging global health actors to treat CHWs not as magic bullets or human resources, but as people with multiple skills, desires, and perspectives.

This article analyzes community health workers’ (CHW) capacities for empathic service within an AIDS treatment program in Addis Ababa. I show how CHWs’ capacities to build relationships with stigmatized people, reconcile family disputes, and confront death draw on a constellation of values, desires, and emotions encouraged by CHWs’ families and religious teachings. I then examine the ways in which the capacities of CHWs were valued by the institutions that deployed them. NGO and government officials recognized that empathic care was crucial to both saving and improving the quality of people's lives. These institutional actors also defended a policy of not financially remunerating CHWs, partly by constructing their capacities as so valuable that they become “priceless” and therefore only remunerable with immaterial satisfaction. Positive change within CHW programs requires ethnographic analysis of how CHWs exercise capacities for empathic care as well as consideration of how global health institutions value these capacities.

Many actors in global health are concerned with improving community health worker (CHW) policy and practice to achieve universal health care. Ethnographic research can play an important role in providing information critical to the formation of effective CHW programs, by elucidating the life histories that shape CHWs’ desires for alleviation of their own and others’ economic and health challenges, and by addressing the working relationships that exist among CHWs, intended beneficiaries, and health officials. We briefly discuss ethnographic research with 3 groups of CHWs: volunteers involved in HIV/AIDS care and treatment support in Ethiopia and Mozambique and Lady Health Workers in Pakistan. We call for a broader application of ethnographic research to inform working relationships among CHWs, communities, and health institutions.

Based on ethnographic research in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, this paper describes NGO efforts to encourage AIDS care volunteers to eschew material returns for their labor and instead reflect on the goodness of sacrificing to promote the survival of people living with HIV/AIDS. Consensus analysis of motivational survey data collected from a sample of AIDS care volunteers (n=110) suggests that they strongly share a sacrificial and prosocial motivational model. These results may be explained by several factors, including the efforts of the organizations to shape volunteers’ motivations, the self-selection of volunteers, positive reinforcement in seeing one’s patients become healthy, and social desirability bias. In-depth interviews examining the motivations and behaviors of volunteers reveal a more complicated picture: even ostensibly devoted and altruistic volunteers strongly question their service commitments. The complexity and ambivalence of volunteers’ motivations reflect the profound uncertainty that they face in achieving improved socioeconomic status for themselves and their families amid widespread unemployment and sharply rising food prices. Their desires for economic opportunities explain why local NGOs exert so much effort to shape and sustain—and yet fail to completely control—their motivations. This recasts economically-insecure volunteers’ consent to donate their labor as a process of negotiation with their organizers. Future research should explore how models of health care volunteerism and volunteer motivations are shaped by individual and collective experiences in political-economic context.

Jackson (2005) raised a number of issues in her response to Armelagos' commentary on the Slavery Hypertension Hypothesis. Armelagos focused on the lack of evidence for a genetic bottleneck that predisposes the descendents of the survivors of the Middle Passage and enslavement to hypertension. He was critical of the acceptance of the Hypothesis without scientific evidence to support it. Armelagos suggested that examining contemporary biocultural processes would be a more profitable approach to understanding hypertension among African Americans. Jackson has argued that genetic admixture and the up-regulation of germ line genetic variability induced by environmental stressors have partly diluted a putative genetic bottleneck associated with selection pressures during the Middle Passage and enslavement. Specifically, we suggest that stress-induced physiological changes during gestation can affect kidney development leading to hypertension, and that psychosocial factors suggested by Dressler and coworkers contribute to hypertension as a health disparity.

BACKGROUND: After 2 decades of focused efforts to eradicate polio, the impact of eradication activities on health systems continues to be controversial. This study evaluated the impact of polio eradication activities on routine immunization (RI) and primary healthcare (PHC). METHODS: Quantitative analysis assessed the effects of polio eradication campaigns on RI and maternal healthcare coverage. A systematic qualitative analysis in 7 countries in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa assessed impacts of polio eradication activities on key health system functions, using data from interviews, participant observation, and document review. RESULTS: Our quantitative analysis did not find compelling evidence of widespread and significant effects of polio eradication campaigns, either positive or negative, on measures of RI and maternal healthcare. Our qualitative analysis revealed context-specific positive impacts of polio eradication activities in many of our case studies, particularly disease surveillance and cold chain strengthening. These impacts were dependent on the initiative of policy makers. Negative impacts, including service interruption and public dissatisfaction, were observed primarily in districts with many campaigns per year. CONCLUSIONS: Polio eradication activities can provide support for RI and PHC, but many opportunities to do so remain missed. Increased commitment to scaling up best practices could lead to significant positive impacts.

The problem of severe shortages in global health workforces is addressed in many places by using community volunteers. Whether it is unjust and/or unsustainable to rely on volunteerism in low-income set-tings, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, has become a major concern for a widen-ing group of researchers and community health practitioners, particularly in the wake of the 2008 food and financial crises.The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that “essential health services cannot be provided by people working on a voluntary basis if they are to be sustainable. While volun-teers can make a valuable contribution on a short-term or part-time basis, trained health workers…should receive adequate wages and/or other appropriate and com-mensurate incentives”.

Many global health practitioners are currently reaffirming the importance of recruiting and retaining effective community health workers (CHWs) in order to achieve major public health goals. This raises policy-relevant questions about why people become and remain CHWs. This paper addresses these questions, drawing on ethnographic work in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, between 2006 and 2009, and in Chimoio, a provincial town in central Mozambique, between 2003 and 2010. Participant observation and in-depth interviews were used to understand the life histories that lead people to become CHWs, their relationships with intended beneficiaries after becoming CHWs, and their social and economic aspirations. People in Ethiopia and Mozambique have faced similar political and economic challenges in the last few decades, involving war, structural adjustment, and food price inflation. Results suggest that these challenges, as well as the socio-moral values that people come to uphold through the example of parents and religious communities, influence why and how men and women become CHWs. Relationships with intended beneficiaries strongly influence why people remain CHWs, and why some may come to experience frustration and distress. There are complex reasons why CHWs come to seek greater compensation, including desires to escape poverty and to materially support families and other community members, a sense of deservingness given the emotional and social work involved in maintaining relationships with beneficiaries, and inequity vis-a-vis higher-salaried elites. Ethnographic work is needed to engage CHWs in the policy process, help shape new standards for CHW programs based on rooting out social and economic inequities, and develop appropriate solutions to complex CHW policy problems.

Background The impact of vertical programs on health systems is a much-debated topic, and more evidence on this complex relationship is needed. This article describes a research protocol developed to assess the relationship between the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, routine immunization, and primary health care in multiple settings. Methods/Design This protocol was designed as a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods, making use of comparative ethnographies. The study evaluates the impact of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative on routine immunization and primary health care by: (a) combining quantitative and qualitative work into one coherent study design; (b) using purposively selected qualitative case studies to systematically evaluate the impact of key contextual variables; and (c) making extensive use of the method of participant observation to create comparative ethnographies of the impact of a single vertical program administered in varied contexts. Discussion The study design has four major benefits: (1) the careful selection of a range of qualitative case studies allowed for systematic comparison; (2) the use of participant observation yielded important insights on how policy is put into practice; (3) results from our quantitative analysis could be explained by results from qualitative work; and (4) this research protocol can inform the creation of actionable recommendations. Here, recommendations for how to overcome potential challenges in carrying out such research are presented. This study illustrates the utility of mixed-methods research designs in which qualitative data are not just used to embellish quantitative results, but are an integral component of the analysis.

The Female Community Health Volunteer (FCHV) Programme in Nepal has existed since the late 1980s and includes almost 50,000 volunteers. Although volunteer programmes are widely thought to be characterised by high attrition levels, the FCHV Programme loses fewer than 5% of its volunteers annually. The degree to which decision makers understand community health worker motivations and match these with appropriate incentives is likely to influence programme sustainability. The purpose of this study was to explore the views of stakeholders who have participated in the design and implementation of the Female Community Health Volunteer regarding Volunteer motivation and appropriate incentives, and to compare these views with the views and expectations of Volunteers. Semi-structured interviews were carried out in 2009 with 19 purposively selected non-Volunteer stakeholders, including policy makers and programme managers. Results were compared with data from previous studies of Female Community Health Volunteers and from interviews with four Volunteers and two Volunteer activists. Stakeholders saw Volunteers as motivated primarily by social respect, religious and moral duty. The freedom to deliver services at their leisure was seen as central to the volunteer concept. While stakeholders also saw the need for extrinsic incentives such as micro-credit, regular wages were regarded not only as financially unfeasible, but as a potential threat to the Volunteers' social respect, and thereby to their motivation. These views were reflected in interviews with and previous studies of Female Community Health Volunteers, and appear to be influenced by a tradition of volunteering as moral behaviour, a lack of respect for paid government workers, and the Programme's community embeddedness. Our study suggests that it may not be useful to promote a generic range of incentives, such as wages, to improve community health worker programme sustainability. Instead, programmes should ensure that the context-specific expectations of community health workers, programme managers, and policy makers are in alignment if low attrition and high performance are to be achieved.

Low-income volunteers constitute a major part of AIDS care workforces in sub-Saharan Africa, yet little research has been conducted to determine how poverty and insecurity among volunteers impact their wellbeing and the sustainability of the AIDS treatment programmes they support. This paper presents longitudinal ethnographic and epidemiological research documenting how the 2008 food crisis in Addis Ababa affected AIDS care volunteers’ care relationships and motivations. Ethnographic results highlight the distress and demotivation that rising food costs created for caregivers by contributing to their own and their care recipients’ experiences of food insecurity and HIV-related stigmatization. Epidemiological results underscore a high prevalence of food insecurity (approximately 80%) even prior to the peak of food prices. Rising food prices over the 3 years prior to 2008, underemployment and household per capita incomes averaging less than US$1/day, likely contributed to the very high prevalence of food insecurity reported by caregivers in our sample. We also show that new volunteers recruited in early 2008 by one of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved in this study were more likely to be dependants within their households, and that these participants reported lower rates of food insecurity and higher household income. While this shift in volunteer recruitment may help sustain volunteer care programmes in the face of widespread poverty and underemployment, food insecurity was still highly prevalent (58–71%) among this sub-group. Given the inability of the local NGOs that organize volunteers to address the challenge of food insecurity for programme sustainability, our results raise important policy questions regarding compensation for volunteers’ valuable labour and poverty reduction through public health sector job creation.

Our objective in this study was to assess the validity and dependability of the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS), which was developed for international use, among community health volunteers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The HFIAS was translated into Amharic and subsequently tested for content and face validity. This was followed by a quantitative validation study based on a representative sample (n = 99) of female community volunteers (HIV/AIDS home-based caregivers), with whom the HFIAS was administered at 3 time points over the course of 2008, in the context of the local and global "food crisis." By pooling observations across data collection rounds and accounting for intra-individual correlation in repeated measures, we found that the HFIAS performed well according to standards in the field. We also observed slight amelioration in reported food insecurity (FI) status over time, which seems paradoxical given the increasing inaccessibility of food over the same time period due to inflating prices and disappearing food aid. We attempted to resolve this paradox by appealing to self-report-related phenomena that arise in the context of longitudinal study designs: 1) observation bias, in which respondents change their reports according to changing expectations of the observer-respondent relationship or change their behavior in ways that ameliorate FI after baseline self-reports; and 2) "response shift," in which respondents change their reports according to reassessment of internal standards of FI. Our results are important for the validation of FI tools and for the sustainability of community health programs reliant on volunteerism in sub-Saharan Africa.