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International audience; The unanticipated international food price spike of 2008 has raised concerns about global food security. Might food systems lastingly fail to supply, trade, and distribute food? Might widespread unsustainable agricultural practices irreversibly alter ecosystems? Or might large scale food shortages trigger political unrest? To answer these questions, we reflect upon the concept of systemic risk and conduct a review of the literature on systemic risks and food security. First, we present the concept of systemic risk and current trends in systemic risk research. We then analyze contributions on systemic risk and food security. We first show that the literature has so far focused on a) agricultural production and correlated yield-losses, and on ways of pooling risk at regional or global-level, and b) the role of international trade in increasing or decreasing systemic risk. We then identify avenues for further research, highlighting the impact of intensive farming on ecosystems. Finally, we discuss the concept of systemic risk: we show that scholars need to be careful when assuming that there exists just one global food system; we show that systemic risk can be understood in various ways, beyond the domino effect paradigm.

“What distinguishes and indeed contrasts the nation system and the city system is their structural organization. The city state avoided carrying the heavy burden of the so-called primary sector: Venice, Genoa and Amsterdam consumed grain, oil, salt, meat, etc., acquired through foreign trading; they received from the outside world the wood, raw materials and even a number of the manufactured products they used. It was of little concern to them by whom, or by what methods, archaic or modern, these goods were produced: they were content simply to accept them at the end of the trade circuit, wherever agents or local merchants had stocked them on their behalf. Most if not all of the primary sector on which such cities’ subsistence and even their luxuries depended lay well outside their walls; and laboured on their behalf without their needing to be concerned in the economic and social problems of production. In all likelihood, the cities were but dimly aware of the advantages this brought and rather more conscious of the drawbacks: obsessed with their dependence on foreign countries (although in reality such was the power of money that this was reduced to almost nothing), all leading cities desperately tried to expand their territory and to develop their agriculture and industry. What kind of agriculture and industry though? The richest and most profitable of course. Since Florence had to import food anyway, why not import Sicilian grain, and grow vines and olives on the hills of Tuscany?” (Braudel 1984a: 295)

A healthy environment is essential for the proper functioning of both natural and cultivated ecosystems and, as such, plays a major role in food systems. Many different sources, including the agricultural sector itself, emit and accumulate pollutants in different environmental compartments (soil, water and air). When there are excessive pollutant levels, ecological functioning is hampered by eroded biodiversity, disrupted nutrient cycling, toxicity and depleted soil fertility, and can lead to reduced yields and contaminated food products. Many pollutants end up in water through leaching and run-off and have negative impacts on aquatic ecosystems, reducing fish and seafood stocks. Pollutants can also contaminate the food chain and cause food toxicity risks, and this is particularly true when pollutants undergo gradual biological concentration along the food chain.

The creation of public organizations and associations focused on a particular agricultural commodity has been a characteristic feature of colonial development. This type of organization continued to exist after the independence of former colonies, without any great disruption, especially in the countries of francophone Africa. It was only in the 1980s that liberalization policies led to major changes and upheavals. The current popularity of public-private partnerships, however, has opened up new perspectives.This chapter first covers the history of these commodity based organizations before briefly describing the far-reaching reconfiguration of agriculture in the wake of liberalization policies implemented over the last 30 years.

Sustainability standards are flooding global agricultural markets. Such standards however, are not recent: standards for the exchange of grain and tropical products emerged in the 19th century. The objective of this article is to analyse, in a historical perspective, the implications of the transition from traditional standards to sustainability standards on the commoditization/de-commoditization process. We show how early standards and grades contributed to the construction of the category of products called primary commodities and how, after a short attempt at de-commoditization (with the early fair trade and organic standards), sustainability standards have tended towards re-commoditization.

How could labour be mobilized for the production of agricultural commodities in colonial lands? This question was discussed by European powers on many occasions between 1895 and 1930, within the International Colonial Institute (ICI). Three key phases and issues can be identified in these debates relating to Africa: the recruitment of Indian indentured labour (1895–1905); the recruitment and management of indigenous peoples as paid labourers (1905–1918); and the mobilization of indigenous smallholder agriculture (1918–1930). During the whole period under study, the use of constraint, and its legitimacy, appear as a permanent feature of ICI debates. Associated first with European plantations, the use of force became a means to mobilize native farmers in accordance with the conceptions of colonial administrations regarding good agricultural practices. In addition, the ICI’s vision of colonial realities evolved from an out-of-date position during the first and second phases to a forward-looking one during the third phase, albeit one quite unrealistic in the scope of its ambition.

As a counterpoint to Chaps. 3 and 4, which focus on “stand-alone” definitions of family farming and its diversity, this chapter takes a brief look at non-family forms of agriculture. It thus helps define family farming by what it is not and also explores the conditions of existence and evolution of family farming models through their relationships with these other forms. These topics are addressed in three ways: through a historical overview of the emergence of competition between family and non-family forms of agricultural production – thus complementing the analysis of Chap. 2, through a characterization of the diversity of non-familial forms of production, and, finally, through the complementary or competitive interaction between family and non-family forms of agriculture.

The last twenty years or so have seen a new conjuncture in international trade in tropical agricultural products. That conjuncture combines both changes in the organization of the (Northern) manufacturer and consumer segments of the global commodity chains for those products, and in marketing arrangements in their (Southern) countries of origin, associated with structural adjustment and liberalization. This introductory essay provides the context for the case studies that follow, first by introducing some of the key concepts and analytical issues in the global commodity chain (GCC) approach and other recent relevant literature such as the French ‘convention’ theory. It then sketches an historical framework for examining international trade in tropical agricultural products, with brief illustrations of the specific trajectories of Africa and some African countries within that framework. Finally, it shows how a number of issues are explored in the case studies presented, including how current changes might affect the future prospects of smallholder (‘peasant’) production of tropical export crops.

The predominance of family farms in agrarian structures in various regions of the world (Chap. 3) and the size of their territorial extent (Chap. 7) ensures that their share in the production of food and agricultural commodities is substantial. Their dominance is also reflected in their contributions to international markets, which are largely supplied by family farms. However, there exist significant differences depending on food and non-food types of products: staples (cereals, tubers and plantains, legumes, oilseeds, sugar plants), animal products, fruits and vegetables, stimulants (coffee, cocoa, tea), textile fibers and rubber.

International audience; The recent food price increases in international markets threaten food security and have led many researchers, policy makers and NGOs to analyse them in order to address them. Most analysts talk about price spikes, which they characterise in terms of price volatility. This characterisation leads them to advocate measures - market liberalisation, private risk management instruments, and safety nets - that have been showing their limitations for almost 30 years. Clearly there is a certain level of volatility inherent in agricultural product prices, which has been compounded by trade policies and speculation. But since 2005, a steady upward trend in food prices has been observed, sometimes resulting in spikes. Several factors can explain these spikes: the lack of coordinated storage; insufficient and inappropriate agricultural investment; the depletion of resources; and growing demand from biofuels and emerging countries. Placing these spikes within the context of an upward trend opens new avenues for national and global action that depart from the predominant vision today: basing the rules of international trade on food security; coordinating storage policies at the global level; investing in ecological agriculture; and limiting growth in demand for agricultural products.; Menaçant la sécurité alimentaire, les récentes hausses des prix alimentaires sur les marchés internationaux ont amené nombre de chercheurs, de politiques, d'ONG à les analyser afin d'y faire face. La plupart des analystes parlent de flambées, qu'ils caractérisent en termes de volatilité des prix. Cette caractérisation les conduit à promouvoir des mesures - libéralisation des marchés, instruments privés de gestion du risque, filets de sécurité -, qui montrent leurs limites depuis presque trente ans. Certes il existe une volatilité des prix inhérente aux produits agricoles, qui a été aggravée par les politiques commerciales et la spéculation. Mais, depuis 2005, se dessine une tendance persistante à la hausse des prix alimentaires, qui évolue parfois en flambées. Plusieurs facteurs peuvent expliquer ces flambées : l'absence de stockage coordonné ; un investissement agricole insuffisant et inadapté ; la raréfaction des ressources ; la demande croissante du secteur des agrocarburants et des pays émergents. Resituer ces flambées dans une tendance à la hausse ouvre de nouvelles pistes d'action nationale et mondiale qui rompent avec la vision qui prédomine aujourd'hui : fonder les règles du commerce international sur la sécurité alimentaire, coordonner les politiques de stockage à l'échelle mondiale, investir dans une agriculture écologique, et limiter la croissance de la demande de produits agricoles.

Sustainability standards are flooding global agricultural markets. Standards however, are not recent: standards for the exchange of grain and tropical products emerged in the 19th century. The objective of this article is to analyze, in a historical perspective, the implications of the transition from traditional standards to sustainability standards on the commoditization/de-commoditization process. We show how early standards and grades contributed to the construction of the category of products called primary commodities and how, after a short attempt at de-commoditization (with the early fair trade and organic standards), sustainability standards tend towards re-commoditization. ...French Abstract : Dans de nombreux secteurs, les standards durables de produits agricoles envahissent le marché : café respectueux des oiseaux, coton biologique, produits forestiers extraits de forêts gérées de manière durable, huile de palme durable, ananas issus du commerce équitable, bananes éthiques, etc. Dans cette course à la respectabilité environnementale et sociale, les acteurs du secteur privé supplantent progressivement les autorités publiques dans la " qualification " des produits, notamment via la promotion d'écolabels volontaires ou la communication sur les conséquences sociales et environnementales de leurs activités économiques. Cet article se propose d'analyser, dans une perspective historique, la transition observée de standards traditionnels aux standards durables, et de montrer comment cette transition a modifié le statut des produits primaires exportés par de nombreux pays du Sud. Nous défendons l'idée selon laquelle la prolifération actuelle de standards durables risque de se mener à terme à la banalisation des enjeux environnementaux et sociaux et à la dilution de leurs exigences dans une version édulcorée des standards durables qui ne donnerait lieu à aucune prime de prix pour les producteurs tout en restreignant leur accès au marché.