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In the following article I present an analysis of three discursive configurations that can be identified from a corpus of state, supra-state and para-state sources of ethnogovernmentality, results that are part of a study about the role of social policies in the Chilean neoliberal multiculturalism of postdictatorship. Theoretically, I attempt to extend elements of the Foucauldian analysis about the government of the populations to the new ethnic question and the multicultural neoliberalism, nevertheless, in this case it is appropriate from a "decolonial" Latin American positioning. Based on this produced textual corpus, I introduce and discuss the three discursive configurations that best express the ethnogovernmental rationality and support the technologies of the multicultural social policy intervention of the studied period, related to the recognition, protection, and the activation of the indigenous subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical accounts of the business response to basic income proposals imply that employer attitudes have been mixed. In the 1970s and 1980s, when an array of basic income schemes was proposed, some groups were supportive and others were opposed. This paper shows that, in a number of high-profile proposals in Canada and the US, behind the apparent dissensus among business groups lays a consensus stance against universalistic and unconditional guaranteed income schemes. The disagreement among business groups comes down to either (1) a basic misunderstanding of proposal details, or (2) the fact that the policy itself can take on a wide range of concrete forms. To the extent that business has exhibited support for guaranteed income policies, the actual policies in question tended to be "two-tiered" rather than unitary, selective rather than universal, and miserly rather than generous. The income maintenance policies that garnered some support among business groups would all include explicit or implicit work requirements for "able-bodied" adults. By contrast, generous, unconditional guaranteed income policies that reduce workers' market dependence-namely, those that basic income advocates find desirable-found no audience in business circles. I close by exploring the mechanisms underlying the impact of basic income on bargaining relationships in the labour market and comment on the promises and pitfalls of a social policy that continues to be highly malleable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The progressive business community understands that social responsibility will eventually become mandatory. The social responsibility concept changes essentially the image about the role of entrepreneurship in the modern society. It generates the modern request of all world society - the social entrepreneurship phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the best practices of implementing social entrepreneurship in the current macroeconomic conditions in Russia and in the world. As a theoretical background of the research, systemic, structural and functional approaches were applied to the analysis of social entrepreneurship in Russia and in the world as elements of the economic system, related to other elements of the social system - civil society and government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This study assessed the impact of kilojoule (kJ) labelling alone or accompanied by a social marketing campaign on food sales and selection of less energy-dense meals by young adults from a university food outlet.Methods: There were two kJ labelling intervention phases each of five weeks: (1) kJ labelling alone (2) kJ labels with marketing materials ("8700 kJ campaign"). Food sales of labelled items were tracked during each intervention and five weeks after. Food sales during interventions were also compared with historical sales of foods in the same 10-week period in the previous year. A sub sample of young adults (n = 713; aged 19-24) were surveyed during both the interventions to assess awareness, influence, sentiment and anticipated future impact of kJ labels and the social marketing campaign respectively.Results: There were no differences in sales between the kJ labelling with social marketing and the 5-weeks of labelling before and after. The percentage sale of chicken Caesar burger (3580 kJ, P = 0.01), steak and chips (4000 kJ, P = 0.02) and the grill burger (5500 kJ, P = 0.00) were lower in the year with menu labelling and social marketing campaign. Only 30 % students were initially aware of the kJ labels on the menu but 75 % of students were accepting of kJ labelling, after they were made aware. Respondents viewing the marketing campaign elements and then using kJ values on the menu selected meals with a lower mean energy content; constituting a reduction of 978 kJ (p < 0.01) even though the majority claimed that the 8700 kJ campaign would not impact their food choices.Conclusions: Point-of-purchase energy labelling may be an effective method to encourage better food choices when eating out among young adults. However, further efforts to increase awareness and provide education about energy requirements to prevent weight gain will be needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although case studies exist of the influence of non-governmental organisations in international environmental negotiations, theoretical conclusions remain scattered, and the separation in previous literature between the study of environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) and business and industry non-governmental organisations (BINGOs) reduces the generalisability of conclusions. The conclusions drawn in both fields are brought together and the resulting explanatory framework is applied to empirical material from the negotiations on reform of the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism, comparing the influence of environmental non-governmental organisations and business and industry non-governmental organisations. The explanatory factors identified in previous research generally play out in favour of BINGOs as compared to ENGOs. The structural influence of business and industry non-governmental organisations seems to have resulted in a larger influence on the outcome of the negotiations, which may be problematic from a democratic point of view as private economic interests and public interests frequently diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstract on planning including a micro-level analysis of the Black voting during the civil rights movement, the influence of land-use planners on flood hazard mitigation and the use on public transport timetable data into health care accessibility modelling.

In July 2007, Indonesia became the first country to introduce mandatory legal requirements for corporate social responsibility when the Indonesian parliament passed Law 40/2007 on Limited Liability Companies. This paper examines the political dynamics that shaped this and subsequent regulatory developments related to corporate social responsibility and assesses the likely future direction of Indonesia's corporate social responsibility policies. We argue that policy debates over corporate social responsibility in Indonesia have reflected a struggle between the dominant sections of Indonesia's capitalist class, local communities that have been negatively affected by corporate activity and their allies in the non-governmental organization movement, and predatory elements in the political parties and bureaucracy for control over the economic resources generated by the activities of major corporations in that country. We argue that the dominant sections of Indonesia's capitalist class have so far won this struggle in large part because of their instrumental connections to senior Golkar figures within the government. With respect to the future direction of corporate social responsibility policy, we argue that much will depend on the outcome of future presidential elections. If these elections produce a political leadership that supports a mandatory approach to corporate social responsibility, there is some chance that mandatory requirements for corporate social responsibility in Law 40/2007 will be implemented. If they result in the election of a leadership that does not support a mandatory approach to corporate social responsibility, by contrast, such a change is unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the Australian approach to Asian regionalism during the tenure of the government led by John Howard. Its main focus is the official Australian policy towards ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asian Summit. The Howard-Downer administration exhibited a degree of scepticism of the various institutional and norm-oriented embodiments of 'Asia' and evinced a preference for bilateralism (first economic but later strategic bilateralism) but was prepared to make some contribution to the improvement of wider regional governance practices. In the context of the continuing economic and strategic rise of China, and despite taking great trouble to facilitate mutually beneficial trading relations, the Howard government nevertheless pursued the institutionalisation of defence cooperation with Japan. Given the relentless impact of globalisation, it is unclear how far these policy priorities can be maintained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of planning. They include "The Fall and Rise of the Local Community: A Comparative and Historical Perspective," by Hellmut Wollman, "The Compact Versus the Dispersed City: History of Planning Ideas on Sofia's Urban Form," by Sonia Hirt, and "A Paradigm for Practice," by Ronald D. Brunner.

Presents several abstracts featured in various journals as of August 2006. "Creating the Public Domain: Nineteenth-Century Local State Formation in Britain and the U.S.," by Alan Digaetano; "The Significance of Color Declines: A Re-Analysis of Skin Tone Differentials in Post-Civil Rights America," by Aaron Gullickson; "Deconstructing the City of Culture: The Long-Term Cultural Legacies of Glasgow 1990," by Beatriz García.

A number of scholars have highlighted the role of employers in shaping the development of the welfare state. Yet the results of this research have often been ambiguous or disputed because of insufficient attention to theoretical, conceptual, and methodological problems in the study of political influence. This article considers three of these problems in turn: the failure to distinguish and investigate multiple mechanisms of exercising influence, the misspecification of preferences, and the inference of influence from ex post correlation between actor preferences and outcomes. We demonstrate the importance of each through a reexamination of the early development of the American welfare state. The striking feature we suggest is neither business dominance nor weakness but marked variation in influence over time and across institutional settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the business aspects of social policy researches. Difficulty of achieving objectivity in conducting research on one' funding agency; Researchers' tailoring of academic pursuit to funders' priorities; Inability to recruit a senior academic willing to comment freely on the conduct of the periodic Research Assessment Exercise in Great Britain.