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In 2015, after Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and became the Islamic State West Africa Province, online social media’s dominance was nearly instantaneous. This paper analyzes whether Boko Haram’s use of social media results in more effective recruitment and, if so, what trends can be observed in the former that contribute to the latter. I conclude that social media plays an instrumental role in the terrorist organization’s online recruitment since Boko Haram can disseminate instant messages to large online audiences while also exercising control over their visual content. Additionally, Boko Haram’s use of social media ties into recruitment as there is a link to radicalization, religious indoctrination, and sharing its narrative. Finally, the group uses social media to depict itself as the winning entity by representing strength, unity, and taking advantage of the country’s anti-government sentiment. While online influences are undoubtedly crucial for recruitment, it must be emphasized that they are usually coupled with offline physical connections in the Nigerian context.

In a city like Hong Kong where animal protection laws replicate outdated British legislation from the early 1900s, extensive educational measures must be taken to raise students’ collective awareness of animal welfare and rights, in order to meet the pressing environmental, social, and moral demands of a rapidly developing society. This article argues that the study of animal protection in Hong Kong school curricula is essential to raising future generations of responsible and empathetic community leaders and members. Not only can such curricula encourage students to make well-informed, healthy, and environmentally-conscious choices as consumers, it also challenges the speciesist “hidden curricula” perpetuated in schools, developing students’ critical and independent thinking skills and empowering them to regain ownership over and accountability for their decisions. It instils empathy in students towards animals, as well as vulnerable groups in society that share a similar narrative of oppression and exploitation, such as women and ethnic minorities. This article refutes the critique of animal protection curricula being a form of indoctrination by challenging the notion that any education system can be truly value-free.

The importance of open education stems from the interest of the Islamic Sharia in education without being restricted to a certain age. This was manifested in the words of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him): "Seek knowledge from the cradle to the grave." Man is required to pursue lifelong learning. It was therefore necessary for the State to provide many forms of education suitable for age, occupation, accommodation, and work. It was the movement from education to learning through the so-called open education that does not require the student to share his teacher in terms of time and place. He is not required to be present throughout the period of study, but can study from his home. Work, age or scientific degrees do not present any obstacles to man's right to complete his education. Many social, cultural, political and other factors made open education and distance education inevitable. The capacity of the traditional universities is not able to absorb this large number of students due to urbanization and the increase in population in all countries of the world in general, and in Arab countries in particular. Therefore, the State had to move from a traditional style that required a student's personal presence at the university to a more flexible system that did not require presence in time or place. The technological advances have progressed rapidly and electronic educational methods have been introduced. This has led to full interaction between the teacher and his student to the point that the teacher can guide his student without the barrier of time or place between them. Therefore, in open education, the teacher's role changed from mere indoctrination to guidance. The learner is instructed teach himself in a self-learning situation. Despite the advantages achieved by open education, there are some obstacles that stand in the way of achieving the objectives of this type of education; so the subject of this research addresses these obstacles and develops solutions to remove them, and sets the mechanism to put these solutions into effect, for open education to achieve full interactivity, and achieve the desired goals and compete traditional education, if not precede it in this regard.

La presencia del terrorismo islamista en internet ha cambiado cuantitativa y cualitativamente en los últimos años como consecuencia de la irrupción del autodenominado Estado Islámico. Nunca hasta ahora había resultado tan fácil acceder a toda clase de propaganda extremista, en especial, en las redes sociales. Los estrategas mediáticos de Estado Islámico han conseguido convertir el terror más atroz en un espectáculo hollywoodiense, que logra captar la atención de jóvenes de religión musulmana que habitan en Occidente. A partir de estas consideraciones, el presente trabajo analiza los distintos canales en línea a través de los cuales el movimiento islamista está llevando a cabo tareas de propaganda, captación, adoctrinamiento y adiestramiento de nuevos miembros de esta ideología pan-islámica radical dispuesta a extender el terror por todo el planeta.

In this paper, we want to address how the educative growth of children’s spirituality within religious education can be better understood through Dewey’s theory of valuation. We would like to draw attention to the link between an education for authentic spirituality and the pursuit of a genuine democratic life, because education, even religious education, is always political. In doing so, we point to the urgency and importance of fostering spiritual education for children in the face of the current rise of authoritarianism throughout the world and the demise of authentic democratic life. In order for genuine democracies to survive and thrive, their citizens must be educated. Unlike indoctrination and propaganda, which control populations through manufacturing public opinion by which individuals are compelled to comply to an officially approved consensus, education is emancipatory by offering opportunity for dissensus. Emancipatory education enables individual citizens to initiate and participate in activities at the grass-roots level that pursue public and global goods, without waiting to be led by various authorities. Such an educated way of being, which is essential for democratic life, requires young people to be educated spiritually so that they are able to transcend the pressures to conform to public consensus and the will of authoritarianism, and instead to actively live their spirituality by undertaking activities that pursue the good, even when such activities are deemed to dissent from public opinion.

Social media offer unprecedented opportunities to terrorist groups to spread their message and target specific audiences for indoctrination and recruitment. In 2013 and 2014, social media, in particular Twitter, overtook Internet forums as preferred space for jihadist propaganda. This article looks into Arabic statements by Jabhat al-Nusra, Islamic State and jihadist forum administrators and online activists to argue that, beside the easier use of social media and disruption and infiltration of the forums, the conflict between the jihadist groups accelerated the migration to social media and the building of a presence on Twitter that provided relative resilience to suspensions.

The extreme right hate speech propagated currently in Brazil addresses a broad social spectrum, from feminist movements to traditional communities. The academic community and higher education institutions are also targets, as they are identified as poles of democratic resistance. Specific hate speech towards academy in Brazil is the subject of this paper. The persecution of academic community and knowledge itself occurs through the discursive dispute especially on social networks, and thus in this analytical exercise, we looked up at Facebook’s largest bolsonarista’s group – the “Jair Bolsonaro Presidency Support Group”, which brings together 317,000 members. We analyzed the memetic discourse on the page, focusing memes that were published between April and June 2019, thematizing higher public education, and presenting a bimodal verb-visual composition. These criteria led to the collection of 115 memes analyzed with the support of a QDA package. Analysis reveals the disqualification of university institutions and their actors through ironies, negative associations including stereotypes, simplification of debate to the shallower. Students are often associated with nudity as immorality, professors of indoctrination and ridicule, protesters of ignorance, or bad character. Political debate is reduced to extreme left-right polarization, with the criminalization of the left.

The state built a system into universities to maintain its control over politics, and though its mechanisms have been well implemented, there remains some buffer space between state requirements and student expectations. Students’ counselors’, CYL cadres’, and students’ role therein is subtle; on the one hand, their interactions with students dilute their efforts at political indoctrination and increase their openness in party activities; on the other hand, students can find autonomous spaces in university—e.g., joining a political organization to benefit their job hunting, or even leaving the campus physically to be exposed to other cultures and ideologies. This scenario is also different from the promotion of academic freedom and critical thinking which composed a third situation in the complex process.

In 1948 The Public Organization „Service to Poland” (Powszechna Organizacja “Sluzba Polsce”: PO “SP”) was established which aimed at using youths to rebuild the country, their military training and indoctrination. The future of socialistic country. dependent on Soviet Union was mainly depending on the right degree of society obedience and effective work for development of state economy. Significant role in this process was played by PO “SP”, which was supposed to cover entire Polish youths aged 16 to 21. The improvement of combat skills was realized in the form of physical education and sport competition, which in time became an important element of organization life. This activity has gained special meaning in the rural parts of country. Creating circles of Folk Sports Teams (LZS) was helped, sport – shooting competitions, sport Sundays and LZS Spartakida’s were organized. The research involved analysis of archival and press materials as well as literature on the subject applying the inductive method. Furthermore, conclusions were drawn without the possibility of direct access to relevant materials, as well as based on knowledge beyond the source (the method of deduction).

The rise of the soft skills movement should be seen in line with modernization, in the sense of keeping education responsive to the needs of a changing society, including changing demands of the labor market as well as cultural trends. In the case of “twenty first century skills” labor market demands were the most important impetus, while a more cultural trend was stimulated through the development of the “emotional intelligence” theory, with the development of social emotional learning programs (SELs) in its wake. Institutionally and geographically the roots of the movement are situated in the United States. The movement obtained an important boost from international organizations, with strong technical developmental input from the OECD. It is noted that students’ social and emotional functioning have always been an explicit concern in education, but the relatively new movement seeks to expand its scope and importance. What has changed is that the reservation with which the “non-cognitive” domains used to be treated, because of privacy concerns and fear of indoctrination, seems to have disappeared and is being replaced by very deliberate attempts to stimulate “social emotional learning” and promote “social emotional outcomes”. Next to the developmental history the chapter discusses various lines of criticism that the movement has evoked.

The weekly NO-DO newsreels, official and of obligatory projection in cinemas, held an information monopoly during the Francoist dictatorship (1943-1975) in Spain. The NO-DO was used as an instrument of indoctrination and legitimation, building a discourse based on the regime's needs and interests. In this study, we examined newsreels on medical subjects related to vaccine-preventable diseases. A majority of reports centred on poliomyelitis, and two differentiated periods could be defined, coinciding with the evolution of the Franco regime's foreign policy. The first period reflected the regime's era of isolation and referred to polio as a foreign disease, with the NO-DO showing the US initiatives to fight against it, as it had become the scientific model to follow. Subsequently, the ambiguities of the news related to the disease reflected the dictatorship's refusal to confront the epidemic suffered by the Spanish population until the vaccination campaigns began in 1963. Even then, the consequences that the negligent management of the disease had for many families were concealed. Meanwhile, the image of a modernized country concerned about national public health was legitimized.

In this article, the observation comes from a specific context in the analytical work of the linguist, philosopher and activist Noam Chomsky: the occa- sion of implantation of the New World Order. As staunch critic of US foreign policy, his analysis is inherent to changes in the international order that began just after World War II (1939-45). Chomsky exposes the American plan of domination or global supremacy whose primary intent was conquest of so called "Grand Area", launched after the war, wich triggered the Cold War. The thinker discusses the contradictions and farces of the war and the terrorist state, as well as evaluating the attempts of indoctrination through propaganda and its mechanisms of persuasion, manipulation and control of popular judgment in the search for the formation of a public opinion favorable to establishment and maintenance of the status quo. One of the most effective tactics of propaganda observed by Chomsky is the lan- guage used to undermine or exalt ideologies. Speech and word are fundamental elements in understanding propaganda inlight of Chomsky’s thinking. Propaganda brings forth facade terms, that is, signifiers with previously disguised meanings to evoke misconceptions and misrepresent ideas and facts. In this sense, the ’common’ meaning does not corres- pond to the ’doctrinal sense’.

The article presents the main facts from the biography and scientific activity of historian Stasys Matulaitis with a special focus on the final years of his life. Matulaitis’ public speech delivered on 10 November 1950 in the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic which was targeted against the head of the institute Juozas Žiugžda as a falsifier of history is one of the examples of attempted resistance to the policy of control and indoctrination of historical memory undertaken by the totalitarian system. A former long-year Bolshevik and advocate of the Soviet system convinced in the rightness of his activities, Matulaitis took a critical approach towards his earlier position and became an unpersuadable opponent of the Soviet regime. The metamorphoses of Matulaitis’ life reflect the dramatic changes of the epoch. The present article evaluates the evolution of Matulaitis’ attitudes in the context of the attitudes of various other leftist intellectuals who admired Bolshevism for a certain period of time in their lives or leftist intellectuals who were simply sympathizing with the USSR towards Soviet regime and their disappointment with it. The article comes with some previously fully unpublished Matulaitis’ texts of anti-Soviet content: the act of finding of anti- Soviet texts (Matulaitis’ proclamation Citizens and Diary), written by the employees of the State Museum of History and Revolution of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, Matulaitis’ Diary written at the end of 1950 and a proclamation Citizens as well as his anonymous letter to the editorial office of the newspaper Tiesa. Keywords: biography of Stasys Matulaitis, Soviet historiography, historian’s relationship with the totalitarian regime, effect of ideology and censorship on the studies in history, the conflict in the Institute of History in 1950. Summary The article presents the main facts from the biography and scientific activity of historian Stasys Matulaitis with a special focus on the final years of his life. The twists and turns of the life of Stasys Matulaitis, a leftist by ideological orientation, were tightly linked with important events in Lithuania’s public and political life. A personal, intellectual and political biography, which was influenced by those events and itself influenced them (as well as acted through them) encompassed the tension, drama and controversy that shaped the history of Lithuania of the second half of the 19th century–the first half of the 20th century. Certain little known (or barely known until recently) aspects of evolution of attitudes of Stasys Matulaitis as a historian and politician after World War II are especially noteworthy. Matulaitis’ public speech delivered on 10 November 1950 in the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic targeted against the then head of the institute Juozas Siugžda as a falsifier of history is one of the examples of attempted resistance to the policy of control and indoctrination of historical memory undertaken by the totalitarian system. A former long-year Bolshevik and advocate of the Soviet system, Matulaitis took a critical approach towards his earlier position and became an unpersuadable opponent of the Soviet regime. The strong personality, especially productive on the creative dimension, would often draw the attention of nearly all governments within whose jurisdiction he lived owing to his peculiar and independent positions, which he had no fear of demonstrating in public. The final conflict with the representatives of the official government in Lithuania under the Soviet occupation, which occurred at the end of 1950 in the Institute of History, Matulaitis being its certain “guilty party”, could easily come to a tragic end for him. He succeeded in avoiding another arrest and deportation; however, he spent the last years of his life in a state of constant nervous tension and in straitened circumstances. The documents enclosed to this article do not only reflect the personal opinion and experiences of their author; in addition to his resentment against the system of that time, they contain rather accurate characteristics and facts which were about to fall into oblivion. The metamorphoses of Matulaitis’ life reflect the dramatic changes of the epoch. The present article evaluates the evolution of Matulaitis’ attitudes in the context of the attitudes of various other leftist intellectuals who admired Bolshevism for a certain period of time in their lives or leftist intellectuals who were simply sympathizing with the USSR towards Soviet regime and their disappointment with it. The article somes with previously fully unpublished Matulaitis’ texts of anti-Soviet content: the act of finding of anti-Soviet texts (Matulaitis’ proclamation Citizens and Diary), written by the employees of the State Museum of History and Revolution of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, Matulaitis’ Diary written at the end of 1950 and a proclamation Citizens as well as his anonymous letter to the editorial office of the newspaper Tiesa. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/istorija.2015.24

Since the emergence of the national protests at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa in 2015, both the public media and social media platforms were inundated with debates justifying the credibility and validity of the protests. It appears that the public and social media had succeeded in swaying public opinion in favour of the protests, as much media attention was focused on portraying the protests in the same manner as those of June 1976, namely that these were students fighting for equality in education, similar to those of 1976. However, since the protests hit their peak in 2015, and even through 2016, what have we learnt about the crisis in higher education that the protests have created? First, is there a crisis? Second, do the protests reflect the reality of the state of education in South Africa, namely, that institutions no longer seek to educate, but to indoctrinate? These are the key questions addressed in this article.

Physical education and sports maintain a position of high prominence in Soviet Estonia, as indeed they do throughout the Soviet Union. The Estonian people have a long tradition of participation in sports and other various forms of physical activity; consequently, the contemporary scene reflects, in part, the pre-1940 heritage. The preceding statements about the aims and philosophy of the physical-culture movement are proclaimed in newspapers, journals, and mass gatherings. The very aims of the physical-culture movement encourage political indoctrination. The organization and administration of the Soviet Estonian physical-culture program follows the all-union model, and allunion changes have also been effected in Estonia. Physical-education teachers and sports coaches receive their professional preparation at the Faculty of Physical Education of the University of Tartu and at the Tallinn Pedagogical Institute. Although the sport and physical-education programs have proclaimed Soviet political objectives, the majority of Estonians participate in them in order to fulfill their needs and desires for exercise, health, and recreation.

In recent years, the Uyghurs in Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) have increasingly been viewed disapprovingly by the Chinese government. This followed a series of unwanted incidents that broke out in Xinjiang, especially from the 1990s onwards. Consequently, the Uyghurs who are a minority group of Turkic origin have been subjected to some repressive measures aimed to undermine their Turkic-Uyghur and Islamic identities such as the prohibition on the wearing of veils or burqas, growing beard by young men, as well as restriction on performing prayers in mosques, fasting during Ramadhan, etc. Additionally, mass internment camps were set up for indoctrination purposes. While the Beijing government argued that the measures are necessary in order to curb possible threats to Chinese national security posed by some Uyghur nationalist and separatist groups, the latter viewed the oppressive policy as an unjustified ethnic discrimination against the Uyghurs primarily due to their Turkic–Uyghur–Islamic identity that does not blend well with the dominant Chinese or Han culture. Using mainly content analysis and library research approach, the paper sheds light on the brief history of Xinjiang and the Uyghur community, as well as their socio-economic and political conditions under the Chinese rule. The contemporary situation in Xinjiang including the tenacious issue of Uyghur nationalism and separatism form the central discussion of the paper followed by the countermeasures of the Chinese government to overcome the problems, some of which are repressive, and finally, the reactions of the Uyghurs towards those measures.

Do states manage to build education systems that produce students with political values they uphold? We test the indoctrination hypothesis using World Value Survey data spanning 96 countries. We devise an empirical strategy that can identify the effects of education on political values by using information about the political regime under which individuals live, and regimes under which they got educated. Our results suggest that state indoctrination is at work. For example, we find that higher education increases voting behavior by at least 45 percent more for cohorts that have studied in a democratic rather than an autocratic country.

This article examines the potential influence of cultural indoctrination (CI) on international management and corporate performance today in an era of global hypercompetition. The specific organizational function targeted in this work is international human resource management (IHRM). As organizations are confronted with the need to engage with stakeholders from a variety of different cultural backgrounds, the need to understand the ways in which cultural imperatives play into individual and collective performances becomes increasingly important. Based on an encompassing literature review, this article examines the following seven factors which should be included in CI: Child Development, Cultural Institutionalization, Cultural Intelligence, Social Learning Theory, Religion, Social Capital, and Values Orientation Theory (VOT). It is from these factors that a conceptual framework is developed for potential future application in IHRM theory and practice.

International audience; Can social work produce empowerment ? This is what this article shows, by following youth organizing groups in Los Angeles ghettos, which offer both political trainings and social services to poor teenagers. Long term commitment in these organizations results in the learning of certain skills and knowledge, concerning the social and political organization of the country and the origins of the marginalization of poor people. This can only be described as empowerment provided these new skills foster both a subjective process of increased efficacy and self-esteem and a political approach aiming at social change. The roots of learning lie indeed also in the collective actions and mobilizations organized by these groups, targeting the improvement of daily life, and in particular of education, in the ghetto. Despite clear results, the article also emphasizes a darker side of empowerment processes. In this case, it also appears as a form of indoctrination to the organizations’ values. This allows forming efficient activists, ready to fight to influence local public policies. This new collective power is therefore partly achieved at the price of a limited individual autonomy.; Le travail de jeunesse peut-il produire de l’empowerment ? C’est ce que démontre cet article, en suivant des associations américaines particulières, qualifiées d’organizing de jeunesse, qui offre des services à la jeunesse déshéritée des ghettos de Los Angeles mais constituent également des espaces d’éducation populaire très politique. La participation dans la durée au sein de ces organisations se traduit par l’acquisition de certains savoirs – sur l’organisation politique et sociale du pays ou sur l’origine de la marginalisation des classes populaires – et savoir-faire. On ne peut cependant parler d’empowerment que parce que cet ensemble de compétences s’inscrit dans un processus subjectif de revalorisation de soi et politique de transformation sociale. Ces organisations de jeunesse sont en effet à l’initiative de mobilisations visant à l’amélioration des conditions de vie, et en particulier d’éducation, des habitants du ghetto. En dépit de résultats concrets, l’article indique également une face plus sombre de l’empowerment. Celui-ci s’apparente en effet souvent à un endoctrinement aux valeurs promues par l’organisation. Ce travail permet la formation de militants convaincus, qui vont s’investir pour influer les politiques publiques locales. Ce nouveau pouvoir collectif permis par la remise de soi des activistes entre néanmoins en tension avec l’autonomie des individus.

The years after the end of the 1936-1939 Civil War, Spain had to assume the dramatic consequences produced by the insurrection. He had to face not only the identity crisis of the two Spains but also the maintenance of an order based on fascist authoritarianism. The education of children and young people was one of the essential arguments in which the Government of the nation was supported to deploy a comprehensive and homogenizing policy of indoctrination to ensure the so-called «social peace». The comics that appeared in those years was one of the instruments for non-formal education of the school population. En los años posteriores a la finalización de la Guerra Civil 1936-1939, España tuvo que asumir las consecuencias dramáticas producidas por la insurrección. Debió enfrentarse no solo a la crisis de identidad de las dos Españas, sino al mantenimiento de un orden basado en el autoritarismo de corte fascista. La educación de niños y jóvenes constituyó uno de los esenciales argumentos en los que se apoyó el Gobierno de la nación para desplegar toda una política de adoctrinamiento compresivo y homogenizante que asegurase la llamada «paz social». Los cómics que aparecieron en esos años fueron uno de los instrumentos para la educación no formal de la población escolar.

In line with a long research tradition focused on the use of information and communication technology for development (ICT4D), we explore the role of artificial intelligence (AI4D). We start with a rather technical review of four of the characteristic traits of deep learning technologies, which leads to natural metaphors for international development. Based on the empirical evidence of 24 case studies, we derive four characteristics of the use of AI4D that align with the four technological traits. In isolation, each one of them presents a plethora of opportunities to contribute to international development, especially to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, in combination, they create a clear tension between a looming threat of a hegemonic intelligence indoctrination pushed by global economies of scale, and the potential promise to not only honor, but to celebrate local diversity with the help of flexible AI designs. We conclude that the latter cannot be achieved without an active public policy dialogue on the international level and a determined effort on the national levels, especially in developing countries. The study provides terminology and concepts to identify and frame the arising discussions.

In Canada, education is a matter of provincial and territorial jurisdiction so that, while there is a federal constitutional framework, there is not a national system of education. This has had implications for regulation and protection of religion and religious diversity in and by education systems. This chapter examines the resulting regulatory variety but does so in the context of some of the conceptual ambiguities and creative social tensions inherent in the intersection of religion and education. Readers are encouraged to become critically aware of their own positionality in relationship with issues related to this dynamic and complex area of social engagement. This is an important topic because both education and religion are areas of social practice about which most people have strong opinions and feelings. Education represents huge investments of social and financial capital and regularly appears on political platforms during elections as an important measure of commitment to social equality. Education, in other words, carries a lot of freight and debates about education seem to generate a great deal of energy. This chapter is a contribution to an ongoing social conversation, encouraging readers to reconsider issues about which there is considerable accepted but often unexamined common sense.

In the early 1990s Tajikistan emerged from the soviet union as new country. It disrupted all the services including educational enjoying Tajik people under USSR. The post-Soviet period in the region has been tumultuous and uncertain. The educational transition, its tasks and exact prospects seems unclear and bleak. Education spending suffered a rapid decline, rolling-back some of the achievements the sector enjoyed during the previous period. Pre-school enrolments have dropped to a fraction of their previous levels, school enrolment rates are slipping, education quality is at risk and vast numbers of youth, over half the populations, have no prospects of finding work. As a consequence, the issues of access and equity in education have become more pronounced: women and girls are worse off, rural areas more marginalized and minorities are under threat. Under such situation the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) becomes natural to rebuild the disruptive system. The present study is an attempt to analyze the role of NGOs in this regard. Key words: - NGOs, education, development, higher education, USSR, indoctrination, civil society

Pressure for police reform over the last century has come in many guises. The latest attempt is police science or evidence-based policing, and in this article, we consider how this approach can engage with the craft of policing to improve police science and the prospects that it will be used well. We suggest police science needs to do a better job of making itself relevant to the operational concerns of rank-and-file officers in their encounters with the public and of attending to the best that police craft has to offer. By studying craft carefully and showing a willingness to listen and learn from those who do the work, police science will demonstrate the kind of respect necessary for increasing the likelihood of a productive alliance between these two partners for the purpose of police reform. Though none but a fool or a madman will ever pretend to dispute the authority of experience, or to reject that great guide of human life –David Hume (2007/1748, p. 26) Our purpose, in this article, is to consider how the science and craft of policing can engage to improve police science and increase the likelihood that it will be used well. Our subject of inquiry is policing in USA, although we take occasion to refer to policing in other liberal democracies. Moreover, our attention is on the police patrol function and not criminal investigations. The largest resource in almost any police department is its patrol officers, and while there are studies exploring the culture of detectives (see Ericson, 1993), most discussion of the police craft has focussed on the culture of street-level patrol officers (O’Neill et al., 2007; Paoline, 2014). Similar to other occupations, such as medicine, to which police scholars often draw an analogy (Thacher, 2008, p. 50), craft and science are but two of many forces vying to influence what police do and how they do it. Political entities work hard to shape police practice, operating through legal institutions or by other means. Inside the organization, police administrators have their agendas, and many elements of the police occupational subculture pursue theirs. Police reformers in USA, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand and elsewhere have long tried to influence police culture either through the implementation of management systems such as Compstat or New Public Management (Neyroud, 2011), the adoption of new technologies (Chan, 2001), bureaucratic changes (Ericson and Haggerty, 1997), or modifications to training and education standards (Mastrofski, 2007), but the Department of Criminology, Law and Society, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA. E-mail: jwillis4@gmu.edu Department of Criminology, Law and Society, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA. 321 Policing, Volume 8, Number 4, pp. 321–329 doi:10.1093/police/pau049 The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com craft has demonstrated an impressive resistance to these influences. And while there are assuredly examples of these efforts influencing police decision-making at the ‘coal-face’, to what degree these changes are revolutionizing police work requires additional systematic research. What is clear is that many researchers have concluded that recent reform efforts have fallen far short of transforming patrol officers’ commitment to the craft aspects of the work they do (Manning, 2003; Willis et al., 2007; Loftus, 2009; Manning, 2011; Koper et al., 2014). As for science as a harbinger for change, we think it is fair to say that it is currently a relatively weak player in the police organization, at least at the street level, where the work gets done and the discretion is the greatest (Sherman’s (2013) review of scientifically based knowledge of policing led him to conclude that while scientific knowledge has grown quite impressively since 1975, actual use of that knowledge has lagged far behind). Science is undoubtedly growing in popularity with administrators (whatever its prospects for improving police performance, it enhances their professional status and career chances), but the vast majority of the rank and file who actually do the work find it of limited utility at best. For example, a recent National Police Research Platform survey showed that 60% of a nationally representative sample of 95 US police chiefs and sheriffs in agencies of 100– 3,000 sworn indicated that they had promoted evidence-based policing ‘a great deal’ or ‘made it a top priority’ (Mastrofski, 2014) (As a basis for comparison, 90% of the local law enforcement CEOs indicated the same for community policing). Yet the few studies of the rank and file available indicate heavy reliance on police experience and reluctance to forego the implications of scientific findings when they conflict with traditional ways of doing things (Lum et al., 2012; Mastrofski et al., 2011). In rapidly increasing numbers, police leaders may see the benefits of the evidence-based approach, but most of their subordinates do not yet have a strong faith in the benefits of science (Our study of a professional, progressive suburban police agency of approximately 100 officers showed that knowledge of scientific evidence ranked at the bottom of 13 areas of skill and knowledge required for good police performance. Only 7% felt that knowledge of scientific evidence on what works is very important; 95% said that knowledge of laws and regulations was very important; 47% said that knowledge of people, places, and customs where the officer is assigned are very important (Mastrofski et al., 2011). Skill in verbal coercion and negotiation was also ranked as very important by a substantial number of respondents (about 40%)). One solution is to replace the current batch of street-level officers who have little faith or skill in science with a new batch who do. This approach, of course, is infeasible. Civil service protections and collective bargaining units make it hard to fire officers, even for cause, much less not being proscience, and it would take far too long to replace retiring officers with converts willing to embrace science fully. More importantly, even more science-prone officers, once on the job, may find that science does not solve ‘their’ most pressing problems. Hence, they will continue to rely on experience, not science, to direct their practices. Another strategy is to indoctrinate the existing street-level officers through training and supervision so that they appreciate and accept that evidence-based policing should be the driving force in their decisionmaking. Police officers have shown a remarkable resistance to such indoctrination for a host of reasons: training that is not meaningful to the audience, training built on weak science, and training that lacks specificity regarding what to do under what circumstances (Bayley and Bittner, 1984; Buerger, 1998; Lum et al., 2012). They tend to see science as something for the ‘brass’, not terribly relevant, and sometimes even harmful to the sorts of work choices they must make on a daily basis (Thacher, 2008). In an environment where so many in police organizations are estranged from the modus operandi of science, as well as being sceptical of their top leadership, it seems to us that a useful strategy to advance the acceptance and adoption of scientific methods is 322 Policing Article J. J. Willis and S. D. Mastrofski

The 1948 United Nations Declaration on Human Rights sets forth expectations that all nation-states afford certain privileges to their citizens, including access to education. Are all citizens of the DPRK afforded the opportunity to attend university based on merit? Does a human right to education include the right of access to all of the world’s knowledge? Does it include a right from coercive indoctrination? This chapter will explore these questions and attempt to describe a unique higher education system unlike any other in the world.

This chapter analyses the contextual representation of national heroes in books of English and Urdu languages for higher secondary school students in Pakistan. Political leaders during partition of India and military personnel killed during wars with India form its content. The master narrative behind the portrayal of these heroes, in all cases except one, emphasizes patriotism. The only text titled Sir Syed Ahmed khan, which is uniquely different, was not specifically written for the school textbook, but is taken from an already published compilation of essays by a famous Urdu humorist. Life stories and ideas of the national heroes are focused at indoctrination through language and emotions. The texts on war heroes are presented as more emotive than those on partition heroes. The difference in tone and style can be observed among texts in two languages.

Today's era is an explosion of knowledge, information networking, political multi-polarization and economic globalization era, in an era of college students seem more assertive personality, self-awareness is growing. Traditional indoctrination or mandatory approach to management of higher education to the "tube, card, press" characterized the situation can not meet the needs of development, China's higher education needs new thinking and depth of thought, the need to improve the quality and state of upgrade, need a cultural transformation and system innovation. The times call for more humane Higher Education Management System. Higher Education Management System in humanity, not only pay attention to the institutionalization of rationality into the base, but with particular emphasis on respect for the personality of college students, college students play potential, and create a more harmonious atmosphere relaxed managed to mobilize university students and teachers initiative and creativity.

The phenomenon of academic self-colonization prevailing in the contemporary scientific communities of both Taiwan and mainland China can be traced to the three ideologies popular among Chinese intellectuals since the May Fourth Movement in the early twentieth century, namely, social Darwinism, scientism, and anti-traditionalism. Under the ideology of scientism, Chinese scientific communities concentrated on the indoctrination of various research methodologies in graduate education, while the neglect of the Western philosophy of science led them to ignore issues related to ontology and epistemology. As a consequence, most Chinese researchers tend to follow Western paradigms of research without significant contribution to theoretical construction.

In this paper, we conduct research on the contemporary situation of university ideological and the political education and the corresponding countermeasures under the new circumstances. Traditional ideological an d political education the subjective one-sided emphasis on the authority of educators and initiative of neglect or even deny the education object and make the education effect is weakened with the past our wrong understanding of inculcating theory of Marxism. In the process of ideological and political education, the education object is that people are not content, thus to achieve education goal, must abandon treat education object of property thinking and humanistic thinking, in the process of infusion based on the ideological reality of the education object, respect the subjective initiative of the education object, realize the ideological indoctrination and the effective combination of meet the demand of the education object.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently the author analyses how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.

For years, experts have agreed that Saudi Arabia runs the best terrorist rehabilitation program around the world. However, recent events, including Al Qaeda’s December 25, 2009, attempt to blow up Northwest Flight 253, which put 289 innocent lives in danger and was apparently planned by a program graduate, have raised serious doubts. This study reexamines the leading social—psychological explanations for terrorist indoctrination to determine whether Saudi Arabia’s rehabilitation program seems properly designed to reverse the indoctrination process. By identifying both the elements of indoctrination that the Saudi Arabian program appears to counter and the elements which it fails to address, this study provides new recommendations for how terrorist rehabilitation programs can be significantly improved around the world.

The term “political activity” can be interpreted in a myriad of different ways, but in this paper, it is taken to mean involvement in a variety of campaigns around issues affecting the way we live and the sort of society we want to live in. At a time when support for the main political parties has never been weaker, it is essential that teachers aim to combat cynicism and apathy among their young students by encouraging them to take an interest in all manner of social and political causes. It is, of course, true that teachers who do this are open to the charge of indoctrination, but this should not deter them from bringing relevant political issues into the curriculum. It is argued that this can best be done through such subjects as English, history, geography and religious education, rather than through a distinct and separate articulation of citizenship.

The main intention of the work that deals with the Nicolo Machiavelli thought is to point out the obvious paradox between the high political goal and the legitimating of all possible means for its realization. Are evil deeds inevitable in the sphere of politics and under what circumstances the immorality contained in political acts could be transformed into common good? The text asks additional questions such as about the accomplishments of ambitious political projects, the relationship among the ideologist and the representative of political power, the transformations of the means into the ends, the use of violence and indoctrination in political acts, revolutionary and evolutionary political methods, etc. The author claims that political technologies recommended by Machiavelli basically haven't diminished, but have taken on more modern and more adequate forms.

Global citizenship is a contested concept which is receiving attention in the United Kingdom as a means of contributing to students' understanding of global issues and the rights and responsibilities that they imply. Global citizenship education is criticised as indoctrination by some and considered the best route to global peace by others. This article provides a discussion of its relationship with the concept and practice of cultural relations and specifically the New Public Diplomacy. It is claimed that global citizenship education and the new public diplomacy have some shared objectives, and that a discussion of the one may benefit from a consideration of the other. Furthermore, the aims of the new public diplomacy cannot be met without a clear understanding of global citizenship education, and how it affects those aims. The article considers the relationship of both concepts and concludes that this relationship is important to the theory and practice of each.

Editor’s Note: In light of the residence life scandal at the University of Delaware, the National Association of Scholars decided to take a closer look at other colleges and universities. Was Delaware an isolated case? We didn’t believe so. Numerous clues suggested that what Delaware was doing was— and still is—happening at other institutions around the country. And thus in December 2007 How Many Delawares? was launched. With the assistance of NAS consultant Dr. Thomas Wood, the ongoing results of our inquiry into how ideological indoctrination has been smuggled into residence and student life programs, which rightfully should provide students with orderly and safe environments conducive to academic study, are posted on www.nas.org.

When globalization has touched upon education, cultures, and economy, this means that there has been an expansion of western ideology and a brain washing of people in developing countries, such as Indonesia. Ironically, the government has legitimized the presence of foreign higher education in Indonesia. This creates a dilemma, because on one hand, this would make the quality of education of Indonesia more competitive and, on the other hand, could be used as a means of indoctrination of neo-liberalism. This article tries to discuss the fight against western ideology, developing in education, especially that related to the current issues.

Using an interdisciplinary perspective, this study provides a hyperlink and content analysis of 44 U.S. domestic and 40 Middle Eastern extremist groups' websites to analyze their use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) to support collective identity and mobilization. The findings contrast Middle Eastern extremist groups' use of the Internet to develop virtual communities and support their virtual command/control operations with the U.S. domestic groups' focus on communication and ideological indoctrination. Finally, the results suggest that the usages of CMC are underpinned by the geographical reach of extremist groups' campaign as well as their strategic goals, ideologies, needs, and political legitimacy, driving the various groups to use CMC in a distinctive manner.

Network media is the most important transmitting vector in today’s information society. People acquaint the realistic society increasingly from the network world. However, there is still certain deviation between the “subjective reality” and the objective one. In this paper, the network public sentiment dissemination model describes that the network public sentiment has such an indoctrination power which restricts secretly the people’s view of reality in the process of unconsciously influenced and long-term cultivation. Therefore, how to play the indoctrination power of network media and give play to its positive effect needs to be guided in several aspects, such as agenda setting, cultivation analysis, and news frame and

Western lecturers visiting social science departments in the former Soviet Union find themselves immersed in a social micro-system that often functions differently from comparable departments in the West. Having been isolated from international developments and abused as instruments of indoctrination for decades, post-Soviet social sciences are plagued by a number of pathologies in administration, teaching, and studying. While posing considerable challenges for visiting professors, these defects make the continued presence of Western visiting lecturer programmes in the former USSR all the more necessary.

1. Introduction: National Health, International Interests Ka-che Yip and Liping Bu 2. Transition to Decolonization: the Search for a Health Policy in Postwar Hong Kong, 1945-1985 Ka-che Yip 3. The Patriotic Health Movement and China's Socialist Reconstruction: Fighting Disease and Transforming Society, 1950-1980 Liping Bu 4. Diseases, Peasants and Nation-Building in Rural China, 1950s: Social Conformity, Institutional Strengthening, and Political Indoctrination Xiaoping Fang 5. Learning from the Soviet Union: Pavlovian Influence in Chinese Medicine, 1950s Gao Xi 6. Public Health and People's Health: Contrasting the Paths in Healthcare Systems of North and South Koreas, 1945-1960 Shin Dongwon 7. Impact of Government-Foundation Cooperation: Healthcare System Development in Postwar Japan Kazumi Noguchi 8. Medicine, Philanthropy, and Nationhood: Tensions of Different Visions in India Shirish N Kavadi 9. The Campaign against the Big Four Endemic Diseases and Indonesia's Engagement with the WHO during the Cold War 1950s Vivek Neelakantan 10. A Promise of Desire: On the Politics of Healthcare and Moral Discourse in Thailand, 1950-2010 Davisakd Puaksom

We study the causal effect of school curricula on students’ stated beliefs and attitudes. We exploit a major textbook reform in China that was rolled out between 2004 and 2010 with the explicit intention of shaping youths’ ideology. To measure its effect, we present evidence from a novel survey we conducted among 2000 students at Peking University. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify the effects of the new educational content in a generalized difference in differences framework. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform, and identify changes in textbook content and college entrance exams that reflect the government’s aims. These changes were often effective: study under the new curriculum is robustly associated with changed views on political participation and democracy in China, increased trust in government officials, and a more skeptical view of free markets.

We study the causal effect of school curricula on students’ political attitudes, exploiting a major textbook reform in China between 2004 and 2010. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify its causal effects. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform and identify changes in textbooks reflecting these aims. A survey we conducted reveals that the reform was often successful in shaping attitudes, while evidence on behavior is mixed. Studying the new curriculum led to more positive views of China’s governance, changed views on democracy, and increased skepticism toward free markets.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

With the first volume of Capital completed, Marx returns to political activity in the 1860s. As a leading member of the International Working Men’s Association, he prepares the education policy adopted at its 1866 congress. Marx’s plan for the public school combines mental and physical instruction with a polytechnical training designed to promote the all-round work skills needed not only for full personal development but also for coping with a changing world of production. At later meetings of the IWMA General Council we see Marx in political debate, defending his education policies and spelling them out in greater detail. A major problem area for him is the role of the state in education. Aware of the danger of political indoctrination, Marx wants the state to fund and support public education, but without becoming ‘the educator of the people’. With that in mind, he recommends a localised school system that follows the North American model.

The Libyan media system has been one of the most restricted and government-tied systems in the Arab world. The wave of liberalization during the 2000s — however limited it was in other Arab countries — has almost completely skipped Libya. Despite the perceived need to professionalize media production and pluralize public discourses, exemplified by the great popularity of Al Jazeera among Libyan audiences, the Libyan regime under Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi1 stuck to its broadcasting policies of education and political indoctrination. Until 2007, there has only been one Libyan TV channel, serving the national as well as international audiences. However, in 2007, one of Qadhafi’s sons, Saif al-Islam, was permitted to launch a new satellite channel, Al Libiya (The Libyan) followed by Al Shababiya (The Youth), which surprised some observers because they also aired critical reports and contested taboos.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently I analyse how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.