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The basic principles of modern sociolinguistic engineering as a tool for population indoctrination, subjugation, and control have their beginnings in the strategies designed by Joseph Goebbels of the NAZI regime and also those of the USSR. The redefinition of semantics is a dangerous tool used by propagandists to influence the individuals' sense of reality using language on a psychological level. This creates a populace that is more willing to follow harmful ideologies. The study will investigate existing legislation of Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Canada about guarantees on free speech especially in academia, and the classification of hate speech. This study further looks at a microcosm of language used by the diversity, Inclusion, and Equity" movement focusing on an analysis of a glossary created by the University of Washington. It also discusses some terminology that is similarly erroneous but not included in the glossary. The history of terminology and their development is discussed as well as the scientific and linguistic validity of the provided semantic definitions in contrast to the original semantics. The study found that sociolinguistic engineering was taking place in universities and wider society which follows the historic pattern of the Third Reich and USSR. The study recommends that universities and education systems desist from such indoctrination and return to the traditional academic foundations of open inquiry and critical thinking.

La presencia del terrorismo islamista en internet ha cambiado cuantitativa y cualitativamente en los últimos años como consecuencia de la irrupción del autodenominado Estado Islámico. Nunca hasta ahora había resultado tan fácil acceder a toda clase de propaganda extremista, en especial, en las redes sociales. Los estrategas mediáticos de Estado Islámico han conseguido convertir el terror más atroz en un espectáculo hollywoodiense, que logra captar la atención de jóvenes de religión musulmana que habitan en Occidente. A partir de estas consideraciones, el presente trabajo analiza los distintos canales en línea a través de los cuales el movimiento islamista está llevando a cabo tareas de propaganda, captación, adoctrinamiento y adiestramiento de nuevos miembros de esta ideología pan-islámica radical dispuesta a extender el terror por todo el planeta.

At present, most of the mechanics of materials teaching has not got rid of the traditional teaching methods, which exists despite the disadvantages of indoctrination. Therefore, it is necessary to speed up the process of the “gold course” of material mechanics. To this, we can start from two aspects: One is the reform of teaching mode, and the another is reform of teaching content. This article puts forward the teaching mode of four-level thinking to cultivate students’ four abilities. Meanwhile, we expound on the reform methods of teaching contents from three aspects: using artificial intelligence to individualize teaching; introducing case base, and integration of ideological and political education. Finally, the gold course system of material mechanics for application-oriented undergraduate civil engineering major has been established.

The state built a system into universities to maintain its control over politics, and though its mechanisms have been well implemented, there remains some buffer space between state requirements and student expectations. Students’ counselors’, CYL cadres’, and students’ role therein is subtle; on the one hand, their interactions with students dilute their efforts at political indoctrination and increase their openness in party activities; on the other hand, students can find autonomous spaces in university—e.g., joining a political organization to benefit their job hunting, or even leaving the campus physically to be exposed to other cultures and ideologies. This scenario is also different from the promotion of academic freedom and critical thinking which composed a third situation in the complex process.

In this article, the observation comes from a specific context in the analytical work of the linguist, philosopher and activist Noam Chomsky: the occa- sion of implantation of the New World Order. As staunch critic of US foreign policy, his analysis is inherent to changes in the international order that began just after World War II (1939-45). Chomsky exposes the American plan of domination or global supremacy whose primary intent was conquest of so called "Grand Area", launched after the war, wich triggered the Cold War. The thinker discusses the contradictions and farces of the war and the terrorist state, as well as evaluating the attempts of indoctrination through propaganda and its mechanisms of persuasion, manipulation and control of popular judgment in the search for the formation of a public opinion favorable to establishment and maintenance of the status quo. One of the most effective tactics of propaganda observed by Chomsky is the lan- guage used to undermine or exalt ideologies. Speech and word are fundamental elements in understanding propaganda inlight of Chomsky’s thinking. Propaganda brings forth facade terms, that is, signifiers with previously disguised meanings to evoke misconceptions and misrepresent ideas and facts. In this sense, the ’common’ meaning does not corres- pond to the ’doctrinal sense’.

This research reports on the experiences of higher education English language teachers who teach as critical pedagogues. The aim was to discover the key challenges of critical pedagogy and how this practice is understood. Thirteen teachers from higher education institutions around the world were interviewed and all had a clear agenda for greater social justice. Eleven had to contend with the criticism that critical pedagogues indoctrinate students and they recognised that this was difficult to avoid in such a distinct ideological space. Teachers endeavoured to withhold their own political views from students while accepting a certain degree of risk not normally associated with teaching a language. For some teachers, the impact of exposing students to culturally challenging political ideas was not fully considered and in general, the long-term impact of its social and linguistic goals remains unknown and should be a goal for future research.

Yoga is becoming a cultural trend that evolves into a mass culture. The most people, especially in the big cities, practice yoga. It means that yoga becomes popular even more with the role of mass media. Therefore, making yoga as a lifestyle in postmodern society. The popularity of yoga brings the changes impact for the yoga teachings. Regarding the teachings that were originally sacred into profane cultural products. There is a profane transformation of the yoga practice that demonstrates the ideological indoctrination for the purpose of capitalism in the yoga culture industry. It was intended to meet the needs and social satisfaction. It was marked the compromise to the market through commercial cultural products. Thus, yoga products were easily accepted by the public. This could be seen from the emergence of yoga genres that varied and have undergone modification and massification of interest and increase the interest of the audience. Therefore, becoming expand the market share of yoga practices whose goal was to gain profit. There were also classes of teacher training as the impact of this culture industry. It made yoga practices that were originally a purely cultural product transformed into a commodity to generate profits. Yoga teaching was no longer considered a sacred product of spirituality, however, it could also be exploited for the benefit of the market for profit.

Liberal bias in academia is a complex sociological issue. The empirical evidence suggests that part of the explanation for ideological imbalance is that conservatives tend to self-select out of careers in higher education. We examine the explanation offered by Neil Gross that political-typing is partially responsible. While we are generally receptive to this explanation, our own research provides some evidence that college students do not find academia to be a hostile or unpleasant place. This raises some questions about why they would self-select out of careers in academia. We also offer alternative explanations for conservative criticism of the academy and suggest that institutions of higher education have some responsibility for creating the impression that they are hostile to conservative views.

This article posits ideological indoctrination in direct opposition to ‘empowering texts’ such as Quentin Blake's A Sailing Boat in the Sky (2003) and Walid Taher's Al-noqta al-sawdaa [The black dot] (2009) which present children with opportunities to explore the realities and challenges of their contemporary world, and find solutions to them, unencumbered by the ideologies that adult writers who are not part of that ‘New World’ propagate in their texts.

The phenomenon of academic self-colonization prevailing in the contemporary scientific communities of both Taiwan and mainland China can be traced to the three ideologies popular among Chinese intellectuals since the May Fourth Movement in the early twentieth century, namely, social Darwinism, scientism, and anti-traditionalism. Under the ideology of scientism, Chinese scientific communities concentrated on the indoctrination of various research methodologies in graduate education, while the neglect of the Western philosophy of science led them to ignore issues related to ontology and epistemology. As a consequence, most Chinese researchers tend to follow Western paradigms of research without significant contribution to theoretical construction.

In this paper, we conduct research on the contemporary situation of university ideological and the political education and the corresponding countermeasures under the new circumstances. Traditional ideological an d political education the subjective one-sided emphasis on the authority of educators and initiative of neglect or even deny the education object and make the education effect is weakened with the past our wrong understanding of inculcating theory of Marxism. In the process of ideological and political education, the education object is that people are not content, thus to achieve education goal, must abandon treat education object of property thinking and humanistic thinking, in the process of infusion based on the ideological reality of the education object, respect the subjective initiative of the education object, realize the ideological indoctrination and the effective combination of meet the demand of the education object.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently the author analyses how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.

This study, based on the coorientation model, explores the effects of the ideological congruency/distance between journalism and mass communication students and their professors on the learning experience of the students. It finds that ideological distance/congruency did not affect students' perceptions of their overall learning experience and their class grades but had a statistically significant effect on the extent to which they participate in class discussions. In the fall semester of 2008, Andrew Hallam, a professor of English language at the Metropolitan State College in Denver, Colo., became another poster child for the pervasive belief that the U.S. academia is replete with liberal professors who are out of touch with the rest of the country.1 Shortly after the nomination of Gov. Sarah Palin as Senator John McCain's vice presidential running mate on the Republican Party ticket, Hallam asked his students to write an essay debunking the "fairy tale" image of the governor presented at the Republican convention.2 Soon after receiving the assignment, Jana Barber, a conservative student in Hallam's class, went to the press to complain that her professor was using his class to promote the Democratic Party ticket of Senators Barack Obama and Joe Biden; to promote liberal ideas and ideals; and to disparage the Republican Party ticket.3 The resulting controversy energized conservative pundits, who saw the issue as verification of their view that the academy is filled with liberals who are "indoctrinating" the next generation, stifling dissent,4 and openly warring against conservative ideas.5 Despite the furor generated by the class assignment, Hallam was absolved of any wrongdoing as "the internal probe, conducted by Metro College lawyer Lee Combs and interim deputy provost Luis Torres, found that die assignment did not require students to undermine Gov. Palin. The investigators also found that students never felt personally belittled or insulted by Hallam."6 Despite Hallam's absolution, the episode raises questions about the effects of professors' personal ideological views on students' learning experiences and highlights the potential dangers of the general consensus of several research studies that show that college professors are more likely to be liberal and to identify with the Democratic Party than the general population.7 These studies range from empirical analyses by dispassionate social scientists8 to research studies sponsored by conservative organizations, and conducted by partisan conservative intellectuals.9 Despite the pervasive liberal views of college professors, empirical research has failed to show a significant effect of professors' ideological views on their classroom performances and teaching methods.10 These research studies have not, however, succeeded in relieving the anxieties of the general public and conservative pundits about the supposed ideological indoctrination that is happening on college campuses.11 Conservative pundits and some segments of the general populace also believe that journalists and other media professionals hold personal liberal views.12 Empirical research confirms this assertion and shows that journalists and media professionals tend to express higher levels of agreement with liberal ideas and are more likely to vote for Democratic Party candidates than the general populace.13 Journalism and mass communication professors identify with these two groups (academics and media professionals): they are often former media professionals who have joined academia to impart their professional and conceptual knowledge to the next generation and are currently college professors who are supposedly cocooned in liberal institutions. On this note, it is logical to expect a high level of agreement with liberal ideas from journalism and mass communications professors and is therefore pertinent to explore the extent to which their ideological views affect their students' learning experience. …

This article profiles the Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Pakistani Jihadist organisation held responsible for the December 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai, India. The article elucidates the ideology, strategic objectives, evolution, organisational structure and methods of indoctrination and training of the organisation. These need to be comprehended in the context of the LeT’s terrorist capability. Evidence is given from Jihadist discourse from the Mujallul ud Dawa, the official publication of the LeT.

Editor’s Note: In light of the residence life scandal at the University of Delaware, the National Association of Scholars decided to take a closer look at other colleges and universities. Was Delaware an isolated case? We didn’t believe so. Numerous clues suggested that what Delaware was doing was— and still is—happening at other institutions around the country. And thus in December 2007 How Many Delawares? was launched. With the assistance of NAS consultant Dr. Thomas Wood, the ongoing results of our inquiry into how ideological indoctrination has been smuggled into residence and student life programs, which rightfully should provide students with orderly and safe environments conducive to academic study, are posted on www.nas.org.

This article addresses a key debate within the terrorism literature—the relative importance of madrassahs for training terrorists. It argues that the two contending positions—madrassahs are not important for recruitment of terrorists and madrassahs are breeding grounds for terror are both overstated. Using a dataset constructed from Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) members, the author finds that JI-linked radical madrassah exposure is strongly associated with terrorist activity and is associated with more important roles on terrorist operations in Indonesia. The article argues that traditional scholarly theories and public debates on the importance of madrassahs are misguided because they only address top-down ideological indoctrination. The author's theory is that radical madrassahs provide a staging ground for both top-down recruitment and the creation of focal points that lead to tight knit social networks that radicalize members. In effect, they provide a “ready-made social network” for males, “give religious an...

When globalization has touched upon education, cultures, and economy, this means that there has been an expansion of western ideology and a brain washing of people in developing countries, such as Indonesia. Ironically, the government has legitimized the presence of foreign higher education in Indonesia. This creates a dilemma, because on one hand, this would make the quality of education of Indonesia more competitive and, on the other hand, could be used as a means of indoctrination of neo-liberalism. This article tries to discuss the fight against western ideology, developing in education, especially that related to the current issues.

Using an interdisciplinary perspective, this study provides a hyperlink and content analysis of 44 U.S. domestic and 40 Middle Eastern extremist groups' websites to analyze their use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) to support collective identity and mobilization. The findings contrast Middle Eastern extremist groups' use of the Internet to develop virtual communities and support their virtual command/control operations with the U.S. domestic groups' focus on communication and ideological indoctrination. Finally, the results suggest that the usages of CMC are underpinned by the geographical reach of extremist groups' campaign as well as their strategic goals, ideologies, needs, and political legitimacy, driving the various groups to use CMC in a distinctive manner.

Makronisos, the small, uninhabited island off the Attica coast, was the location of the most notorious concentration camp set up by the Greek government during the Civil War (1946-1949). It was a place of brutality, torture, and death, but its distinctive feature was its role as an indoctrination center for many thousands of political dissidents (mostly left-wing soldiers and citizens, but also ethnic and religious minorities) who, after they were "re-educated" in the national dogmas, were sent to fight against their ex-comrades. Classical antiquity was one of the main ideological foundations of this "experiment," the audience for which was the whole of Greece and the international community. In the island, still known as "The New Parthenon," the "redeemed" inmates were encouraged to build replicas of classical monuments, and the regime's discourse emphasized the perceived incompatibility of the inmates' "destiny" (as descendants of ancient Greeks) with left-wing ideologies. Paradoxically, many of the counter-discourses of the Makronisos inmates and their supporters also subscribed to the essentialist discourse of continuity and ancestral glory. This paper situates this phenomenon within the broader context of the role of antiquity in modern Greek society; it also examines the topological construction of Makronisos as a heterotopia where the panopticism of classical antiquity (the watchful eye of History and Destiny) merged surveillance with spectacle.

We study the causal effect of school curricula on students’ stated beliefs and attitudes. We exploit a major textbook reform in China that was rolled out between 2004 and 2010 with the explicit intention of shaping youths’ ideology. To measure its effect, we present evidence from a novel survey we conducted among 2000 students at Peking University. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify the effects of the new educational content in a generalized difference in differences framework. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform, and identify changes in textbook content and college entrance exams that reflect the government’s aims. These changes were often effective: study under the new curriculum is robustly associated with changed views on political participation and democracy in China, increased trust in government officials, and a more skeptical view of free markets.

We study the causal effect of school curricula on students’ political attitudes, exploiting a major textbook reform in China between 2004 and 2010. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify its causal effects. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform and identify changes in textbooks reflecting these aims. A survey we conducted reveals that the reform was often successful in shaping attitudes, while evidence on behavior is mixed. Studying the new curriculum led to more positive views of China’s governance, changed views on democracy, and increased skepticism toward free markets.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This book is about the past and its falsification, historians and the Soviet ideological Matrix. It aims to unveil the formation and existence of Soviet-era Lithuanian historiography, to show how it was affected by mechanisms that created it, and to discuss what kinds of behavioural models different scholars choose in front of the dilemma: to tell the truth or to lie? The answering of these questions determined the structure of the book, which consists of a prologue, five parts and an epilogue. The book will be useful for those interested in the politics of Soviet history and the evolution of the historiography of that time, the processes of the indoctrination of Soviet society, the relationship between the intellectuals and the authorities of the Soviet period.

This article analyses ‘Education for the environment: a critique' (Jickling & Spork, 1998). It illustrates ways in which the critique is a partial analysis of education for the environment. Thus, the article addresses Jickling and Spork's concern that education for the environment is a universalising discourse that seeks to marginalise other approaches. It does this by showing how it may be Jickling and Spork's lack of reflexivity over their own ideology of education which leads them to construct such a partial interpretation of education for the environment. This article also argues that the critical pedagogy of education for the environment provides a professionally-ethical way of teaching which contrasts with the allegations of indoctrination in the critique. The article nevertheless reflects an appreciation of the opportunity to engage constructively with contesting ideas in environmental education and concludes with suggestions for further avenues of inquiry for those wishing to engage in discourse a...

Stoesz and Karger contend that the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) accreditation has poorly served the profession by perpetuating an environment of low standards epitomized by the very leaders responsible for the credibility of social work as an academic discipline. Graduates are “ill-prepared” and what qualifies as scholarship in the field amounts to “the substitution of ideology for academic rigor.” This author contends that Stoesz and Karger have accurately detailed relevant evidence, but have mislabeled the cause as effect. Rather, ideological directives within the CSWE standards result in lackluster scholarship. Whether or not deans and editors are the “best” the discipline has to offer, they do not view themselves as academic leaders furthering inquiry, but style themselves as military officers training recruits to accomplish objectives already established. Thus, schools of social work are implicitly constructed to attract clones for vocational indoctrination, not seriously thoughtful individuals. Racial quotas for employees further limit available high achievers.

This article analyzes the internal as well as the external factors that have contributed to civilian control of the Iranian military in the last decade. The internal factors include the indoctrination of the military with Islamic ideology and internal division among various segments of the armed forces. The external factors, however, encompass the emergence of premilitary groups the Iran-Iraq war and the Russian influence within the Iranian military. In conclusion, the article analyzes the effectiveness of these factors in the 1990s, pointing to the various changes that are contributing to the erosion of these civilian control factors in recent years.

Because norms related to sexuality are an important determinant of the nature of society, sexuality education in schools is the subject of passionate debate. This discourse reflects a struggle between Restrictive and Permissive sexual ideologies. These ideologies compete for influence in shaping sexuality education. As a result, some sexuality education programmes constitute ideological indoctrination. Many other programmes, because of the ideological conflict surrounding sexuality, omit important sexual health information. The objective of this paper is to articulate the basic parameters of a democratic philosophy of sexuality education. The aim of this philosophy is to accommodate ideological pluralism related to sexuality while simultaneously ensuring that educational programmes provide the necessary information and skills to facilitate the human right to sexual health. Based on Rawls’ (1993) theory of political liberalism, this philosophy proposes that sexuality education ought to be centred ...

Why do authoritarian governments engage in propaganda when citizens often know that their governments are propagandizing and therefore resist, ignore, or disparage the messages? While propaganda is traditionally understood as a means to indoctrinate the masses with pro-regime values and attitudes, i.e., it “brainwashes” people, I propose a theory that propaganda is often not used for indoctrination, but rather to signal the government’s strength in maintaining social control and political order, i.e., it intimidates citizens. I use unique survey data from China to test the argument. Consistent with the theoretical prediction, Chinese college students with more exposure to state propaganda in the form of ideological and political education do not have a more positive view of China’s government and political system, but they are more likely to believe that the regime is strong in maintaining political order and social stability, and less willing to participate in political dissent. Additional evidences consistent with the theory are also briefly discussed.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently I analyse how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.

Management theorists have developed a language which, they claim, can be used to evaluate many diverse practices, including practices in health care. This language embodies conceptualizations of practice and an approach to evaluation which treat the concept of quality as foundational and which have links with free market ideology. Despite an extensive literature which attempts to apply this language to various areas of life, its fundamental conceptual assumptions remain largely unexamined. Without adequate philosophical arguments in support of these assumptions, the value of this language and the validity of the approach to practice that it embodies are unproven. Its imposition in the absence of such arguments therefore represents a form of intellectual imperialism. To understand and develop adequate responses to this situation, it is necessary to look at the broad political picture which affects the nature of debates in specific areas of practice, such as the health service, and to question the dominant paradigm governing practical debate in contemporary society.

Summary December 1989 meant for the Romanian academie world the break off with the communist dogmaticism and the politics of indoctrination and also the possibility of installing a critical analysis and the continuity of the true values of Romanian universities. Two inquiries conducted in 1990 and 1991 among students and Professors revealed a strong contesting pathos (persons, teaching contents and methods. The entire educational System were contested) and also a true desire to find out the critical aspects which enhances a new ideology in the higher education System. Students and a part of the faculty have discovered expressions like “academic freedom” and “academie autonomy”. They started to use concepts like “change”, “academic democracy”, “social responsibility”. New expectations concerning the behavioural offer of Professors occurred. When defining the direction of this change, authors chose the expression “toward normality”. Indices of normality could be the assumption by the university of new funct...

The process by which people ceased to “believe in” magic was remarkably swift for such a seismic shift in consciousness; it took place over the course of the seventeenth century. A person born in 1600, when almost all educated people “believed in” magic could easily have lived long enough to witness a world in which virtually none of them did. This epochal change distinguishes the modern Western consciousness from the vast majority of its forebears, and also from many of its contemporaries, as we learn from the recent resurgence of witch-panics throughout the postcolonial world. A change of these dimensions could not have occurred with such rapidity had not English minds been prepared by a course of ideological indoctrination, and the process by which usury attained respectability was an important part of that curriculum. I have been arguing that, at least at the beginning of our period the economic, liturgical, and magical modes of autonomous representation were not fully distinguished from each other. Indeed, sixteenth-century literature often explicitly connects them, and it frequently does so on what might seem the surprising grounds that they are all forms of alienated labor. In John Bale’s didactic propaganda play Comedy Concernynge Thre Lawes (1538) we hear that the character named Idololatria can perform labor by means of both pagan and Papist magic.

T he acrimonious debate over multiculturalism in education has not yet begun to directly affect graduate business educators. Our undergraduate university curricula, some charge, have been and still are little more than arenas for political indoctrination that discriminate in subtle but powerful ways along lines of race, class, and gender (see Ravitch 1990, Searle 1990, Sullivan 1990, Hacker 1990, and Stanfield 1985). Political correctness has become a watchword for some, a code word for others. For multiculturalists, any expression of sentiment for the traditional curriculum, or for educational programs that teach Western cultural ideas, must be immediately exposed as ideological. For those who see Western culture and politics as heterogeneous, self-critical, and tolerably self-correcting, multiculturalist attacks are thinly veiled versions of Marxist ideology. Traditionalists argue that the politicization of education threatens to balkanize our campuses and make intercultural, interracial dialogue all but impossible. Whether or not the current multiculturalism debates are a passing fad, management educators would do well to reflect on the implications of this debate for their tasks. Indeed, multiculturalism in the university is connected to cultural phenomena. As we all know, most managers face pluralistic customer and employee populations. Customers and employees from varied cultural backgrounds create complex challenges to effective communication--particularly in today's global economy. Competitiveness often depends on an adequate understanding of cultural value differences. As Philip West has argued (1989), Pacific Rim competitors know even more about American culture than do American businesspeople. This knowledge provides considerable advantage in predicting how Americans will think and behave. Despite the growing social and political tensions facing U.S. business, we know of no empirical research focusing on the broad range of cultural knowledge management students need to respond to the social environment. E.D. Hirsch's cultural literacy project (1983, 1987) has called our attention to the serious lack of cultural knowledge among U.S. students. Hirsch and his collaborators used current general circulation newspapers, books, and magazines as their sources. They selected information items that writers did not define, because these items are assumed to be part of the common knowledge readers share with the writer. Consequently, the level of knowledge assumed by Hirsch is far less than that needed for an adequate understanding of Western culture, much less non-Western cultures. The cultural literacy project aimed to define minimal functional literacy for our current social and cultural environment and selected cultural literacy items empirically--on the basis of contemporary use. Hirsch's efforts have been aimed at primary education. Only one published report has assessed cultural literacy among professional students. In 1988, Charles King reported that a class of fourth-year medical students at the University of Kansas College of Health Sciences correctly identified only 30.7 percent of 100 basic cultural literacy items. Our study presents briefly the resuits of an expanded and more detailed version

One of the first acts of most of the new East European governments installed in 1989 was to abolish the old regime's requirement that students pass examinations in Marxism-Leninism.' In 1990, the USSR, despite the Communist Party's political monopoly, followed suit.2 Such steps have not been an exclusively European phenomenon: in Vietnam MarxismLeninism is no longer a decisive part of examinations.3 At the same time, Chinese higher education is undergoing a period of selective repoliticization, designed to overcome the disaffection of the 1989 student movement. The leaders of the Communist Party of China (CCP) are reasserting a central role for ideology in higher education. For example, in August 1989, CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin told students at China's leading technological institute, Qinghua University, "In the future, universities and colleges should earnestly intensify their ideological and political work so that Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought can take over the educational bastion."4 University students are reportedly undergoing the most intensive political indoctrination since the fall of the Maoist Gang of Four in 1976.5 It is uncertain that the intense political indoctrination will subsist as the depoliticization of education in Communist-ruled and formerly Communist-ruled societies continues. The outcome will depend little on whether the currents flowing through Eastern European and other Communist party-states will again find resonance in the People's Republic of China (PRC), as happened in the 1980s. Rather it may be more fruitful to

This paper attempts an analysis of moral education in the People's Republic of China from 1949 to 1989. It reveals that moral education in China is basically the expressed thoughts of political leaders, which intrude into other branches of education. As such, it is a means of political indoctrination. Unchanging in purpose, it varies in degree and content, as political leaders and/or policies change. The conclusion reached is that, divorced from personal and everyday life, moral education in China succumbs to confusion in personal and social life, as demonstrated during the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. Moral education is clearly for the benefit of the government rather than for the individual person.

Reading books were one of the favorite textual genres of the Franco Regime, used as a privileged vehicle for the transmission of knowledge, values and emotions. This article explores the evolution of their characteristics and contents during the late Franco dictatorship (tardofranquismo). During the first and second phases of Franco Regime, textbooks contained heavy doses of ideological indoctrination, both political and religious. The inculcation of emotions and sentiments in school texts has been demonstrated; in the early decades of the regime, the language employed in the writing of textbooks had the specific objective of manipulating and persuading as a means to control and shape the emotional structure of childhood. There is debate as to what extent and in what manner the nature of the texts (the kinds of readings and their underlying messages) were modified under the new economic policy and technocracy. The study examines ruptures and continuities that appear in reading books and in their texts, focusing on publishers and authors on the one hand – the messages and their written and iconic languages – and on the emotions that are transmitted through both routes on the other. The economic opening and political turn of the regime’s later years did lead to certain aesthetic and didactic facelifts in the manuals. However, reading books not only changed their appearance; this study brings to light the changes in socio-emotional schemes, changes that took place slowly and gradually. The projected and stimulated emotions began to be directed more at the world of the children and towards a more constructive way reading, moving away from socio-political objectives

In the early seventies, the full impact of modern dynamical systems theory and the geometrization of mechanics have made themselves felt also in Romania. These ideas trickled in over a period of several years both from the West and the Soviet Union into a country which was, for all practical purposes, in complete intellectual isolation. The late sixties saw a slight respite from a very harsh rule and a few mathematicians were allowed to travel. They brought back into the country any material they could lay their hands on and made it readily available to their colleagues and their students. In July 1972, a Chinese-style cultural revolution was imposed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party with disastrous consequences, for mathematics in particular. A complete return to Stalinism occurred. By 1975, the Central Institute of Mathematics in Bucharest, the only in the country, was dissolved and mathematicians were looking for jobs. Those whose views were perceived to “infect” the Marxist indoctrination of students were fired from their university positions. This was just one of the many purges which periodically hit the higher education system, except that this time it took on an even more sinister twist: Ideological purity became again codified into various governmental regulations (before it was harshly applied but it had only a convoluted legal basis) and only those deemed worthy by the Communist Party were even allowed to register to the graduate study admission competitions at different universities and institutes. Membership in the party became a necessary, but not sufficient, condition to be admitted to the exam.

For many who study Chinese politics and history, June Fourth has become a common point of reference, one marking a new political phase as well as a momentous historical event. ' The aftermath of the crackdown in Beijing also constituted a distinct stage in the arts, a period of renewed efforts at ideological indoctrination and rigid censorship. Though this control has eased significantly with the flood of economic reforms triggered by Deng Xiaoping's tour through southern China early in 1992, a closer look at theatre activities in Shanghai preceding this major shift reveals a fascinating dialectic operating in the artistic community for more than two years during the Main Melody campaign. Through a scholarship from the Harvard-Yenching Institute, I was fortunate to have been living in Shanghai for a sixteen-month period during 1990-1991, when the campaign reached its peak. National in scope, the campaign had distinct ties to Shanghai in regard to its origins and subsequent development; thus, this article's focus on the campaign's dissemination in the Shanghai theatre community serves both as a local case study of a nationwide phenomenon and as an examination of the unique circumstances of theatre activity in Shanghai at the dawn of the current era of rapid economic reform. Sources for this article include interviews with administrators, instructors, playwrights, actors, directors, and designers from the Shanghai Theatre Academy, several regional theatres, and local and national cultural bureaus and publications, in addition to published articles relating to the Main Melody campaign, only some of which are cited here. I am indebted to my colleagues in China who spoke candidly with me about this topic, which was quite sen

The importance of methods of persuasion is increasing, particularly in the face of the all-out effort to build communism in our country. The indoctrination of all Soviet people (including youth) in the spirit of communist consciousness is the central task in ideological work. Much attention is devoted to this question in the documents of the Twenty-Fourth Congress of the CPSU.

As the twenty-first century approaches … the possibilities of a univerally opulent society being realised have appeared in the sense that [Adam] Smith envisioned it, and the information society that will emerge from the computer communications revolution will be a society that actually moves towards a universal society of plenty … this is what I mean by “Computopia” (Masuda) Our culture … is already committed to the proposition that the only legitimate knowledge we can gain of our world is that yielded by science. All thinking, dreaming, feeling, indeed all other sources of insight have already be delegitimated. The indoctrination of our children's minds with simplistic and uninformed computer idolatory … is a pandemic phenomenon (Weizenbaum)2

Party propaganda is one of the most important means for shaping a Marxist-Leninist world view in communists and in all working people. Its mission is to help people to gain a correct understanding of the world and of the laws of social development, to grasp the sense of processes and phenomena in the world, to make a class-and Party-oriented evaluation, to have a good understanding of our Party's policies, and to participate actively in their implementation. To an immense degree, the solution of these tasks depends both on the ideological content of propaganda and its scientific-theoretical level, as well as on the effectiveness of methods and means used in education and indoctrination.

Libraries and librarianship in the USSR are frequently discussed in English language library journals, but scanty information is available in English about the libraries of other socialistic countries. The author, therefore, welcomed the opportunity to observe librarianship under a socialist form of government which presented itself during the summer of 1964 in the Seminar and Field Study on Education in East European countries conducted by the Comparative Education Society. The countries visited on this six-week study tour were Poland, the USSR, Rumania, Yugoslavia, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Through the cooperation of the various teachers unions, lectures on the educational, political and economic systems of these countries were arranged and the participants had the opportunity to meet representatives of the various ministries of education and culture, teachers, and other people active in public life for question and answer periods and social affairs. The conferences were supplemented by numerous tours to universities, elementary and secondary schools, and pioneer camps. Utilizing the time and opportunities outside of the organized schedule, the writer contacted librarians and visited major libraries in the capitals of these countries. Almost everywhere the reception was most cordial and librarians gave generously of their time. After the buildings were toured, there were usually long discussions about the theory and practice of the profession on both sides of the Atlantic. The following observations are based on these visits and on extensive reading in this field. It is a well-known fact that the ideological differences that have separated countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain are particularly evident in those professions which by their nature can be developed into powerful forces to promote government causes. The practice of librarianship, which to the casual observer appears to be the same in its basic principles all over the world, contains essential points of difference, which become targets of criticism on both sides.' Last year, for example, during a conference held at the Lenin Library in Moscow, librarianship in its relationship to modern society was discussed; Sovetskaia bibliografiia reported that most talks and discussions criticized reactionary tendencies, especially of U. S. librarians.2 Traditional Western librarianship is called "reactionary" because it "attempts to preserve and defend the capitalist order of classes," while its socialist counterpart "is based on the solid foundations of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, and thus contributes to the realization of a new and more just, and therefore more progressive, socialist and communist order of classes."'3 Lenin had already early recognized the book, the library and librarianship as essential instruments in the formation of the socialist society.4 In this role, the book and the library have two well-publicized functions. First, they are frankly propagandistic: "The book is written to influence society; each individual book has a social function. 0 . . libraries are social institutions5 .... which are not allowed to be indifferent any longer."' They are, therefore, instruments of indoctrination which must assist in the formation of public opinion and exert influence upon the political and cultural life of society. The second important function is the education of the masses and the fight against illiteracy-which constitutes the second stage in the cultural revolution, the first being the conversion of the masses to the socialist ideals. Knowledge has to come within the reach of every citizen, and large amounts of the national budgets are spent to support educational institutions.7 Libraries share the responsibility of improving scientific knowledge and technical ex

The German Luftwaffe was the creation of Nazism and represented a special bridge between the Party and the Armed Forces. In World War I German air power had made a glorious record of achievement and it followed naturally that Hermann Goering, one of Germany's outstanding aces and a leading National Socialist, should become the head of the new Luftwaffe. Goering built the new air force of volunteers carefully selected for qualities of morale and physique. The National Socialist Flying Corps and the flying units of the Hitler Youth formed vast pools for the screening and training of the boys. who became future Luftwaffe recruits. In these organizations trainees were given elementary air training and a thorough indoctrination in Nazi ideology. Within the Luftwaffe itself the young airmen were further indoctrinated through contact with the many activities and facilities of the Welfare Organization and the other propaganda agencies. Thus the early members of the Luftwaffe were thoroughly indoctrinated in Nazi principles. The decline in Nazi fortunes which began in 1943, however, brought deterioration in the quality of Luftwaffe personnel. Heavy losses of the original personnel and the expanding needs of the Luftwaffe necessitated ever increasing replacements, many of whom were no longer volunteers, but were personnel obtained from the general draft. As the German situation became more desperate, and as the quality of personnel further deteriorated, the Nazi ideologists sought new means of propagandizing the airmen. The plan decided upon was that of calling into the aviation units special political commissars or indoctrination officers to work among the troops.

The purpose of this paper is to gain some perspective on the future setting in which we and our immediate successors will practice and to study some of the forces which are operative in this field.A paper of this length can do no more than outline what is going on in our profession and give some of the evidence we have so far found concerning the factors which are deciding the future.We need to do some hard thinking on this subject of dentistry in the Soviet Union and ideas behind the revolutionary changes there and our response to them, whether we like it or not, because one of the new factors which dominates and controls dental practice in nearly half of the whole human family is the Soviet system. of training, practice and philosophy.There is a story told of a hen-run which was situated near to a Rugby field. On one occasion the Rugby ball was kicked over the wire into the hen-run. When the cock saw the Rugby ball lying there, he walked round it and then he called all the hens together and he said, “Now girls, I don't want to complain, but just take a look at what some other firms are producing.” Any responsible attempt to look into the future will of necessity include a study of the Soviet system and the dynamic idea which gives it such momentum.There are three major features about the Soviet which we wish to deal with, arising from the above, and we wish to deal quite briefly with each.First-the creation of a new framework for the dental profession.Second-the fact that the dentist is faced with a continuing choice of loyalty.Third-the intense programme of indoctrination in Marxist-Leninist ideology.

The present "proletarian cultural revolution" in Communist China is designed, among other things, to eradicate the remnants of traditional and foreign "reactionary" elements in Chinese society. It is an attempt by Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to strengthen his ideological influence upon the Chinese people, the young people in particular. But the Peking regime has always given the highest priority to thought control and political indoctrination, and the cultural revolution is merely another example of this long-standing policy. The purpose of this article is to study the indoctrination of the peasants by the Peking regime through the use of radio propaganda. In December 1965, Communist China celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of "people's radio broadcasting." On this occasion, Mao Tse-tung urged radio broadcasting personnel to use radio broadcasting to serve the people of China and all the people of the world. Other high-ranking Chinese Communist leaders, including Liu Shao-Ch'i, Chou En-lai and Chu Teh, stressed the importance of radio in the socialist revolution, in propagandizing the thought of Mao Tse-tung and in fighting against imperialism, and Lu Ting-yi, then Director of the Department of Propaganda of the CPC Central Committee and Minister of Culture of the State Council, pointed out that radio broadcasting was "an important weapon of class struggle."' It is abundantly clear that the Peking leaders attached great importance to radio as a means of political propaganda and indoctrination. Since its accession to power in 1949, the Peking regime has placed basic emphasis upon political consolidation and economic development. In order to transform China into an industrialized modern state in a short period of time, the Chinese Communist leaders attempted to develop both agriculture and industry simultaneously. This called for effective political modernization and the building up of what some economists called the "social overhead" which includes basic transport, irrigation, power facilities and communications. In an under-developed country such as Communist China, the mobilization of human resources by education, literary training, and mechanical skill training is as important as the utilization of natural resources in its economic development. Radio is one of the mass media that has been used to train and educate the Chinese people.

Literacy programs and ideology in Soviet Russia, Nicolas Werth. Teaching people to read and write was one of the priorities of the Soviet revolution. Linked as of 1917 with indoctrination and politicisation, the education of the masses was meant to be carefully controlled. After a crash literacy program during the civil war period, done with the army's help, publishing was less rigidly watched over and shows the divergences between readers'tastes and those of the Party's guides. The tightening of the screws in the Stalinist period led to the " classic " book becoming an envied item, highly prized today on the black market., Werth Nicolas. Alphabétisation et idéologie en Russie soviétique. In: Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire, n°10, avril-juin 1986. Dossier : Lectures pour tous. pp. 19-36.