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As in many other countries, COVID-19 became a litmus test for government efficiency in Georgia. The pandemic has influenced the daily life of Georgian society and shaped not only state-citizen relations, but politics as well. Citizens have experienced profound and sometimes rapid changes, from the initial curfew to the eventual lockdown. It also raised questions about how the 'Georgian Dream'-led government made decisions and established new rules. Managing the pandemic-related crisis in Georgia demonstrated that decision-makers, the political elite, and powerful institutions such as the Georgian Orthodox Church used their power to avoid formally established rules and/or used informal practices to influence the process. Thus, this article aims to analyse the informal practices and the role of informality in the process of adopting and implementing the COVID-related regulations, as well as how it affected the quality of crisis management.

This article examines the role of interest mobilization in strengthening or weakening congruence between elected representatives and citizens on EU policy issues. It argues that the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and elected politicians can be theorized as a selective transmission process. We expect interest groups to strengthen congruence between citizens and elected representatives who share their ideological views. To test our hypotheses we conducted a content analysis of statements made in eight European news outlets on a sample of 13 policy issues and combined this with Eurobarometer polls. Our results indicate that elected representatives from leftist parties are more congruent with left-wing voters when civil society mobilizes, while the prevalence of corporate lobby groups strengthens congruence between rightist politicians and their constituents. These findings contribute to our understanding of the role of interest groups in political representation and democratic governance. publishedVersion

Studies of antagonistic interactions, specifically in policing, frequently view (de)escalation as a linear process without considering how officers perceive and anticipate interactional processes. We argue however that officers perceive tense encounters with civilians as characterized by a back-and-forth going of various trajectories, goals, and directions. Based on our interactionist and ethnomethodological conceptualization of interactional trajectories, we analyse 25 video interviews and 46 elicitation interviews. Our analysis focuses on officers' interpretations of "turning points," e.g., sudden shifts in their own, their colleagues', or civilians’ bodily behaviour that redirect their projected trajectories and which necessitate po- lice action, sometimes violence. This article moves beyond a purely situational understanding of police-civilian encounters by incorporating officers’ accounts of their experiences and bodily actions, as elicited by watching video recordings of police-civilian encounters. We argue that our conceptualization of trajectories and turnings points as well as our video-based interview method shed light on the importance of bodily action police-civilian encounters; maintaining public order is to anticipate and redirect perceived turning points that potentially disturb routinized patterns of bodily actions.

Post-Weberian definitions see the state???individual relationship as a ???do ut des??? one. The state grants protection, education, medical care, and its citizens contribute labour, compliance, and taxes. When this does not occur, it is generally accepted that the citizens are deviating from state goals. However, there are cases where lack of compliance stems from the fact that society members do not feel protected by formal structures, and they rely on informal ones to replace, supplement, or even compete with state institutions. The starting point of this article is that this lack of support may result from enhanced labour mobility (and migration) across Europe, and may enhance the creation and persistence of informal practices. Taking advantage of two case studies, Romanian migrants to Spain and ethnic entrepreneurs in Croatia, we observe how governance is constructed and provide two novel interpretative frameworks. First, we explore the use of informality (informal practices) to suggest that apparently insignificant actions that are repeated routinely and without much thought, are a way to contribute to the construction of the political and that everyday governance should receive more attention. Second, we use this claim to argue that a better understanding of informality can help identify governance areas where interventions are more urgent. These are the spheres of public life where it is possible to identify a larger gap between the wishes of a state and the ways citizens actually act as they informally avoid or bypass its rules.

This article aims to highlight the emergence of urban citizenship spaces in two European cities—Milan, Italy, and Rotterdam, the Netherlands—where marginality and social exclusion are faced and coped with through social participation, appropriation of space, and the construction of a peculiar place-based sense of belonging. To do so, the article will present the results of comparative research conducted in Milan and Rotterdam by means of 60 semi-structured interviews (30 in each city) with inhabitants of peculiar neighbourhoods in the two cities. The analysis will adopt an intersectional perspective (Crenshaw, 1989), paying attention to the intersection between personal characteristics and spatial features to highlight the processes occurring at the crossroads between the social and spatial categories. In particular, this work will present two examples, one from each city involved in the research, in which urban citizenship practices are enacted and create a Lefebvrian space of representation where dominant discourses and narratives are overcome and overturned by people otherwise excluded from dominant spaces and mainstream forms of urban citizenship. A comparison of the fieldwork from the two cities shows how in both cases, subaltern and/or marginalised groups (women, the poor, and migrants in particular) manage to appropriate interstitial spaces within the city where they can find room for expression and well-being and for the performance of urban citizenship practices. At the same time, though, external (political and economic) factors can transform those spaces of representation into self-constraining places which can expose these marginal groups to further vulnerability.

Oriented around efficiency, civic technology primarily aims to remove barriers by automating and streamlining processes of government. While removing barriers is vital in many matters of governance, should it always be the aim of civic technology? In our ongoing ethnographic research to understand the work of community engagement performed by public officials in local government, we have observed how this orientation around efficiency in civic technology can inadvertently create distance in the relationships between citizens and governments. In this article, we discuss how an orientation around trust could open a space for civic technology that primarily aims to close distance in the relationships between citizens and public officials. We do so by first providing an account of how trust functions in the work of public officials performing community engagement, calling attention to where and when efficiency is at odds with the importance of relationship building between public officials and citizens. We build on ethnographic findings and a series of co-design activities with public officials to develop three strategies that operate under the logic of trust: historicizing engagement, focusing on experience, and mediating expectations. In all, by focusing on trust and the relational work of closing distance, civic technology can move towards addressing the growing crisis in confidence being faced in democracies.

This article reports on a qualitative study of community based organizations’ (CBOs) adoption of information communication technologies (ICT). As ICTs in the civic sector, otherwise known as civic tech, get adopted with greater regularity in large and small organizations, there is need to understand how these technologies shape and challenge the nature of civic work. Based on a nine-month ethnographic study of one organization in Boston and additional interviews with fourteen other organizations throughout the United States, the study addresses a guiding research question: how do CBOs reconcile the changing (increasingly mediated) nature of civic work as ICTs, and their effective adoption and use for civic purposes, increasingly represent forward-thinking, progress, and innovation in the civic sector?—of civic tech as a measure of “keeping up with the times.” From a sense of top-down pressures to innovate in a fast-moving civic sector, to changing bottom-up media practices among community constituents, our findings identify four tensions in the daily practice of civic tech, including: 1) function vs. representation, 2) amplification vs. transformation, 3) grassroots vs. grasstops, and 4) youth vs. adults. These four tensions, derived from a grounded theory approach, provide a conceptual picture of a civic tech landscape that is much more complicated than a suite of tools to help organizations become more efficient. The article concludes with recommendations for practitioners and researchers.

Within just one year, the world witnessed the collapse of elected governments in Mali, Afghanistan, and Guinea. While the power grabs by military juntas in Mali and Guinea and by the Taliban in Afghanistan caused fear among the respective populations, many citizens were also willing to acquiesce to the overtaking forces, because the deposed civilian governments were perceived as failing and corrupt. These developments highlight important lessons about government legitimacy in fragile states. There is more to government legitimacy than elections. The holding of elections alone often does not suffice to render a government legitimate in the eyes of citizens. Questionable or botched elections can do more harm than good to government legitimacy. In weak and fragile states, governments cannot rely on citizens' acceptance of state institutions to legitimate their authority. They must find alternative ways to continually legitimate their rule in the eyes of citizens. Insights from Burkina Faso suggest that government legitimacy can be improved by addressing problems of state-society relations. Even in communities that have very strained relations with the state, most citizens actually desire greater state presence and would be willing to give state institutions and security forces the benefit of the doubt - if they were perceived to be doing more to protect people's safety and livelihoods. If the conditions are right, local governments can play a crucial role in mitigating the central state's deficient capacity and legitimacy. In some areas, local governments are the most powerful and legitimate political actors in citizens' lives. In dealing with governments that are deficient in legitimacy, international actors should be guided by a careful analysis of state-society relations. Calls for rapid elections are no panacea, and elected governments should not automatically be considered legitimate representatives of society. Instead, international actors should focus on identifying and supporting societal changes that are prerequisites for more legitimate governance.

Environmental policy is touching on ever more aspects of corporate and individual behavior, and there is much debate over what combinations of top-down (government-imposed) and bottom-up (voluntary private sector) measures to use. In democratic societies, citizens’ preferences over such combinations are crucial because they shape the political mandates based on which policymakers act. We argue that policy designs that involve private-public co-regulation receive more citizen support if they are based on inclusive decision-making, use strong transparency and monitoring mechanisms, and include a trigger for government intervention in case of ineffectiveness. Survey experiments in Switzerland (N = 1941) provide strong support for these arguments. Our research demonstrates that differences in co-regulation design have major implications for public support. Another key finding is that there seems to be a contradiction between inclusiveness and democratic accountability for policy outcomes. The findings are surprisingly consistent across two very different green economy issues we focus on empirically (decarbonization of finance, pesticides). This suggests that our study design offers a useful template for research that explores public opinion on green economy policy designs for other issues and in other countries., Global Environmental Change, 68, ISSN:0959-3780, ISSN:1872-9495

Können internationale Unterschiede im Niveau politischer Bildung durch bildungssystemische Bedingungen erklärt werden? Daten der International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016 zeigen, dass sich OECD Länder deutlich hinsichtlich des politischen Wissenserwerbs von Schüler:innen unterscheiden. Auch die soziale Ungleichheit politischer Bildung hängt teils stark vom jeweiligen nationalen Kontext ab. In dieser Studie werden anhand von Mehrebenenanalysen, bildungssystemische Bedingungen identifiziert, die einen Zusammenhang mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb von Schüler:innen aufweisen. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass hohe Anforderungen an die Lehrkräfteausbildung, fächerübergreifende politische Bildung anstatt der Isolation im Politikunterricht und eine Kultur der politischen Diskussion im Klassenzimmer positiv mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb von Schüler:innen assoziiert sind, während ein nach Leistung gegliedertes Sekundarschulwesen negativ mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb zusammenhängt. Darüber hinaus haben manche bildungssystemische Bedingungen unterschiedliche Einflüsse auf Schüler:innen unterschiedlicher sozialer Herkunft und haben somit das Potenzial soziale Ungleichheit zu reduzieren oder gar zu verstärken. Die Ergebnisse liefern der Bildungspolitik Anhaltspunkte für Rahmenbedingungen, die politische Bildung effektiver und für alle Schüler:innen zugänglicher gestalten können. Can education system conditions explain cross-national differences in civic knowledge achievement? Data of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 20161 show that OECD countries significantly differ in their overall levels of civic knowledge as well as in their social inequities of civic knowledge among students. This study applies multi-level analyses to identify education system conditions that are associated with students' civic knowledge. The results show a post-graduate degree for teachers, horizontal curriculum integration of civic issues, and a macro-societal culture of classroom debate being positively associated with students' levels of civic knowledge, while tracking by performance is negatively associated with civic knowledge achievement. Moreover, some education system conditions have varying impacts on students depending on their social backgrounds and therefore can potentially reduce or reinforce the inequities of civic learning. The results can inform policymakers about potential means to make civic education more effective and accessible for all students.

Behandelt werden in diesem Aufsatz die wichtigsten Diskursfelder zur Figur des aktiven Bürgers in der politischen Ideengeschichte. Der Rekurs auf die republikanische Tradition dient dabei als Mittel politiktheoretischer Selbstverständigung und normativer Orientierung, insofern er es ermöglicht, heutige Differenzen zu markieren und, was noch weit entscheidender ist, historische Transformationsprozesse zu beschreiben, die unser heutiges demokratisches (Selbst-)Verständnis bestimmen und formen. This essay deals with the most important areas of discourse on the figure of the active citizen in the history of political ideas. Recourse to the republican tradition serves as a means of political-theoretical self-understanding and normative orientation, insofar as it makes it possible to highlight today's differences and, what is even more decisive, to describe historical transformation processes that determine and shape our current democratic (self)understanding.

Objective: The study investigates the relationship between perceived loneliness and the individuals' attitude whether voting is a civic duty. With that, it is the first study to shed light on the mechanism linking perceived loneliness to voting behavior. Methods: Two independent, cross-sectional, and representative datasets from Germany (n = 1641) and the Netherlands (n = 1431) are analyzed. Results: The regression results and effect decomposition techniques show that loneliness is associated with reduced intention to vote as well as a lower sense of duty to vote. The effect of loneliness on voting behavior is partially mediated through a reduced sense of duty. Conclusion: Loneliness is associated with political disengagement. The study provides empirical evidence that the relationship between loneliness and turnout is partially mediated through sense of duty. This showcases that lonely individuals tend to feel detached from society and are less likely to feel obligated to participate in the electoral process.

The 20 October 2021 marks the first anniversary of the shooting of unarmed protesters by the Nigerian military. The movement pushing to abolish the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) has proved how social media can make the voices of the weak heard. However, recent developments surrounding social media regulations in the aftermath of the shooting show that the right to freedom of expression is at risk of regression. The EndSARS protest has proven itself to be a milestone people-led movement. It is the first time Nigerians from different classes, ethnic groups, and religions have united behind a cause. It went beyond making demands for the mere disbanding of the SARS squad to insisting on the release of protesters, justice for victims, prosecution of poor police conduct, evaluation and retraining of officers, and an increase in police salary - all organised via social media. What came in the aftermath of the movement served as a driver for the renewed calls for bills to regulate social media. The political elite issued a communiqué that called for the strict monitoring and censorship of social media usage. Recent developments are not unique. A careful analysis of social media regulations shows that the government has remained ambivalent towards freedom of expression - promoting that right while at the same time limiting it. Nigeria has witnessed some progress since it transitioned from military to civilian rule in 1999. Nevertheless, it risks regression if draconian bills are introduced that curtail freedom of expression and assembly. The Nigerian government must be willing to review and revise its cyber bills to eliminate ambiguity. It must also include all relevant stakeholders, such as youth, women, and human as well as digital rights experts, in its drafting of cyber bills.

In democracies, one of Public Service Media’s (PSM) main roles is to inform the public. In a digital news ecosystem, where commercial, citizen, and alternative news sources have multiplied, questions about the ability and need for PSM to fulfil this role are increasingly being raised. While the role of PSM can and should be scrutinized, a too-narrow a focus on an informed citizenry may obfuscate aspects, other than audience reach and objectivity, that are key to this information role, such as trust. Against this background, this article studies whether and to what extent citizens still trust the news and information services of their public broadcaster, asking if that trust is still high, whether there is a difference between groups in the population, and if trust is in line with reach. Based on a representative survey of news users in Flanders, the Dutch-speaking community of Belgium, the article studies the reach and trust scores of the brands of VRT, Flanders’ PSM, and compares them to those of its main competitors, with a specific focus on differences in terms of age, education levels, and political orientation. The results suggest that VRT struggles more than the main commercial players to reach young people and the lower-educated, but still leads when it comes to trust. The data show the continued importance of widening our assessment of PSM beyond market-focused indicators of reach.

Extradition as an act of international cooperation for the repression of criminal activities of the criminal offenders is one of the various models whereby one sovereign state delivers up the alleged accused criminals found within its jurisdiction, on-demand, to another sovereign state, so that they might be dealt with according to the penal laws. Extradition has evolved among states because they are vitally interested in the repression of crimes and punishment of criminals who violate their national laws and thus disturb the general peace of the society. This article aims to describe the problems with which extradition is faced, especially with the obligation to extradite and with the obligation to take care of her own citizens in situations when the Constitution does not allow the extradition of own nationals and in the absence of an extradition treaty.

In Krisen ist es die Zivilgesellschaft, die flexibel auf neue Herausforderungen reagiert und solidarischem Engagement einen Rahmen gibt (s. auch die verstärkte Einwanderung 2015). In der durch die Corona-Pandemie ausgelösten Krise haben zivilgesellschaftliche Akteurinnen und Akteure Hilfe für gefährdete Gruppen organisiert, die Umsetzung von Hygienemaßnahmen unterstützt und autoritäre Auswüchse staatlicher Maßnahmen kritisch begleitet. Wie alle gesellschaftlichen Akteurinnen und Akteure waren auch die der Zivilgesellschaft in der Corona-Krise vor große Herausforderungen gestellt. Zum Teil waren Akteurinnen und Akteure durch die Pandemie lange Zeit handlungsunfähig und sind nun existenziell bedroht. Andere konnten die Pandemie und die Umstrukturierung der Arbeit und Tätigkeiten relativ gut bewältigen, sodass die gegenwärtige Corona-bedingte Situation der Zivilgesellschaft sehr divers ist. Aber während über die Herausforderungen des Staates und der Wirtschaft ausführlich berichtet und der Wirtschaft vom Staat in großem Umfang Hilfe zugesichert wurde, wurde die Zivilgesellschaft über weite Strecken in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung und von der Agenda der politischen Verantwortlichen ausgeblendet, obwohl ihre Akteurinnen und Akteure einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur Bewältigung der Krise geleistet haben. Zwar gab es staatliche Hilfsangebote für die Zivilgesellschaft, die unter der Überschrift Rettungsschirm zusammengefasst werden können. Der Höhe nach bleiben die Hilfsangebote jedoch hinter denen für die Wirtschaft um Faktoren zurück, sodass es trotz der zentralen Rolle der Zivilgesellschaft kein prioritäres oder integriertes Konzept zu deren Unterstützung gibt. Schwierige Voraussetzungen, wie der Status der Steuerbegünstigung (Gemeinnützigkeit), das Vorweisen eines Geschäftsbetriebs und die Zugehörigkeit zu Verbänden oder ähnlichen Zusammenschlüssen, erschweren zudem den Zugang. Hinzukommt, dass sich staatliche Hilfsangebote mit wenigen Ausnahmen ausschließlich an zivilgesellschaftliche Dienstleister richten. Nach langer Isolierung und Verunsicherung durch die Pandemie, wird die gemeinschaftsbildende Funktion eine wesentliche Aufgabe der Zivilgesellschaft sein, die zentral dazu beitragt, dass Bürgerinnen und Bürger sich in Verbundenheit wieder verstärkt in der Zivilgesellschaft engagieren. Das spezifische Potenzial der Zivilgesellschaft, vor und nach der Pandemie zu Lösungen wirksam beitragen zu können, wurde dagegen nur ungenügend erkannt. Die hier vorgelegte Studie hat zum Ziel, diese Potenziale, aber auch die Unterstützungsangebote und Bedarfe darzustellen. Hierzu wurde eine Vielzahl von verfügbaren Einzeluntersuchungen ausgewertet; einzelne Aussagen wurden in Interviews erhärtet. Insgesamt ergeben die Erkenntnisse zur Wahrnehmung und Unterstützung durch staatliche Akteurinnen und Akteure folgendes Bild: 1. Die staatlichen Hilfsangebote für die Zivilgesellschaft sind nicht zentral koordiniert und auf sehr viele unterschiedliche Bundes- und Landesbehörden verteilt. 2. Sie sind fast ausschließlich finanzieller Natur und teilweise als Darlehensprogramme konzipiert, an denen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen nicht partizipieren können. 3. Spezifische Voraussetzungen erschweren den Zugang zu staatlichen Hilfsangeboten. 4. Der Wert zivilgesellschaftlichen Handelns und bürgerschaftlichen Handelns in den Funktionen der Gemeinschaftsbildung, der Wächteraufgaben und der politischen Mitgestaltung wurde nicht gesehen. Eine aktive Zivilgesellschaft ist jedoch in allen Funktionen für die Überwindung der Krise von herausragender Bedeutung. Die Erkenntnisse der sehr diversen Situation der Zivilgesellschaft sind hingegen wie folgt: 1. Der vielfach befürchtete Rückgang an Spenden ist zwar bisher nur sehr bedingt eingetreten, doch wird mittelfristig nach wie vor mit erheblichen Spendenausfällen gerechnet. 2. Förderungen und teilweise auch Leistungsverträge werden gegenwärtig fortgesetzt, es entsteht jedoch das Problem, dass Fördervereinbarungen oftmals nicht eingehalten werden können. Zudem besteht die Sorge, dass Förderungen zukünftig eingestellt oder reduziert werden. 3. Insgesamt wird davon ausgegangen, dass finanzielle Auswirkungen der Pandemie, wenn sie nicht bereits jetzt sichtbar sind, mit einer Verzögerung von ein bis zwei Jahren eintreffen. 4. Home-Office und die Verlagerung der Arbeit ins Digitale hat einen immensen Bedarf an Einzelfallberatung hinsichtlich Digitalisierung hervorgerufen, den gegenwärtig überwiegend die Zivilgesellschaft selbst Abhilfe leistet. Die Kosten für den digitalen Ausbau kann die Zivilgesellschaft jedoch nur begrenzt tragen. 5. Die Beziehung zum Staat ist sehr unterschiedlich. Unabhängige zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen lehnen auch in der Krise überwiegend staatliche finanzielle Hilfen ab. 6. Befragte Akteurinnen und Akteure verlangen von der Zivilgesellschaft mehr Eigeninitiative und mehr Mut und fordern sie auf, nicht gleich nach dem Staat zu rufen. 7. Der Mangel an Wertschätzung für die von der Zivilgesellschaft erbrachten Leistungen wird als großes Hindernis bei der Motivierung für verstärktes bürgerschaftliches Engagement gesehen. 8. Gesundheitliche Risiken und Mehrbelastung erschweren ehrenamtliche Strukturen, die für zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen elementar sind. Es besteht die Sorge, dass viele bürgerschaftlich Engagierte nach der Pandemie nicht zurückkehren. Daraus ergeben sich für die nächste Zukunft unter anderem folgende Konsequenzen: 1. Die Zivilgesellschaft selbst muss lernen, ihre Potenziale, Herausforderungen und Bedarfe offensiver und stringenter darzustellen und an die Politik zu kommunizieren. Deshalb sollte der bisher nicht verbandlich verfasste Teil der Zivilgesellschaft erwägen, verstärkt Zusammenschlüsse oder Koalitionen zu bilden, um sprechfähige und mit Vertretungsmacht ausgestattete Gesprächspartner und -partnerinnen gegenüber staatlichen Stellen zu haben. 2. Ein großer Bedarf wird von den Befragten hinsichtlich einer Verbesserung der Handlungsfähigkeit der Organisationen durch Flexibilisierung der gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen (bspw. Rücklagenbildung) sowie Fördervereinbarungen gesehen. 3. Gelder für Organisationsentwicklung, Digitalisierung und Fortbildungen müssen dringlichst in Hilfsprogrammen umgesetzt werden, an den alle zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteurinnen und Akteure partizipieren können. 4. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteurinnen und Akteure verfügen über wertvolle Expertise und über andere Kapazitäten, um Krisen wie die Corona-Pandemie zu bewältigen. Deshalb ist es geboten, sie verstärkt in die Konzeptionierung von Maßnahmen zur Überwindung der Krise einzubeziehen. 5. Die gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen der Covid-19-Pandemie sind bei weitem noch nicht in vollem Umfang absehbar. Aber klar ist schon heute, dass es eine Rückkehr zum status quo ante nicht geben wird. Dies betrifft auch die Zivilgesellschaft, die es nun zu unterstützen gilt.

Conventional wisdom dictates that the more citizens lean towards either end of the ideological spectrum, the lower their support for democracy. The main model pitted against this “rigidity-of-the-extremes model” is the “rigidity-of-the-right model”. This model assumes that rightist citizens are less supportive. This study proposes and empirically demonstrates the validity of an alternative model, which we call “the authoritarian legacy model”. This model predicts that whether leftist or rightist citizens are less supportive of democracy depends on countries’ experience with left- or right-authoritarianism. To evaluate its validity, we present a systematic comparative investigation of the relation between citizens’ ideological and democratic beliefs, using European and World Values Survey data from 38 European countries (N = 105,495; 1994-2008). In line with this model, our analyses demonstrate that democratic support is lowest among leftist citizens in former left-authoritarian countries and among rightist citizens in former right-authoritarian countries. We find that this relation persists even among generations that grew up after authoritarian rule. These findings suggest that traditional ideological rigidity models are unsuitable for the study of citizens’ democratic beliefs.

Citizens’ Solidarity in Europe systematically dissects the manifestations of solidarity buried beneath the official policies and measures of public authority in Europe. In this exciting and innovative book, contributors offer comprehensive and original data and highlight the detrimental factors that tend to inhibit or annihilate solidarity, and those that are beneficial for the nurturing of solidarity.

Die Proteste in Chile, die im Oktober 2019 einsetzten, haben unter anderem eine Verfassungs­initiative nach sich gezogen, die Bürgerinnen und Bürger schon lange gefor­dert hatten. Nun haben sich auch Regierungs- und Oppositionsparteien darauf geeinigt. Sie soll mit einer Volksabstimmung darüber beginnen, ob eine neue Ver­fassung ge­wünscht wird und welches Kollektivorgan sie aus­arbeiten soll. Seit dem 26. Februar befindet sich Chile offiziell im Wahlkampf für dieses Referendum. Wegen der Covid-19-Pan­demie wurde es vom 26. April auf den 25. Oktober verschoben. Die gegebenenfalls abzuhaltende Wahl des verfassunggebenden Organs soll nun erst am 11. April 2021 stattfinden. Zwar ist noch ungewiss, inwiefern eine neue Verfassung dazu bei­tragen wird, die soziale, politische und institutionelle Krise zu bewältigen. Dennoch glaubt die große Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, dass sie unabdingbarer Grund­stein für einen notwendigen neuen Gesellschaftsvertrag ist. (Autorenreferat)

Current political and religious tensions in France threaten national cohesion. The main point is the break of reciprocity link between citizens and public institutions they finance. The systemic analysis at the heart of this work reveals close relations that these institutions maintain among themselves through recent judicial affairs on religious signs in public places. These privileged links are reflected in a common discourse on secularism that substitutes public debate and ignores the institutional guarantees of peace.

Zusammenfassung Was ist performative Burgerschaft? Wie verandert die Idee und Praxis kunstlerischer Forschung den Begriff von Burgerschaft? Der Beitrag widmet sich dieser grundsatzlichen Fragestellung in der Kombination von kunstlerischer Praxis mit Ansatzen aus der Migrationsforschung, der postkolonialen Theorie und politischen Philosophie und zeigt: ein performatives Verstandnis von Burgerschaft bietet einen gewinnbringenden Ansatz, um aktuelle Fragen von Flucht und Vertreibung, Migration und Integration, Burgerrechte und Burgerpflichten kritisch zu reflektieren. Das Verhaltnis von Burgerschaft und Performance wird am konkreten Beispiel des kunstlerischen Forschungsprojekts Welcome City diskutiert. Das Projekt bietet in seiner Fragestellung, Methodik und Widerspruchlichkeit manch hilfreiche Anknupfungspunkte fur eine kritische Reflexion kunstlerischer Forschung sowie Hinweise fur einen zeitgemasen – performativen – Begriff von Burgerschaft. Die der Forschung vorausgehende These lautete, dass Burgerschaft als eine spezifische Form der (Selbst-)Prasentation stets um Verhaltnisse von Sichtbarkeit und Unsichtbarkeit, Affirmation und Verweigerung kreist; auf diese Bewegung zielt der Begriff der Escamouflage. Schlagworter: Escamouflage, kunstlerische Forschung, Performativitat, Staatsburgerschaft, Welcome City ----- Abstract The term ‘escamouflage’, made up of the German verb eskamotieren (to spirit or to conjure s.o. or s.th. away) and the French noun camouflage (the act, means, or result of obscuring things to deceive an enemy), is a form of strategic mimicry and stands for a contemporary practice of gaining artistic and political agency. Taking a recent intervention by the Hamburg-based Welcome City Group as an example, the text outlines how artistic or performative research can contribute to developing a new vocabulary for performing and/or enacting citizenship. The aim of the three-year research project Welcome City is to explore the secret, mostly unspoken rules for living, visiting and settling in a new city – the hidden protocols that you are supposed to know or which you did not even know exist. Experiences within an open and self-organised working group of newcomers, performative appearances in urban space, a multi-author blog indicate that ‘escamouflage’, that is becoming invisible, becoming animal, is a very effective strategy to perform as a citizen on the stage of the big city. Keywords: artistic research, escamouflage, performativity, citizenship, welcome city ----- Bibliographie: Hildebrandt, Paula Marie: Escamouflage oder ein Faultier. Performative Burgerschaft, kunstlerisch erforscht, PERIPHERIE, 3-2016, S. 414-431. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v36i144.25715

Source at http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v4i1.1950. This issue discusses the concept of social innovation (SI) as a potentially transformative factor in urban planning and local development. SI represents an alternative to economic and technology-oriented approaches to urban development, such as that of ‘smart cities’, ‘creative cities’, etc. This is thanks to the emphasis SI puts on human agency and the empowerment of local communities and citizens to be actively involved in transforming their urban environments. Urban planning could benefit greatly from devoting more attention to SI when addressing the diverse urban problems of today, such as social exclusion, urban segregation, citizen participation and integration, or environmental protection, many of them addressed in the articles gathered in this volume.

International audience; Who are the people? As a semantically underspecified noun, the lexeme “people” and related terms such as “citizen(s)” or “constituent(s)” lead to various representations and are filled with competing meanings. By undertaking a cross-linguistic analysis of the semantic value of nouns denoting human referents in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, this paper investigates how the “people” (people in English, Volk in German, peuple in French) and related linguistic expressions (notably Mensch, Bürger, citoyen) are discursively staged in national parliamentary debates on Europe.The people represent the entity Members of Parliament (MPs) speak to, about, and on behalf of. In political sciences, mentioning the people immediately raises concerns about a populist message or stance. To which extent, then, does the reference to “the people” or “a people” pertain to a populist stance?Based on an annotated corpus of forty-four national parliamentary debates between 1998 and 2015, this paper uses mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) to assess how the “people” are referred to across the political spectrum in the British House of Commons, the German Bundestag and the French Assemblée nationale. By taking into account a large amount of speakers across different times and cultures, the analysis shows that the reference to “the people” – partly in opposition to “a people” – is a basic component of political discourse, thus indicating that the mere mention of the “people” cannot be regarded as a feature of populist rhetoric.

Citizen journalism was initially practiced via mass media. This is because citizens trusted mass media as an independent information channel, and social media like Twitter was unavailable. Following mass media’s affiliation to political parties and the rise of social media, citizens began using Twitter for delivering news or information. We dub this as citizen journalism from street to tweet. This study found that such process indicates the waning of mass media and the intensification of social media. Yet, the process neither strengthened citizen journalism nor increased public participation as it resulted in netizens experiencing severe polarization between groups critical and in support of the government instead. We consider this as a new emerging phenomenon caused by the advent of new media in the post-truth era. In this context, post-truth refers to social and political conditions wherein citizens no longer respect the truth due to political polarization, fake-news-producing journalist, hate-mongering citizen journalism, and unregulated social media activities. Primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews with four informants. While conversation data of netizens on Twitter were acquired from a Twitter conversation reader operated by DEA (Drone Emprit Academic), a big data system capable of capturing and analyzing netizen’s conversations, particularly on Twitter in real time. This study may have implications on the shift of citizen journalism due to its presence in the era of new media. The most salient feature in this new period is the obscurity of news, information, and opinions conveyed by citizens via social media, like Twitter.

We test the mediating effect of media use on the effects of citizenship norms – shared ideas of what a good citizen is – on political participation. We do so by comparing France and Finland, two countries with distinct media trust levels. Results support the notion that Internet use works as a selective catalyst of political participation, as it is enhanced merely by engaged citizenship norms but not by dutiful citizenship norms. Within the nexus of citizenship norms, media use, and political participation, this article contributes to a better understanding of the normative premises for the Internet use to promote political engagement within differing media contexts., Weizenbaum Series

After 16 years of Tayyip Erdoğan in power and with almost total control of the bu­reau­cracy and the mainstream media, it has become hard to imagine a Turkey in which he and his party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), would not win an election. Yet, after a long nail-biter of an election night, Turkey woke up on April 1 to results indicating a major shift: Defying expectations, Turkish voters had delivered a challenge to the dominance of the governing coalition. While this came as a sur­prise to some, it points to growing discontent among voters that was able to find expression through institutional means. This was made possible by various parts of the opposition that ran effective alliance strategies and campaigns as well as the elec­tion-night process. This accomplishment of the opposition, however, does not neces­sarily mean an easy shift to a democratic path in Turkey. Much depends on how various actors in the governing coalition respond to this new picture. (Autorenreferat)

Despite the rise of multiparty democracy, many African governments still struggle to control corruption and to improve the legitimacy of the state. To promote better governance, international development assistance supports ambitious reform agendas and idealistic models of governance. However, these programmes and interventions frequently misunderstand the realities of governance in weak and fragile states. Corruption and patronage are usually not clandestine, but highly visible. It is not a lack of information or awareness that keeps citizens from holding their governments accountable, but a lack of effective and legitimate channels for public dissent. In many countries, elite networks continue to protect their members as they violate laws - and also expect them to bend formal rules to advance the interests of their group. Public participation can only contribute to government legitimacy if it has a genuine impact on political decisions. However this is often not the case, because elites have little to gain from building political consensus or aggregating competing interests into collectively rational decisions. Decentralisation reforms result in the proliferation of local-level institutions, but fail to bring the state closer to the people. Most African states have never had strong control over peripheral territories, and have relied on informal gatekeepers and traditional authorities to access local populations. Neither central governments nor local gatekeepers have strong incentives to cede real authority to local-level political institutions. Well-intentioned reform programmes fail to have the desired effects, because they attempt to change the political reality to conform to idealised conceptions of governance. Governance reforms might be more successful if they focus instead on reducing the contradictions between formal institutions and informal practices in weak and fragile states. To this end, development organisations should actively engage in research and innovation.

The field of critical digital literacy studies has burgeoned in recent years as a result of the increased cultural consumption of digital media as well as the turn to the production of digital media forms. This article extends extant digital literacy studies by focusing on its subfield of digital citizenship. Proposing that digital citizenship is not another dimension or axis of citizenship, but a practice through which civic activities in the various dimensions of citizenship are conducted, this article critically considers how the concept of digital citizenship can furnish further insight into the quality of online civic participation that results in claims to and acts of citizenship. Through interdisciplinary scholarship, drawing from critical media and cultural theory, and media psychology, and deriving new empirical data from qualitative digital ethnography and quantitative focus group and survey studies, it presents original case studies with young people in Southeast Asia, including young Muslim women’s groups in Indonesia and youth public opinion on LGBTs in Singapore. It argues that Southeast Asian youth digital citizenship foregrounds civic participation as emergent acts that not only serve to make society a better place, but also enacts alternative publics that characterise new modes of civic-making in more conservative, collectivistic Southeast Asian societies.

In recent years, information and communication technologies (ICT) have allowed governments to improve their internal functioning and to improve the delivery of information and services to their users. This application of ICT in governments has been conceptualized as “e-government”. However, more recently, smart cities emerged as a locally-embedded paradigm that proposes the design of innovative solutions across all domains of our everyday life (mobility, environment, economy, education, quality of life, and governance) with ICT as an enabler. In their recent evolutions, these two concepts have advocated for increased involvement of their stakeholders (citizens, businesses, public servants, etc.) through user-participation methods to support the design of their projects. This article intends to examine how these methods impact an e-government project and, more particularly, to find out which challenges and benefits practitioners experience. In order to reach that goal, we studied the case of the city of La Louvière (Belgium) through a one year plus study following action research’s best practices. This article contributes at several levels. First, it describes the challenges and benefits experienced with participation methods in a concrete project. Second, it proposes an e-government implementation process enhanced with these methods. Third, this article discusses the similarities and differences between e-government and smart cities through the lens of participation methods. ispartof: Media and Communication vol:6 issue:4 pages:175-186 status: published

This paper seeks to examine some theoretical limitations potentially undermining civil resistance campaigns countering rightwing populism, and suggests how we might rethink the politics of nonviolent struggle. It argues that protests against rightwing populism have generally tackled the ‘supply side’ of populism or populist leaders. However, little attention has been paid to the ‘demand side’, which explains why constituents vote for populists. Increasing support for populist leaders reflects a collective perception that established political institutions are not living up to the expectations of ordinary people. In response to rightwing populism, civil resistance movements will need to engage two fronts of the struggle. The first is economic inequality perpetuated by a neoliberal order against which rightwing populists claim to defend the ‘people’. The second front entails a cultural reconstruction of the notion of the ‘people’ in response to cultural anxiety that has given ground to populist nativist discourses. This article proposes that both of these tasks require a conceptual reconfiguration of nonviolent resistance regarding power and culture.

This contribution provides a brief introduction into the second part of this HSR Special Issue. It informs about an ongoing project on the development of democracy in seven countries, five 'new' and two 'established' democracies. The five new democracies are Chile, South Korea, Poland, South Africa and Turkey. They are compared to Sweden and Germany. The five new democracies are located in different world regions and have different cultural and historical backgrounds. The contribution provides basic economic and political information on these countries. It also describes the common data base used by the six contributions: two surveys of members of parliament conducted in 2007 and 2013 as well as waves 5 and 6 of the World Values Survey conducted at about the same time. The common focus of all six contributions is the analysis of change in political legitimacy between 2007 and 2013.

The Snowden leaks indicate the extent, nature, and means of contemporary mass digital surveillance of citizens by their intelligence agencies and the role of public oversight mechanisms in holding intelligence agencies to account. As such, they form a rich case study on the interactions of “veillance” (mutual watching) involving citizens, journalists, intelligence agencies and corporations. While Surveillance Studies, Intelligence Studies and Journalism Studies have little to say on surveillance of citizens’ data by intelligence agencies (and complicit surveillant corporations), they offer insights into the role of citizens and the press in holding power, and specifically the political-intelligence elite, to account. Attention to such public oversight mechanisms facilitates critical interrogation of issues of surveillant power, resistance and intelligence accountability. It directs attention to the veillant panoptic assemblage (an arrangement of profoundly unequal mutual watching, where citizens’ watching of self and others is, through corporate channels of data flow, fed back into state surveillance of citizens). Finally, it enables evaluation of post-Snowden steps taken towards achieving an equiveillant panoptic assemblage (where, alongside state and corporate surveillance of citizens, the intelligence-power elite, to ensure its accountability, faces robust scrutiny and action from wider civil society).

One of important areas of interest in sociology is the so-called environmental or pro-environmental behavior. In response to the rapidly growing global environmental problems many call for changes in how individuals should deal with the environment. An important aspect of moving towards an environmentally sustainable world is to promote pro-environmental behavior. This paper investigates the cultural factors that affect on people's Environmental Behaviors on Sanandaj City. This paper is a survey study by control of terms, is a broaden study by extended and is a cutting study by time (in the first half of 2015). The population is the entire person that has citizens in Sanandaj city. The sample size based on kockran formula is 320. The questionnaires with suitable structures validity (based on Kronbach’s coefficient of Alfa) in the ratio of age, sex in deferent areas have been distributed. Results indicate that the most effective variable on Environmental Behaviors of citizens is Objective Cultural Capital.

International audience; Today almost any kind of User Generated Content (UGC) can be situated within a geographic context. Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI) can include many types of UGC, such as georeferenced photographs, social media and text, geographic data themselves, etc. There are legal, privacy and ethical issues raised by VGI, and at present these are not very well studied or understood despite the rise in popularity of VGI. This chapter will discuss, investigate and define some 120 Mapping and the Citizen Sensor of the most prominent issues related to the legal, privacy and ethics topic within VGI. The chapter argues that these issues are not well understood by all of the actors in VGI, and in particular by the producers of this information as well as the users or consumers of this new data source. Creating a better understanding of these issues will be very important in the future development and evolution of VGI in society.

A coesão teórica entre cidadania e pertencimento é trabalhada na premissa de que para um indivíduo ser considerado e se sentir de fato cidadão ele deve, primeiramente, sentir-se pertencente socialmente ao seu meio e nele estabelecer relacionamentos. A expressão de ideias é fator que legitima a cidadania. Portanto, ser cidadão pressupõe poder relacionar-se, pressupõe ter voz, poder manifestar opiniões, dialogar, poder comunicar-se., The theoretical cohesion between citizenship and belonging is crafted on the premise that for an individual to be considered and feel in fact citizen he must first feel socially belonging to their environment and it establish relationships. The expression of ideas is a factor that legitimizes citizenship. Therefore, being a citizen implies being able to relate to, presupposes a voice, be able to express opinions, dialogue, being able to communicate., La cohesión teórica entre la ciudadanía y pertenencia se hace a mano en la premisa de que para que una persona sea considerada y se sienten de hecho ciudadano debe primero sentir social que pertenece a su entorno y establecer relaciones. La expresión de las ideas es un factor que legitima la ciudadanía. Por lo tanto, ser ciudadano implica ser capaz de relacionarse, presupone una voz, capaz de expresar sus opiniones, el diálogo, ser capaz de comunicarse.

alleen digitaal verschenen

alleen digitaal verschenen

Disclosure of the NSA’s PRISM program demonstrated that Internet companies have become prime targets of government surveillance. But what role do companies themselves play in putting users’ privacy at risk? By comparing the changes in the privacy policies of ten companies—the nine in PRISM plus Twitter—I seek to understand how users’ privacy shifted. Specifically, I study how company practices surrounding the life cycle of user information (e.g. collection, use, sharing, and retention) shifted between the times when companies joined PRISM and when PRISM news broke. A qualitative analysis of the changes in the privacy policies suggests that company disclosure of tracking for advertising purposes increased. I draw on business scholar Shoshana Zuboff’s conceptualization of “surveillance capitalism” and legal scholar Joel Reidenberg’s “transparent citizen” to explain the implications such changes hold for users’ privacy. These findings underscore why public debates about post-Snowden privacy rights cannot ignore the role that companies play in legitimizing surveillance activities under the auspices of creating market value.

Der Titel spielt mit den Begriffen Bürger Kunde auf zweierlei an: auf den Bürger als Kunden und Konsumenten sowie auf die Kunde und Kenntnis bürgerlichen Konsumverhaltens um 1900. Der Beitrag historisiert die Erziehung zur Konsumentenverantwortung. Zum einen geht es historisch um das Einkaufen als eine moralisierte bürgerliche Praktik. Zum anderen betrifft es die Vernetzungen von Konsum, Moral und Geschlechterpolitik. Kaufen und Kaufen lernen wird historisiert, Einkaufen als Praktik im Feld der Konsummoral abgesteckt und die Prägungen sozialer Konsumkompetenz sichtbar gemacht., Beiträge zur Verbraucherforschung

Der vorliegende Text befasst sich mit sozialer Ausgrenzung von prekär Beschäftigten durch Kernbelegschaften. Prekarisierung, so die These, muss auch als eine soziale Praxis, als doing precarity, seitens der Stammbeschäftigten verstanden werden. Im Anschluss an eine Analyse gängiger Ansätze zur Erklärung dieses Phänomens wird anhand umfassenden empirischen Materials eine eigene Interpretation vorgestellt. Hiernach suchen die Stammbeschäftigten durch die Abwehr von Prekären eine gesellschaftliche Konfiguration zu behaupten, die als "moralische Ökonomie des Wohlfahrtsstaates" bezeichnet werden kann, und deren Herzstück die strukturelle Verbindung von Lohnarbeit und sozialer sowie politischer Bürgerschaft darstellt., The text is engaged in research about social exclusion of precarious workforces by the "cores". The first thesis is that the general process of precarization includes doing precarity at the shop floor, i. e. social practices which constitute precarious colleagues as not really belonging to the workplace. After a discussion of typical explications of this phenomenon, the author, taking own empirical data, develops a different approach. In this perspective, practices of social exclusion by core workforces can be interpreted as an effort to hold the moral economy of the welfare state. The structural connectivity of labor and social and political citizenship is at the heart of this social configuration and its defense., AIS-Studien

Spain started to become one of Europe’s major tourist destinations in the 1950s. For regions that attracted and continue to attract tourists from all over the world, this meant a fundamental rearrangement of social structures and lifestyle habits as well as of the landscape and the environment. The article illuminates the relationship between environment and tourism with particular reference to Majorca and the Costa Brava. Drawing on the perceptions and actions of the Spanish locals, the article analyses their criticism of the negative influence of tourism on the environment since the beginning of the 1970s. First, the focus is on politicians who recognised the importance of environmental matters for economic reasons and in order to secure earnings from tourism in the long term. Second, the article takes a closer look at local environmental movements and citizens’ groups that protested against further touristic exploitation. Their environmental arguments were mixed up with regional identity concepts and claims to autonomy. The protests led to partial success when protected areas were established. The research is based upon files from Spanish local and regional archives, sources from the environmental movements and discussions about tourism in the press. *** Spanien hat sich seit den 1950er-Jahren zu einem der wichtigsten Urlaubsziele in Europa entwickelt. Für die Regionen, in die Touristen aus der ganzen Welt reisten und noch heute reisen, bedeutete dies eine fundamentale Neugestaltung von sozialen Strukturen und Lebensgewohnheiten sowie auch von Landschaft und Umwelt. Der Aufsatz beleuchtet das Verhältnis zwischen Umwelt und Tourismus anhand der Beispiele Mallorca und Costa Brava – ausgehend von den Wahrnehmungen und Handlungen spanischer Akteure, die seit den frühen 1970er-Jahren mit dem Tourismus zusammenhängende Probleme diagnostizierten. Im Zentrum der Analyse stehen zunächst Politiker, die aus ökonomischen Gründen die Bedeutung von Umweltfragen für die langfristige Sicherung des Tourismus erkannten, sowie dann Naturschutzgruppen und Bürgerinitiativen, die sich gegen den weiteren Ausbau des Massentourismus engagierten. Die umweltpolitische Argumentation dieser Gruppen verband sich mit regionalen Identitätsentwürfen und Autonomieansprüchen; sie führte zu Teilerfolgen wie der Ausweisung von Schutzgebieten. Der Beitrag stützt sich auf Quellen aus spanischen Lokal- und Regionalarchiven, auf Material der Umweltinitiativen sowie auf Pressedebatten über den Tourismus.

The present approach provides a theoretical account of political culture-based modeling of political change phenomena. Our approach is an agent-based simulation model inspired by a social-psychological account of the relation between the individual agents (citizens) and the polity. It includes political culture as a fundamental modeling dimension. On this background, we reconsider the operational definitions of agent, mechanism, process, and polity so as to specify the role they play in the modeling of political change phenomena. We evaluate our previous experimental simulation experience in corruption emergence and political attitude change. The paper approaches the artificial polity as a political culture-based model of a body politic. It involves political culture concepts to account for the complexity of domestic political phenomena, going from political attitude change at the individual level up to major political change at the societal level. Architecture, structure, unit of interaction, generative mechanisms and processes are described. Both conceptual and experimental issues are described so as to highlight the differences between the simulation models of society and polity.

Die Forschung zur digitalen Spaltung (Digital Divide) oder auch Beteiligungsspaltung (Participation Divide) hat diverse Voraussetzungen einer partizipativen Internetnutzung untersucht. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei eine immer größere Vielzahl förderlicher „Literacies“ oder Kompetenzen. Um einer zunehmenden Unübersichtlichkeit dieses Forschungsfelds entgegenzutreten, haben erste konzeptionelle Studien das umfassendere Konzept der „digitalen Mündigkeit“ vorgeschlagen. Basierend auf einer interdisziplinären Literaturanalyse erarbeitet der vorliegende Beitrag eine Definition der „digitalen Mündigkeit“, und führt das Konzept durch eine entsprechende Operationalisierung erstmals einer empirischen Analyse zu. Basierend auf einer Befragung von 1.044 deutschen Internetnutzenden wird der Einfluss der digitalen Mündigkeit – neben soziodemographischen Faktoren, politischer Orientierung und Regierungsvertrauen – auf die politische Online-Beteiligung untersucht., Politische Partizipation im Medienwandel (Digital Communication Research, Band 6)

Am Unabhängigkeitstag im Mai 2016 verkündete das Israelische Zentralbüro für Statistik, dass sich die israelische Bevölkerung seit der Staatsgründung 1948 verzehnfacht hat. Führende Zeitungen des Landes bejubelten die Tatsache, dass die Bevölkerungszahl von ursprünglich 800.000 auf nahezu 8,5 Millionen gestiegen ist. Der Grund dafür ist die höchste Geburtenrate in der westlichen Welt. Diese wiederum ist darauf zurückzuführen, dass der Staat die jüdische Mehrheit im Land bewahren und fördern will. Die Kehrseite davon ist die Diskriminierung in Israel lebender Minderheiten, denn sie werden als demographische Bedrohung empfunden. Das gilt nicht nur für Palästinenser, sondern auch für die wachsende Zahl von Gastarbeitern, die Arbeitskräfte aus den palästinensischen Autonomiegebieten ersetzen, und von Flüchtlingen aus Afrika, deren rechtliche Eingliederung in das israelische Staatsbürgerschaftssystem nicht vorgesehen ist. Ein weniger exklusiver Zugang zur Staatsbürgerschaft und ein gesicherter Rechtsstatus nichtjüdischer Bevölkerungsgruppen dürften erst dann möglich werden, wenn sie nicht mehr als Bedrohung angesehen werden. (Autorenreferat)