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This article explores the apologetic discourse towards the convergence between Pure Land Buddhism and theoretical physics of the contemporary Chinese Buddhist monk, Da An (1959-). Faced with the formidable challenge posed by contemporary science towards public acceptance of Buddhism, Da An endeavors to employ science as a medium for propagating Pure Land teachings, seeking to accommodate the preferences of scientifically inclined individuals. He utilizes several theoretical physics concepts to validate that certain ostensibly miraculous accounts within Pure Land Buddhist texts are not incompatible with contemporary science. Further, he asserts that certain supernatural narratives therein indicate that some physical principles still residing in theoretical conjectures on Earth have already been validated and can be utilized at will by the celestial beings in Sukhāvatī, thus asserting the supremacy of Pure Land teachings over science. The article endeavors to examine the contemporary dialogue between Pure Land Buddhism and science, which has been overlooked in the current research realm of the interaction between Buddhism and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With regard to the assertion of the nature of the world, primitive Buddhism advocates "all phenomena that arise from causes" and opposes the existence of "God" or "Creator", who created everything in the universe, which is significantly different from monotheistic beliefs such as Brahmanism, Christianity, and Islam and is therefore often called "atheism". This paper introduces the Buddhist cosmology of Mount Sumeru and the tri-sahasra mahā-sahasra lokadhātu under the perspective of comparative religions and the first human beings who came to this world from the ābhāsvara-deva as recorded in the Buddhist scriptures and explores the question of whether Buddhism is atheistic. It is believed that the key to the debate between Chinese and Western scholars on whether Buddhism is atheistic is the difference in understanding the concept of "God". Buddhism does not deny the supernatural power of "ghosts and gods", so its essence is still theism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanistic Buddhism is one of the mainstreams of modern Buddhism, with special emphasis on the humanistic dimension. With the development of artificial intelligence (AI) technology, Humanistic Buddhism is also at an important stage of modernization and transformation, thus facing a continuous negotiation between religious values and technological innovations. This paper first argues that AI is technically beneficial to the propagation of Buddhism by citing several cases in which AI technology has been used in Buddhism. Then, by comparing Master Hsing Yun's Buddhist ethics to "Posthuman" ethics, it points out that the theories of Humanistic Buddhism share similarities with AI and Posthuman ethics. Among them, Master Hsing Yun's theory of "the nature of insentient beings" provides an important theoretical reference for the question of "whether AI can become a Buddha". From the technical and ethical dimensions, it points out that the interaction between Humanistic Buddhism and AI can promote original uses or implementations of AI technology. However, it should also be noted that compared to the cases of "Artificial Narrow Intelligence"discussed in the paper, the "Strong AI" could lead to much more ethical crises. It is also likely to cause the cult of science and technology, and thus subvert the humanistic tradition of Buddhism with a new instrumental rationality. In addition, there are some potential pitfalls that Humanistic Buddhism may encounter when using AI. Hence, while it is necessary to encourage the use of technologies such as AI in contemporary Buddhism, it is also important for Buddhism to keep a critical distance from digital technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hòa Hảo Buddhism belongs to that traditional lay and frugal buddhism encouraging practicing at home (tu tại gia) while being engaged with the world (nhập thế). It appeared in Southern Vietnam at the end of the 1930's. Obviously, colonial contest and economic depression have played the part of a powerful catalyst in the spread by a young charismatic and reformist character of this millenarianism. Then, during three decades of postcolonial and cold wars (1945–1975), this New Religious movement hardly expressed its Buddhist ethic of social statements in order to lend moral support and material protection to the local peasantry. Eventually, at the end of the war, this autonomous Buddhist community finally tried to morph again into a legal religion at a time when the Vietnamese Communist Party had to urgently impose a new sovereign socialist republic (1976). In other words, the new regime had to reunify the Nation and build a new secular state. In the southern part of the country, the replacement of a former liberal regime (Republic of Vietnam) by a socialist republic (called formerly a Democratic Republic in Northern Vietnam) completely changed the nature of the State-Church relations. Therefore, many religious groups' agencies suffered a drastic blow as these groups were subordinated to the Patriotic Front and its mass organizations. Nevertheless, in 1991, the reorientation of the religious policy officially reaffirmed the religions' social utility. Since then, new debates emerged to define the nature of the social actions of religious groups and then to delineate the legal sphere of their activities in this secular state. This essay intends to question how the two notions of being engaged with the world (nhập thế) and that of the secular state (nhà nước trung lập thế tục) interacted during these last decades. To tackle this pivotal issue, we focused on the specific implementation of Hòa Hảo social activism, from 1940's until now, to underline how this activism evolved under different political regimes and how a new culture of social service has been promoted since the Hòa Hảo official church was recognized in 1999 and achieved years later. It questions more generally how religious groups can negotiate with the state for the emergence of a civil society or, at least, for the acceptance of their own tribute to the prosperity of the Nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goals. The article discusses the place and role of Buddhism in current sociopolitical strategies of China’s Communist Party. Results. The study shows that the CPC’s sociopolitical strategy is aimed at realizing the ‘Chinese Dream’ which implies scenarios as follows: building of ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics under the new conditions’; ‘complete construction of a moderately prosperous society’; implementation of the ‘One Belt ― One Way’ project; establishment of ‘a community of shared future for mankind’ with other countries; creation of ‘a multipolar world’. The official ideology underlying the party’s strategy is Marxist philosophy. So, the paper reveals key stages in the development of Marxist philosophy in the context of China’s social and political landmarks. At the same time, significant attention is paid to traditional culture. Conclusions. The article concludes special importance in realizing the ‘Chinese Dream’ is given to the revival of cultural heritage essentially based on the ‘Three Teachings’ – Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Buddhism is reported to still be of great importance in this heritage. The work gives insight into the modernization of Buddhist philosophical and soteriological principles that emerged in line with China’s new sociopolitical trends, and reveals the concept of ‘humanistic Buddhism’ put forward by Tai Xu, a leader of Renovated Buddhism, proves important enough to this modernization. Thus, the relationship between modernized Buddhism and the Communist Party rest on somewhat mutually beneficial basis: philosophical and worldview principles of Buddhism, its tolerance, and peaceful nature constitute a huge potential for its use in sociopolitical strategies of China’s Communist Party. The paper also emphasizes the role of Buddhism in foreign policies as a diplomatic factor of the Chinese government.

How do national contexts influence the construction of religious identity in faith communities? In this article, I examine the construction of Buddhist identities in two similar ethnic Chinese Mahayana Buddhist temples but in distinct national contexts, one in mainland China and the other in the United States. While both are Chinese Mahayana Buddhist temples, they have distinctive temple-level cultures: a strict culture in China and a permissive culture in the United States. Individual-level cultural frameworks also differ. In mainland China, the Buddhists learn their religion dutifully while their U.S. counterparts critically explore religion inside and outside their temples. Relying on theories in cultural sociology, I argue that national contexts influence both individual-level cultural frameworks and temple-level group styles to produce different religious identities. This article has implications for future studies that examine how community-based religious identities vary according to national context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have portrayed the 1963 ‘Buddhist crisis’ in South Vietnam as a struggle for religious freedom, as a political conspiracy, or as a manifestation of ancient religious beliefs and practices. This paper, in contrast, argues that the crisis emerged from a clash of modernizing visions. The Buddhist-led protests that took place in South Vietnam in 1963 were linked to the Vietnamese Buddhist revival, a nationalist reform movement that began during the early twentieth century. The protests also reflected growing Buddhist anxieties about the Ngo Dinh Diem government's nation-building agenda for South Vietnam. By the time the crisis began, Buddhist leaders had concluded that this agenda (which Diem referred to as the ‘Personalist Revolution’) was incompatible with their plans to realize Vietnam's destiny as a ‘Buddhist nation’. In addition to reinterpreting the origins of the crisis, this paper examines how the course of events was shaped by the personalities and agendas of particular Buddhist and government leaders, and especially by fierce rivalries among members of Diem's family. These internal tensions help to explain the failure of attempts to end the crisis through negotiations, as well as Diem's decision to crush the movement by force in August 1963. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On the basis of a study of an international Buddhist movement, this article defines "ethical conversations across borders" - acts of ethical deliberation, evaluation or argument that take place in cognisance of multiple ethical regimes - and proposes the conditions under which they can take place. Fo Guang Shan, described in the first part of the article, is a Buddhist movement that originated in Taiwan, but which now has branches around the world. It seeks to promote the cultivation of virtue among its members and among other people with which it has contact. The teachings of Master Hsing Yun, the movement's founder, advocate two methods through which this project can be realised, "sowing seeds of affinity" and "convenience". The second part of the article generalises observations made in relation to Fo Guang Shan and draws the conclusion that all "ethical conversations across borders" require two things, namely, the identification of similarities or "affinities", and an account of difference that stipulates the units between which the conversation is to be carried on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1999, Judith Nagata wrote the article: The Globalization of Buddhism and the Emergence of Religious Civil Society: The Case of the Taiwanese Fo Kuang Shan Movement in Asia and the West". According to his experience of the world religious movement today, the Fo Guang Shan Monastery (hereafter called "FGS"), has shown its features of a globalizing religion as - worldly social engaged engagement and value of various dimension to the civil society and the masses. The result of his study was to figure out the ideal of Humanistic Buddhism and the achievement of Master Hsing Yun (hereafter called "MHY") before 1999. After more than one decade the global movement and socially engaged activities of the FGS will be the core of this article. The author attempts to argue how the Buddhist Sangha (community) of the FGS, which was established by MHY since 1967, was considered as an International standard and what is a global connection. Master Hsing Yun is supposed to be a case study in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The achievement in mathematics among the Chinese has aroused the interest of educationalists, sociologists and psychologists worldwide. The coining of the term Confucian Heritage Culture learner's phenomenon mistakenly led researchers to look for direct attributions from Confucianism, without realizing that Confucianism is just one Chinese school of thought, and it is over-simplistic to draw causal relationships between schools of thought and social phenomena. This paper begins by introducing three major Chinese schools of thought-Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism-and their views on education. The discussion will then focus on how these schools of thought might impact education in general and mathematics education in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]