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The goal of this article is to explore the role of mobilization in the foreign policies of populists in power. To do so, we focus on the main features and changes of Bolivia’s foreign Policy under its populist president Evo Morales (2006-2019) with regard to its two most prominent conflictive bilateral relations, with the US and Chile. In both domains, Morales departed from the foreign policy of previous governments. By ending cooperation with the US, the Morales government sought to establish a sovereign counternarcotics policy in line with its core constituency’s demands of legalizing coca crops. On the key issue of relations with Chile seeking to negotiate a sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean, the Morales government exhibited more continuity initially. However, by referring the stalemated conflict to the International Court of Justice, Morales eventually changed his country’s approach to finding a resolution. Tracing Morales’ discourse over time reveals an intensification of populist as well as hostile rhetoric in periods of domestic political instability. Thus, our findings support the theoretical expectation of a particularly close link between domestic politics and foreign policy under populists in power. Thereby, populism may lead to a more conflictive foreign policy in some cases. However, neither does populist mobilization over foreign policy matters necessarily drive foreign policy change, nor does it preclude genuine bilateral dialogue.

Gegenstand dieser Arbeit ist die Auseinandersetzung zwischen den Erwartungen an Projekte der sogenannten „Entwicklung“ im ländlichen Bereich Boliviens und den überraschenden Ergebnissen, die diese Projekte in den Bäuerlichen Wirtschafts¬orga¬ni¬sati¬onen (OECA) erzielen. Solche Projekte zielen darauf ab, Bauern in Unternehmer und gemeinschaftliche Initiativen in profitable und moderne Unternehmen zu verwandeln im Namen der Entwicklung und des Wohlstands, ausgehend davon, daß dies möglich sei rein durch Anwendung von Technologie, Investitionen in Betriebe, Maschinenparks und Weiterverarbeitungsgeräten einschließlich administrativ - buchhalterischer Prozesse. In dieser Arbeit stelle ich die Annahme infrage, daß die Einführung von Maschinen und die Anwendung von administrativen Abläufen aus solchen Kleinbauern Unternehmer im marktwirtschaftlichen Sinn machen würde. Anhand von zwei Fallstudien, Coraca Irupana y Coproca S.A., zeige ich zuerst auf, daß die scheinbar (vom Namen und der Form her) erlangte unternehmerische Institutionalität, bei der die Gesellschafter oder Eigentümer Kleinbauern sind, sich in eine Art verlängerter Arm der bäuerlichen Gemeinschaft verwandelt, die der unternehmerischen Dynamik eine andere Qualität und einen anderen Sinn verleiht, eben andere Werte, die im Gegensatz zu den marktwirtschaftlichen stehen; zum zweiten möchte ich beschreiben, wie die Bauernorganisationen die Erwartungen in „Unternehmensführung“ auf ihre Weise interpretieren und damit einen der großen Mythen unserer Zeit bloßstellen: die Rationalität der Marktwirtschaft, die offensichtlich nicht universell ist und auch nicht ein erstrebenswertes Ziel zu sein scheint für die in diesen Fallstudien involvierten Akteure. Drittens zeige ich, im Gegensatz zur Idee einer Gesellschaft mit festgelegten institutionellen Regeln, Aspekte für andere Formen der Organisation auf, die sich an Primärallianzen orientieren, häufig autoritär, charismatisch und weit entfernt von den Zielen wirtschaftlicher Effizienz. Die Aufgabenstellung ist somit zweifacher Natur für diese und zukünftige Unter¬su¬chungen: auf der einen Seite die verschiedenen Juxtapositionen von wirtschaftlicher und nicht kapitalistischer politischer Institutionalität zu verstehen, die bisher als Epiphänomene oder sogar archaisch und in Auflösung befindlich betrachtet wurden. Auf der anderen Seite, den konzeptuellen Rahmen für diesen Verständnisprozeß zu überdenken und sogar neu zu schaffen, um in diesem Rahmen jene Widersprüchlich¬keiten als Ausgangspunkt zu begreifen und nicht als Abweichung, so wie die normative Sichtweise sie sieht

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Objekt des Monats der UB Wien aus dem Botanischen Garten der Universität Wien; Standort Tropenhaus (Mai 2022) Tillandsia australis Pflanzenfamilie: Bromeliengewächse (Bromeliaceae) Text und oberes Foto: DIin Barbara Knickmann Fotograf des unteren Fotos: Rudolf Hromniak

Lateinamerika kennt zahlreiche Protestbewegungen seiner indigenen Bevölkerung. Einer der emblematischsten Fälle ist die soziale Bewegung gegen ein Prestige-Projekt der Morales-Regierung: den Bau einer Straße im Indigenen Territorium und Nationalpark Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) im bolivianischen Amazonasgebiet. Mit Blick auf die Perspektiven der heterogenen Protestakteur*innen rekonstruiert der Autor diesen Widerstand in seinen komplexen Erscheinungsformen. Dabei stellt er heraus, wie Problematiken der geschwächten indigenen Selbstverwaltung, sozioökologische Bedrohungen, Defizite des neoextraktiven Entwicklungsmodells und mangelnde Rechtsumsetzung zusammenhängen.

A partir de las crisis financieras de los últimos años y el creciente desarrollo del sistema financiero, ha surgido la necesidad de entender la relación entre el sector financiero y el sector real de la economía desde una visión integral. Muchos autores han abordado esta relación desde el campo empírico de los ciclos económicos y la reciente noción de los ciclos financieros. En este sentido, el presente trabajo de investigación busca determinar de manera empírica la relación entre el ciclo económico y financiero para el caso boliviano, en el periodo 1990-2019. Mediante el enfoque de filtros estadísticos y puntos de inflexión, se encuentra que la duración y la amplitud de las fases del ciclo financiero son mayores que las del ciclo económico. Además, se encuentra que el ciclo financiero tiene un comportamiento rezagado respecto al ciclo económico y que las fases de ambos están sincronizadas el 60% del tiempo. Posteriormente, mediante un modelo de vectores autoregresivos (VAR) se emplea la prueba de causalidad de Granger, así como las funciones impulso respuesta y la descomposición de la varianza. Se encuentra causalidad bidireccional entre los ciclos, siendo más fuerte y persistente del ciclo económico al financiero. Asimismo, se identifica que la bicausalidad puede deberse a la existencia de una tercera variable que explica a ambas, que podría ser del sector externo o una variable de política económica.

With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country’s economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia’s specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility. Resumen: La economia politica del postneoliberalismo boliviano: Politica, elites y el gobierno MAS Con el flujo de la marea rosa, el gobierno del MAS en Bolivia sigue siendo uno de los gobiernos izquierdistas elegidos mas exitosos de toda America Latina desde finales de los anos noventa. Para comprender mejor esta sorprendente historia de exito, este articulo analiza la economia politica del modelo post-neoliberal que ha tomado forma bajo el gobierno del MAS. Mas especificamente, analiza la interaccion entre la orientacion estrategica y las caracteristicas especificas de la formulacion de politicas economicas en Bolivia, por un lado, y la relacion en evolucion del gobierno del MAS con las elites economicas del pais, por otro. Se argumenta que la version especifica del post-neoliberalismo de Bolivia ha facilitado relaciones cada vez mas cooperativas entre el gobierno y las elites economicas, quienes han contribuido a la consolidacion de las primeras. Al mismo tiempo, el analisis de la economia politica del posneoliberalismo boliviano tambien revela su fragilidad inherente.

The Bolivian monthly index of economic activity along with ARMA models are used in an attempt to graph and measure the impact of Covid's pandemic on the Bolivian economy. The accumulated difference between the observed and counterfactual values show an overall 12.6% loss of economic activity in the 10 months from February to November 2020 of the first Covid wave, with a tilted W-shape short-run recovery just before the beginning of the second wave in December 2020. Break[1]down into the twelve Bolivian economic sectors show wide heterogeneity in depth of impact and speeds of recovery during the same period.

There is an apparent consensus, at the level of public policies, about the empowering effect of working outside the home for women, thereby reducing the levels of violence against them. However, the empirical evidence on the female labor-violence relationship is inconsistent. In the face of this inconsistency, this investigation examines the effect of the productive work of married or cohabiting women in Bolivia, on their probability of being a victim of partner violence during 2016, using the data from the Survey of Prevalence and Characteristics of Violence Against Women. Using a bivariate probit model, it was possible to conclude that the work does not have a significant effect on the propensity of a woman to suffer partner violence, once the endogeneity bias has been corrected. On the other hand, other variables do relate significantly to the phenomenon, such as the experience of violence in the home of origin (both the victim and their partner), which increases it considerably, and education or age of women at the time of union, which reduces it.

Bolivia during 2020 was the victim of simultaneous political, economic, and public health crises. The three crises interacted with one another in ways that made each individual crisis more severe. The country’s social policy response to the Covid-19 pandemic was uneven. Emergency cash transfers, a legacy of the left-wing Movement toward Socialism’s (MAS) nearly 14 years in power, performed well. Although the amounts transferred were quite modest, they did reach the vast majority of Bolivians. On education, however, the government failed utterly, ultimately abandoning its constitutional obligation to provide free and universal schooling to all children. Online education never got off the ground and the school year was prematurely cancelled. The Bolivian state’s chronic weakness was on display in its healthcare policy response. Not only did the government inherit inadequate infrastructure, but a combination of administrative incompetence and corruption marred the procurement of much-needed ventilators and other medical equipment. The result was one of the world’s highest Covid-19 mortality rates.

Wasserkonflikte sind insbesondere in Zeiten von Klimawandel, Ressourcenübernutzung und sozialen Verwerfungen mitunter folgenschwer. Der Autor begibt sich auf die Suche nach den ökonomischen und sozialen Ursachen von Wasserkonflikten sowie nach Möglichkeiten, diesen Ursachen entgegenzuwirken und gleichzeitig konstruktiv mit vorhandenen Konflikten umzugehen. Dabei zeigt er theoretisch und empirisch die Potenziale und Probleme von Commoning als Form der Wasserbewirtschaftung jenseits von Markt und Staat auf. Durch die Verknüpfung von Wirtschafts-, Nachhaltigkeits- und Konfliktforschung liefert er hoffnungsvolle Erkenntnisse für die Wasserwirtschaft und alternativökonomische Praxis.

On 8 November Luis Arce and David Choquehuanca took office as the new president and vice-president of Bolivia, respectively. Less than a month earlier, they had won the elections in the first round with more than 55 per cent of the vote. Thus, the Move­ment towards Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo or MAS) was returned to power and obtained an absolute majority in the parliament after a one-year interregnum follow­ing the fraudulent ballot in 2019. This outcome can be attributed not only to the desire of the people for economic and political stability as well as social peace but also to the poor performance of the transitional government of Jeanine Áñez and the oppo­sition’s fragmentation and polarizing campaign. The dethronement of Evo Morales and the current adverse conditions - not least Covid-19 - are among those factors that will make it impossible for the MAS to conduct business as usual. (author's abstract)

The (western) order of law and politics and the Guaraní society are based on a very different logic and on very different communications. This booklet explores the differences from the point of view of systems thinking and analizes the original proposal made by Bolivia´s indigenous groups for a Plurinational State as an attempt to set up the basic structure for a true dialogue between two different orders of society.

Bibliographie: De Eguia Huerta, Maria: Vida Tranquila. Alternativen zur Entwicklung am Beispiel des Gender-Mainstreaming in Bolivien, PERIPHERIE, 2-2018, S. 290-302. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v38i2.09

Die Forderung nach buen vivir geht auf dekoloniale Kämpfe in Bolivien und Ecuador zurück. Gleichzeitig prägen transnationale Prozesse die Entwicklung des Konzepts und tragen zu seiner Wirkmächtigkeit bei. Im Kontext dieser vielschichtigen Wechselbeziehungen verfolgen die Protagonist_innen des buen vivir unterschiedliche skalare Strategien. Für die indigenen Organisationen steht buen vivir in einem engen Zusammenhang mit der Verteidigung ihres Territoriums und der Bewahrung der indigenen Kultur. Sie konzentrieren sich auf regionale und überregionale (bis hin zur kontinentalen) Vernetzungsarbeit und agieren zusätzlich auf zentralstaatlicher Ebene, um weitergehende Selbstbestimmungsrechte für die indigenen Gemeinden zu erwirken. Dagegen plädieren die in der Wissenschaft und in politischen Stiftungen tätigen lateinamerikanischen und europäischen Intellektuellen für eine diskursive Öffnung des Konzepts, um buen vivir auch in internationalen und transkontinentalen Arenen als Alternative zum wachstumsbasierten Entwicklungsmodell etablieren zu können. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellt sich die Frage, ob die diskursive Öffnung des buen vivir emanzipatorische Prozesse stärkt und deshalb forciert werden sollte oder ob die damit verbundene tendenzielle Entleerung des Begriffs im Gegenteil zu einer Schwächung der Mobilisierungsfähigkeit sozialer Bewegungen führt. Der Autor vertritt die These, dass die Debatten um die Vor- und Nachteile einer explizit indigenen vs. einer pluralistischen Ausrichtung des buen vivir nicht sehr virulent werden und auch nicht zu Brüchen innerhalb des Bewegungsspektrums führen werden, solange die Hauptkonfliktlinie zwischen Unterstützer_innen und Kritiker_innen der bolivianischen und ecuadorianischen Regierungen verläuft., While the claim for buen vivir goes back to de-colonial struggles in Bolivia and Ecuador, transnational processes have also influenced buen vivir’s development and contributed to its impact. In this context of complex correlations, the protagonists of buen vivir pursue diverse strategies on different scales. Indigenous organisations link the concept of buen vivir with the defence of their territory and the conservation of their culture. They focus on regional and trans-regional (up to continental) cooperation, as well as operate at the level of central government in order to achieve greater indigenous rights for self-determination. Conversely, Latin American and European intellectuals (working in science or for political foundations) advocate for a discursive opening of the concept. Their aim is to establish buen vivir in international and transcontinental arenas as an alternative to growth-based development models. Against this background the question arises as to whether a discursive opening of Buen Vivir strengthens emancipatory processes and therefore should be supported, or whether, on the contrary, the associated emptying of the signifier weakens the mobilisation capacities of social movements. The author argues that the debates regarding the advantages and disadvantages of an explicitly indigenous or pluralistic alignment of buen vivir will not escalate and cause splits within social movements so long as the main line of conflict runs between the supporters and the critics of the Bolivian and Ecuadorian governments.

Since President Morales took office in Bolivia in early 2006, the country has undergone a complex political transformation. This profound process of change is, however, hardly reflected in established democracy indices, which by and large paint a picture of institutional continuity. Taking this puzzling observation as a starting point, the paper compares qualitative and quantitative assessments of Bolivia's contemporary political regime and argues that existing measures of democracy largely miss one key dimension that is crucial when it comes to analyzing (changes in) the quality of democracy: the issue of political incorporation. Specifically, the case of Bolivia shows that democracy indices mostly ignore important changes in terms of descriptive representation, party incorporation, and non-electoral participation. Privileging an individualist conception of liberal democracy, democracy measures downplay the relevance of collective forms of political representation and participation and, hence, the extent to which different social groups are or are not incorporated into the political system. As a result, these measures of democracy mostly do not "count" the recent progress in the political incorporation of important parts of the Bolivian population, which had been largely absent from the country's political institutions despite of two decades of continuous democratic rule.

With a size of ~10,000 km² the Salar de Uyuni is the largest salt lake in the world. It is located at a height of 3,653 m a.s.l. in the southern part of the Bolivian Altiplano, an endorheic high plateau separating the Eastern and Western cordillera of the Andes. The salt flat is characterized by an alternating sequence of evaporate layers mainly consisting of halite and lacustrine mud layers up to a depth of at least 220 m, whereby the stratification is ascribed to the alternation of dry and humid climatic phases during the Quaternary. With estimated 7 Mio tonnes in brine, the salt lake is considered the world’s largest Li deposit. Knowledge About genesis and distribution of Li is essential for the possible extraction of Li and other valuable elements from the brine in a commercial scale, which is the driving force for the Investigation of hydrochemical properties of the Salar de Uyuni. Practical work comprised the sampling of brines from drilled wells and along transects, salts from the surface, sampling of streams, rocks and sediments in the catchment, as well as chemical and isotopical analyses. The surface catchment, delineated with ArcGIS, has a size of 63,000 km² and is mainly characterized by volcanic deposits as ignimbrites, and unconsolidated sediments, salt deposits and lacustrine material in widespread flood plains. The pores of the upper salt crust, which shows a varying thickness of 2-11 m, are filled with a saturated NaCl brine rich in Mg, K, Li and B. The distribution of Li along the salt lake is inhomogeneous, with two regions of significantly higher concentrations up to 1.5 g/L in the southern part near the delta of the main inflow Río Grande and in the northern part, compared to an average of 0.3-0.4 g/L in brine. The age of brines from the upper salt crust was determined to 6,200 - 13,340 years, corresponding in age to the surrounding evaporates and showing a stable stratification with depth. However, a local mixing of the brine with freshwater feeding from groundwater Aquifers especially near the shore of the salar was observed by the analysis of δ2H and δ18O in the brines. The distribution of stable isotopes also shows the strong influence of evaporation, even smaller tributaries feeding the Río Grande are enriched in heavy isotopes of H and O. Element to bromine ratios in the brine showed that Li, K and Mg are not removed from solution by the formation of precipitates, but are rather released from clay minerals by ion exchange leading to their enrichment in the pore brine. Analyzed rocks, mostly of rhyolitic and dacitic type, show moderate lithium concentrations in the range of 4 to 37 mg/kg. Different types of digestion revealed that rock types occurring in the Salar de Uyuni catchment are a substantial supplier of lithium by the intensive physical and chemical weathering due to the specific environmental conditions. Increased Lithium concentrations in rock and sediment samples from the volcano flanks south of the salar indicate, that the southern catchment is the main supplier of lithium to the salt lake. The enrichment of lithium could also be observed by the analysis of superficial salts from the upper crust. Salt efflorescences are significantly enriched regarding Li, K, Mg and other Ions compared to the surface within the polygons. The enrichment of Li in brine occurs all-Season along shrinkage cracks at polygon borders, where brine rises up, water evaporates and NaCl precipitates, leaving a solution even more concentrated in Li and other solutes as Br, B, K and Mg. In conclusion, the accumulation of lithium in the brine of the Salar de Uyuni results from the combination of various site-specific circumstances, which are analyzed and discussed in the present thesis. Mit einer Größe von ~10.000 km² ist der Salar de Uyuni der größte Salzsee der Welt. Er befindet sich auf einer Höhe von 3.653 m im Süden des bolivianischen Altiplano, einer abflusslosen Hochebene zwischen der Ost- und Westkordillere der Anden. Der Salzsee besteht bis zu einer Tiefe von mind. 220 m aus einer Wechselfolge evaporitischer Schichten (hauptsächlich halitisch) und lakustrinen Tonschichten, wobei die Schichtung auf den Wechsel von trockenen und feuchten klimatischen Phasen während des Quartärs zurückzuführen ist. Mit einer geschätzten Menge von 7 Mio. t gilt der Salzsee als die gegenwärtig größte Li-Ressource der Welt. Das Wissen über Genese und Verteilung von Li ist grundlegend für eine mögliche Gewinnung von Li und anderen Elementen in kommerziellem Maßstab, worin sich die Motivitation für die Untersuchung hydrochemischer Eigenschaften des Salar de Uyuni begründet. Praktische Tätigkeiten umfassten die Probenahme von Solen aus eigens gebohrten Brunnen und entlang von Transekten, die Entnahme von Oberflächensalzen, die Beprobung von Zuflüssen, Gesteinen und Sedimenten im Einzugsgebiet, sowie deren chemische und isotopische Analytik. Das oberflächliche, mittels ArcGIS ermittelte Einzugsgebiet, weist eine Größe von 63.000 km² auf und besteht hauptsächlich aus vulkanischen Gesteinen wie Ignimbriten und unverfestigten Ablagerungen, Salzausblühungen und lakustrinen Sedimenten in ausgeprägten Überschwemmungsebenen. Die Poren der obersten, zwischen 2 und 11 m mächtigen Salzschicht, sind mit einer an NaCl gesättigten Salzlösung, die reich an Mg, K, Li und B ist, gefüllt. Die inhomogene Verteilung von Li im Salzsee weist zwei Bereiche signifikant erhöhter Konzentrationen von bis zu 1,5 g/L auf, und zwar im südlichen Einmündungsbereich des Hauptzuflusses Río Grande und im Nordosten etwa 20 km von der Küste entfernt, verglichen mit einem durchschnittlichen Gehalt von 0,3-0,4 g/L in der Sole. Das Alter der Solen der obersten Salzkruste wurde auf 6.200 – 13.340 Jahre bestimmt, was dem Alter der umgebenden Evaporite entspricht und eine stabile Schichtung aufweist. Allerdings weist die Analytik von δ2H und δ18O auch auf eine lokale Vermischung der Sole mit Frischwasser aus ufernahen Aquiferen hin. Die Verteilung der stabilen Isotope δ²H und δ18O deutet auf einen signifikanten Einfluss der Verdunstung auf die Entwicklung der Porenlösung hin, denn auch kleinere Zuflüsse zum Salar sind angereichert an 2H und 18O. Das Verhältnis verschiedener Elemente zu Brom zeigt, dass Li, K und Mg weniger durch die Ausfällung von Salzen aus der Lösung entfernt, sondern eher durch Ionenaustausch aus Tonmineralen freigesetzt und folglich in der Sole angereichert werden. Die analysierten Gesteine, hauptsächlich rhyolitischen und dazitischen Typs, weisen moderate Lithiumkonzentrationen von 4 – 37 mg/kg auf. Die Anwendung verschiedener Aufschlüsse zeigte, dass die im Einzugsgebiet des Salar de Uyuni vorkommenden Gesteinstypen aufgrund der intensiven physikalischen und chemischen Verwitterung unter den spezifischen Umweltbedingungen eine wesentliche Quelle des Lithiums im Salzsee sind. Erhöhte Li-Konzentrationen in Gesteinen und Sedimenten der vulkanischen Flanken südlich des Salars deuten auf das südliche Einzugsgebiet als hauptsächlichen Zulieferer für Li hin. Die Anreicherung von Li wurde auch mittels der Untersuchung der Salze der obersten Kruste bestätigt. Im Vergleich zur Oberfläche innerhalb der Polygone sind die Salzausblühungen entlang der Polygonränder signifikant an Li, K, Mg und anderen Ionen angereichert. Die Anreicherung von Li geschieht ganzjährig entlang der Schrumpfungsrisse an Polygonrändern, indem die Sole durch kapillare Kräfte aufsteigt, Wasser verdunstet und NaCl ausfällt. Schließlich bleibt eine an Li und anderen Ionen wie Br, B, K und Mg noch stärker aufkonzentrierte Lösung zurück. Schlussfolgernd resultiert die Akkumulation von Lithium in der Porenlösung aus der Kombination zahlreicher standortspezifischer Faktoren, welche innerhalb der vorliegenden Arbeit untersucht und bewertet wurden.

With the election of Evo Morales and his party Movement to Socialism (MAS) in 2005, Bolivia has become the only country in Latin America to have an indigenous party in power. However, it is misleading to take the MAS government as representing all of Bolivia's ethnic diversity. Its indigenous population can be classified into peoples from the Andean highlands and from the Amazonian lowlands. Research has treated the indigenous population as uniform or focused on the Andean peoples and on parties rather than voters. This paper aims to differentiate this picture by showing that variances between highland and lowland indigenous peoples started with the appearance of Homeland's Consciousness (CONDEPA) and have increased since MAS came to power. While the highland indigenous peoples have preferred left political parties, parties with pro-indigenous agendas or which used indigenous symbolism, the lowland peoples have tended to support centre-right parties. The paper attempts to explain these differences in the voting behaviour of Bolivia's indigenous peoples. Ethnic voting is analysed in the time span from 1985 until 2014 within a mixed-methods design.

Friedliche Demonstrationen und gewaltsame Ausschreitungen in mehreren Ländern der Region machen Schlagzeilen in den nationalen und internationalen Medien. Schnell ist vom "Aufruhr in ganz Lateinamerika" die Rede; oft werden Parallelen gezogen zu den Aufständen in der arabischen Welt, die Ende 2010 einsetzten. Über­generalisie­run­gen und vorschnelle Analogien lenken indes von einem differenzierten Verstehen ab. Eine Einordnung der Fälle und die Suche nach einem Ausweg aus den verschiedenen Krisen erfordern, dass nicht nur (gemeinsame) sozioökonomische Pro­bleme, sondern auch (unterschiedliche) gesellschaftliche und politische Faktoren in die Analyse ein­bezogen werden. Ein systemischer Blick auf die aktuellen Konflikte, insbesondere der Vergleich zwischen Bolivien und Chile, zeigt, wie aus unterschied­lichen Gründen politische Stabilität zur Starre werden und dann explosionsartig zerbrechen kann. (Autorenreferat)

This dissertation studies the introduction of insurance and microinsurance schemes that cover agricultural produce in Bolivia. Partly due to climate change, agricultural disasters have become more frequent in this country. One coping strategy of peasants has been the adoption of insurance instruments. Insurance has also become part of the national government’s strategy for the rural sector. This development is linked to the evolution of microinsurance at a worldwide scale, i.e. insurance products that are specifically designed for the low-income market. Microinsurances usually require a premium payment, but might be (partly) subsidized. The research question of this study is mainly inspired by social security and welfare state research and relates to writings about microinsurance: How does the arrival of agricultural microinsurance transform social security production in Bolivia? In particular, does it represent a boost for market-based social security production (at the detriment of other forms of social security) and in which sense? The research perspective focuses on the question if evolving agricultural microinsurance schemes in Bolivia embody a particular division of responsibilities, including organizational and financial responsibilities. This perspective draws on concepts pertaining to the sociology of risk, among others. In connection with this, the study also looks at the question how the evolving division of responsibilities relates to local social protection strategies and perceptions and, at least partly as a result, to the impact of the schemes. Three different schemes are studied in detail in the empirical part: 1) the Fondo de Transferencia de Riesgos (FTR), which covered from 2009 until 2014 grape production in the department of Tarija; 2) the composite VidaAgrícola, which was offered in 2011 and 2012 to potato and maize producers in the department of Tarija; 3) the SAMEP / Pirwa scheme, which the national government created in 2012/13. Methodologically, this research relies on a multi-sited ethnography, including four field stays in Bolivia (November 2010, April-July 2011, October-December 2011, January 2013). Until this date, the agricultural microinsurance landscape of Bolivia remains very patchy, both in terms of reach and payout sums. The limited number of agricultural microinsurance and insurance products has mainly reached producers specialized in high-value cash crops. This study shows that the introduction of agricultural microinsurance in Bolivia cannot be considered as real boost to market-based welfare production, at least not to this date. Rather, in one and the same context, microinsurance has been used in very different ways that range from market mechanism to public cash transfer: On the one hand, it has taken the form of commercial schemes, implemented in part with the help of the state (market expansion). On the other hand, agricultural microinsurance has taken the form of a fully subsidized cash transfer (bono) organized by the government in order to support vulnerable citizens. By creating new entitlements for those citizens who are considered as historically disadvantaged, the government has assumed responsibilities that are not part of its “traditional” role in welfare production. This means that the opposite of a shift from state to market-based social security production can be observed. At the same time, the microinsurance schemes which were studied here do not necessarily imply the destruction of other institutions of social security, in particular state or community-based support. In addition, this research studies if forward-looking and risk-averse subjectivities, which form part of theories of neoliberal governmentality, become more important as microinsurance is introduced in Bolivia. The actors involved in microinsurance creation aimed to create an “insurance culture” through financial education. However, there is a notable gap between these ideas (including “prudent subjectivities”) and the reactions of producers. As previously described by others, neoliberal governmentality remained a partial and unstable process. The outlook of this dissertation explores the possibility that in the future the introduction of agricultural microinsurance could represent a boost for market-based social security: this is still a possible outcome in the longer run.

The article analyzes and compares the dynamics of business-government relations in Bolivia and Ecuador during the presidencies of Evo Morales and Rafael Correa. It specifically traces the shift from confrontation to rapprochement to a fairly stable pattern of negotiation and dialogue that characterizes the two governments' interaction with core business elites. Drawing on the structural and instrumental power framework developed by Tasha Fairfield, it proposes an explanation that accounts for this overall shift as well as for the main differences between the two countries. In a nutshell, the article argues that the business elites' response to a severe loss of instrumental power and the governments' response to the persistent structural power of business combined to cause the shift toward negotiation and dialogue. The article also probes the plausibility of this power-based explanation by briefly comparing the two cases with other left-of-center governments in the region.

In einer globalisierten Welt spielen direkte Auslandsinvestitionen eine entscheidende Rolle für die Entwicklung von Wachstumsmärkten. Während multinationale Unternehmen nach einem möglichst investitionsfreundlichen Klima suchen, bieten Wachstumsmärkte diese beinahe schon im Wettbewerb an. In einem „race to the bottom“ werden Grundrechte in Investitionszielländern schiedsgerichtlich ausgeklammert oder sogar aufgehoben. Mit einer globalisierten Welt hat sich allerdings auch die Aufmerksamkeit auf multinationale Unternehmen verstärkt, was alle Beteiligten zu einem Umdenken veranlasst., JuWissBlog

This article investigates whether the overlapping of intergovernmental regional organizations in Latin America with regard to membership and mandate is harmful or beneficial to regional cooperation (with a special focus on mediation in domestic and international conflicts). The article begins by systematizing the discussion about the possible risks and potential benefits of overlapping regional organizations, and then outlines hypotheses that can be tested in concrete episodes of overlap of action. The article then analyzes nine episodes in which an overlap of action has occurred between two Latin American organizations, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The results of the study are mixed. However, the effects of overlapping seem to be much less problematic than a large body of literature generally assumes.

Jair Messias Bolsonaro, the former army captain and recently elected Brazilian presi­dent from the Social Liberal Party (PSL) with the campaign slogan "Brazil above every­thing; God above everyone", is a paramount example of the linkage between politics and Evangelical values, interests, and actors in Latin America: In May 2016, Bolsonaro was baptised in the Jordan River by Pastor Everaldo Pereira, a prominent leader of the Assembly of God church and the head of the Social Christian Party (PSC); pictures and videos of the ceremony were circulated on the internet. Bolsonaro counted on the support of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front of the National Congress, comprising 199 deputies with diverse party affiliations and 60 percent of the Evangelical elec­torate’s voting intention for the electoral run-off. Edir Macedo, founder of the Uni­versal Church of the Kingdom of God and owner of the second largest media network in Brazil, endorsed Bolsonaro's candidacy and broadcasted a favourable interview with him on his TV programme. In Latin America, candidates with conservative-value agendas and strong positions on authority and order as well as against crime and cor­ruption are especially attractive to the rapidly growing number of Evangelical churches and believers in the region. At the same time, they have become an important target group of politicians of different parties searching for support. (auhtor's abstract)

Violent conflicts between indigenous groups, multinational companies, and governments over the control of lands potentially containing valuable minerals and hydrocarbons are proliferating in Latin America, as well as elsewhere around the world too. In 1989 the International Labor Organization (ILO) approved ILO Convention 169, which mandates the implementation of prior consultation (PC) with indigenous peoples about any project that could potentially affect their territory. Many interpretations regarding the aims and scopes of PC exist. Some environmental sectors see PC as a mechanism to prevent the implementation of ecologically unsustainable projects in indigenous territories. Part of the indigenous rights sector, however, sees PC as a platform via which to negotiate financial resources for indigenous communities. On the side of governments and multinational companies, PC represents a means to diminish violence and advance projects under more stable political conditions. By examining mining and hydrocarbon projects in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, the authors compare cases in which PC takes place and ones where it is not applied. A typology of the outcomes in relation to 1) the prevention of industrialized resource extraction on indigenous lands, 2) redistribution of economic benefits produced by extractive projects, and 3) diminishment of the state repression associated with extractive projects is offered. Findings show that in many cases all three of these results are not simultaneously achieved; the authors explain why some outcomes might be obtained in certain instances and not in others. Finally, the article offers an overall assessment of PC results in light of participation theories., La violencia entre grupos indígenas, empresas multinacionales y gobiernos sobre el control de tierras con potencial minero y petrolero se encuentra en aumento en América Latina y en el resto del mundo. En 1989 la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) aprobó el Convenio 169 de la OIT que establece la obligación de los estados de realizar consulta previa (CP) con sus grupos indígenas antes de llevar a cabo cualquier proyecto que tenga el potencial de afectar sus territorios. Existen diversas interpretaciones sobre los alcances de la CP. Algunos sectores medioambientalistas entienden que la CP es un mecanismo para prevenir la implementación de proyectos ecológicamente destructivos en territorios indígenas. Por otro lado, parte del sector de derechos indígenas, entiende que la CP es una plataforma por la cual los grupos indígenas pueden negociar recursos financieros con el gobierno y/o las empresas ejecutoras. Por el lado de los gobiernos y las empresas multinacionales, la CP representa un medio para disminuir la violencia e implementar proyectos bajo condiciones de mayor estabilidad política. A través del análisis de proyectos mineros y petroleros en Bolivia, Perú y México, las autoras comparan casos en los que la CP tiene lugar con casos en que esta está ausente. Seguido de ello se elabora una tipología de resultados en relación a 1) prevención de extracción industrializada de recursos naturales en territorios indígenas, 2) redistribución de beneficios económicos producidos por proyectos extractivos, 3) disminución de represión estatal asociada con proyectos extractivos. Los hallazgos demuestran que, en muchos casos, estos tres resultados difícilmente son obtenidos simultáneamente; las autoras explican por qué algunos resultados son obtenidos en ciertos casos y en otros no. Finalmente el artículo ofrece un examen general de los resultados de la CP a la luz de las teorías sobre participación.

Die Beiträge zu diesem Tagungsband setzen sich zusammen aus den Bereichen: Wirtschaftliches Handeln und Informationsmanagement in Online Communities, Öffentliche Verwaltung: Infrastruktur und Anwendungsfeld Sozialer Gemeinschaften, Technologien und Methoden für Online Communities und Digitale Wissensarchitektur, Mixed Reality Konzepte für online Gemeinschaften und Wissensbasierte online-(Zusammen-)Arbeit in Lehre und Forschung. (DIPF/Orig.)

En el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, la Constitución de 2009 articula una concepción multidimensional de democracia, reflejando un legado de movilizaciones de movimientos sociales que demandaban inclusión política y propulsaron al poder a un presidente que se auto-identifica como indígena. Muchos anticiparon que Bolivia podía presentar un ambiente propicio para una democracia vigorizada y post-liberal. Este artículo evalúa las tres dimensiones de la democracia consagradas en la Constitución -representativa, participativa y comunitaria- con el objetivo de entender la relación entre ellas. Me concentro en dos sitios importantes de práctica democrática: el proceso de elaboración y aprobación de la Constitución, y la construcción de las "autonomías indígenas"; es decir, las instituciones de autogobierno indígena basadas en la democracia comunitaria. Mientras la democracia boliviana es más estable e inclusiva bajo el actual gobierno que bajo los gobiernos previos, este estudio encuentra que la expansión de procesos democráticos participativos y comunitarios sancionados ha sido limitada frente al sistema hegemónico de representación., In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, the 2009 Constitution articulates a multidimensional conception of democracy, reflecting a legacy of social movement mobilizations that demanded political inclusion and propelled to power a president who self-identifies as Indigenous. Many anticipated that Bolivia could present a propitious environment for an invigorated and post-liberal democracy. This article evaluates the three dimensions of democracy enshrined in the Constitution -representative, participatory, and communitarian- with the aim of understanding the relationship among them. I focus on two important sites of democratic practice: the process of drafting and approving the Constitution, and the construction of "Indigenous autonomies"; that is, institutions of Indigenous self-government based on communitarian democracy. While Bolivian democracy is more stable and inclusive under the current government than under previous ones, this study finds that the expansion of sanctioned participatory and communitarian democratic processes has been limited vis-à-vis the hegemonic system of representation.

Die Beiträge zu diesem Tagungsband setzen sich zusammen aus den Bereichen: Wirtschaftliches Handeln und Informationsmanagement in Online Communities, Öffentliche Verwaltung: Infrastruktur und Anwendungsfeld Sozialer Gemeinschaften, Technologien und Methoden für Online Communities und Digitale Wissensarchitektur, Mixed Reality Konzepte für online Gemeinschaften und Wissensbasierte online-(Zusammen-)Arbeit in Lehre und Forschung. (DIPF/Orig.)

Gedruckt erschienen im Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2926-3 (ISSN 2510-215X), In der Debatte um globale Themen wie wachsende Urbanisierung, Landflucht und Armutsbekämpfung spielt die Suche nach lokal wirksamen Lösungsvorschlägen eine wesentliche Rolle und es stellt sich für Architekten die Frage nach dem Beitrag ihrer Profession in diesem Kontext. Das Fachgebiet Prof. Pasel widmet sich dieser Aufgabe mit einem interdisziplinären und langfristig angelegten Projekt für das andine Dorf Bella Vista in Bolivien. In einer internationalen Kooperation mit der gemeinnützigen Organisation Fundación Cristo Vive Bolivia, die sich der Armutsbekämpfung in Lateinamerika widmet, haben Studierende unter Leitung des Fachgebietes den Bau einer Landwirtschaftsschule entworfen, geplant und anschließend gemeinsam mit den lokalen Partnern vor Ort in die Realität umgesetzt., In the discourse of global issues like rapid urbanization processes, rural exodus and fighting against poverty, it is more than essential to develop effective strategies that have an sustainable impact on a local level. As architects and planers we are asked to deal with these challenges in a spatial way. The project of a boarding school for the agronomy-campus Bella Vista in Bolivia, a project of Prof. Pasel and his team from TU Berlin, addresses this challenge by integrating students and local stakeholders in an architectural design and building project, that creates spatial solutions by catalysing social processes. This co-productive project is realized in cooperation with the charitable organisation of Cristo Vive Bolivia in a two year design-build process.

The rights to prior consultation and compensation have been established within the framework of international indigenous peoples' rights. However, in practice these processes have often gone hand in hand with adverse social consequences for local populations, such as the exacerbation of conflicts, the division of communities and the weakening of indigenous organizations. These phenomena have received little attention, despite their great relevance for these populations. This article sheds light on the use by the Bolivian state and extraction corporations of exclusionary participation and negotiation processes, on the one hand, and ‘carrot-and-stick’ techniques on the other, which have together accounted for negative social impacts on the ground. The article is based on recently conducted field research, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews in Guaraní communities in Bolivia. The findings extend the existing literature by providing a fine-grained and systematic analysis of divisive undertakings and their sociocultural and sociopolitical consequences in neo-extractivist Bolivia. The broader implications of the study add to academic debates about participation in development, about ‘divide-and-rule’ tactics and about the practice of indigenous peoples' rights.

How do natural resources and ethnic identity interact to incite or to mitigate social conflict? This article argues that high-value natural resources can act as an important catalyst for the politicization of ethnic, specifically indigenous identity, and contribute to social conflict as they limit the malleability of identity frames and raise the stakes of confrontations. We test this argument using unique sub-national data from Bolivian provinces. Drawing on Bolivian newspaper reports, we code conflict events for all of the 112 provinces from 2000 to 2011. We join this conflict data with information on local ethnic composition from the census, the political representation of ethnic groups at the national level, as well as geo-spatial information on gas deposits. Using time-series cross-sectional count models, we show a significant conflict-promoting effect of the share of indigenous people in provinces with gas reserves, but not without.

Recent political changes across Latin America that challenge mainstream conceptions of liberal democracy have led to speculation about some kind of post-liberal democracy possibly emerging in the region. Up to now, however, there has been no systematic assessment of this proposition or any explicit conception of post-liberal democracy. This article fills this research gap by proposing a conceptual framework for analysing political change in the direction of post-liberal democracy, in Latin America and beyond, and probes the plausibility of this framework in a case study of Bolivia. It shows that the concept of post-liberal democracy helps us make sense of the contemporary transformation of Bolivian democracy and that it has comparative advantages over alternative conceptual frameworks such as radical populism and defective – that is, illiberal or delegative – democracy.

Diese Schrift widmet sich den Bewegungen der Vögel der Anden entlang des Höhengradienten (Altitudinalwanderungen) und ihrer öko-ethologischen Steuerung. Daneben leistet sie einen Beitrag zum Naturschutz tropischer Bergwald-Ökosysteme. Umfassende Literaturauswertungen zeigen Forschungs- und Wissensdefizite auf. Eigene ornithologische Felderhebungen im Nationalpark Carrasco und seinem Umland in Bolivien erfolgten in den Jahren 2000-2003 entlang eines Höhentransekts durch tropischen Feuchtwald vom Tiefland zur Waldgrenze. Es wurde unterschieden zwischen altitudinalen jahreszeitlichen Zugvögeln, Vögeln mit kürzerfristigen Pendelbewegungen und dem isolierten Auftreten von Individuen außerhalb des Areals (Vagranten). Altitudinalwanderungen von Vögeln erweisen sich als artspezifisch, orts- und zeitspezifisch. Diese Studie ist ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der Idiosynkrasien und Komplexität der Altitudinalwanderungen von Vögeln in den Anden – und damit des artenreichsten Vogelzugsystems der Erde. The present study investigates the movements of Andean birds along the altitudinal gradient and the eco-ethological control of these movements. In addition, it aims at increasing the effectiveness of conservation of tropical forest ecosystems. A comprehensive literature review reveals considerable gaps in research and knowledge. An ornithological field study was carried out in Carrasco National Park and its surroundings in Bolivia from 2000 to 2003, covering a humid tropical forest transect from the lowlands to timberline. It differentiates between seasonal altitudinal migrant birds, relatively short-term commuters and isolated appearances of individuals outside their range (vagrants). Altitudinal bird movements are shown to be species-specific, but also specific to the spatio-temporal situation. This study contributes to the understanding of the idiosyncracies and complexities of altitudinal movements of Andean birds – and thus of the most bird species-rich migratory system on Earth.