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Violent injury is a leading cause of death and disability among young Black men, with the highest rates occurring in low-income urban populations. Hospital-based violence intervention programs (HVIPs) offer a promising opportunity to address the biopsychosocial factors that adversely affect this population. However, there are major gaps between the needs of young Black male survivors of violent injury and the forms of care provided by HVIPs. Patient-centered outcomes research provides a useful mode of inquiry to develop strategies to decrease these differences. Care for survivors, including treatment for traumatic stress disorders, must be reconceptualized to center the lived experiences of young Black men. This paper qualitatively explores how these survivors of gun violence express symptoms of traumatic stress and the ways in which their narratives can inform the implementation of the biopsychosocial model in HVIPs. A phenomenological variant ecological systems theory framework was used to analyze participant narratives to aid in understanding their symptoms of traumatic stress and post-injury affective changes as both psychologically and socially important experiences. Such insight may inform changes to HVIP practice to address persistent health disparities related to violence.

Empirical evidence demonstrates that racism is a source of traumatic stress for racial/ethnic minorities, particularly African Americans. Like race and racism, skin tone and experiences of colorism-an often overlooked form of discrimination that privileges lighter skinned over darker skinned individuals, although not uniformly, may also result in traumatic stress. This article proposes a new conceptual model of skin-tone trauma. The model depicts how historical and contemporary underpinnings of colorism lead to colorist incidents that may directly and indirectly, by eliciting traumatic stress reactions, lead to negative effects on the health and interpersonal relationships of African Americans. Key tenets of critical race and intersectionality theories are used to highlight the complexities of skin-tone trauma as a result of intersectional identities on the basis of existing social hierarchies. Last, we present suggestions for researchers, as well as recommendations and strategies for practitioners, to unmask "skin-tone wounds" and promote healing for individuals, families, and communities that suffer from skin-tone trauma. Skin-tone trauma should be acknowledged by researchers, scholars, and practitioners to better understand and assess the widespread scope of trauma in the African American community.

Objectives: We investigated whether 1 form of traumatic stress, discrimination-related trauma (e.g., physical assault because of race), was associated with unprotected anal intercourse, especially when compared with non-discrimination-related trauma, among African American men who have sex with men., Methods: A convenience sample of 131 HIV-positive African American men who have sex with men receiving antiretroviral treatment completed audio computer-assisted self-interviews that covered unprotected anal intercourse, interpersonal trauma, and whether trauma was because of discrimination on the basis of race/ethnicity, HIV serostatus, or sexual orientation., Results: Sixty percent reported at least 1 interpersonal trauma; they attributed at least 1 trauma to being gay (47%), African American (17%), or HIV positive (9%). In a multivariate regression, experiencing discrimination-related trauma was significantly associated with unprotected anal intercourse (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.4; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.0, 5.7; P = .04), whereas experiencing non-discrimination-related trauma was not (AOR = 1.3; 95% CI = 0.6, 3.1; P = .53)., Conclusions: HIV-positive African American men who have sex with men experience high levels of discrimination-related trauma, a stressor associated with greater risk taking. HIV prevention interventions should consider the potential damaging effects of discrimination in the context of trauma.

Gang violence is a growing public health concern in the United States, and adolescents are influenced by exposure to gang violence. This study explored the influence of exposure to gang violence on adolescent boys' mental health using a multi-method design. A semi-structured interview guide and the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children were used to collect data from adolescents. Parents, primary caregivers, and community center employees completed the Child Behavior Checklist or Teacher Report Form. Ten adolescent boys, their parents or primary caregivers, and six community center employees participated in the study. Exposure to gang violence was common among these adolescents and they had a variety of reactions. Parents, primary caregivers, and community center employees had differing perceptions of adolescents' exposure to violence and their mental health. Adolescent boys' exposure to gang violence in the community is alarming. These adolescents encountered situations with violence that influenced their mental health.

Race-based traumatic stress assessments are difficult because of the insidious nature of racism, the lack of scientific research, and the disregard of the nondominant cultural experience. Although there is a large body of scientific literature about the harmful psychological effects of racism, most of that literature is not directly applicable to individual assessment. Carter and Forsyth begin to correct that deficiency. Implicit in their attempt is the beginnings of defining a race-based traumatic stress syndrome. At present, the psychiatric expert can be useful to the court through a psychological description of the evaluee within a racial-cultural context.

Background: This study examines the association between trauma and HIV risk behaviors among women at sexual risk for HIV infection., Methods: From April to August 1998, high-risk HIV negative women were recruited in the South Bronx into a year-long cohort study. At the 12-month visit, 116 women were interviewed face-to-face about recent and lifetime violent and non-violent traumas., Results: The women reported a substantial prevalence of sexual risk behaviors associated with the acquisition of HIV. At baseline, almost two-thirds (64%) reported unprotected vaginal sex in the previous six months, and in the previous year, 62% had smoked crack, 52% reported sex-for-money-or-drugs exchanges, and 47% had five or more male sex partners. The lifetime prevalence of trauma was high: 81% had experienced one or more violent traumas and 97% had experienced one or more non-violent traumas. Women who had experienced violent trauma--physical assault by a partner (OR = 2.88; 95% CI 1.12; 7.41)--and those who had experienced non-violent trauma--loss of a child to foster care (OR = 3.34; 95% CI 1.04; 10.65)--were more likely to use crack than others. Those who had experienced non-violent trauma, by witnessing a physical assault (OR = 2.31; 95% CI 0.99; 5.40), were also more likely than others to have exchanged sex., Conclusions: Both violent and non-violent traumas appear to play a role in the behaviors that place women at risk of HIV infection, particularly using crack and exchanging sex.