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Copyright of Cooperativismo y Desarrollo (COODES) is the property of Universidad de Pinar del Rio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Technology is recognised as one of the most important factors in world economic development, particularly contributing to the trade growth of information and communications technology (ICT) products. The decomposition of export growth has been a popular way to analyse how trade has been influenced since 2000. However, there is little investigation regarding the structure of ICT product trading of China, which is the de facto largest trader of ICT goods export and import. This paper contributes to the existing methods with a non-parametric model. The coefficient estimates which functions of their factors represent a dynamic analysis of the factors' influence on decomposed trade growth. The empirical study shows that China's strategy tends to be conservative, as the growth of trade to developed countries mostly came from the volume increase of existing trade lines instead of the increase of trade varieties. Suggestions include that the trade growth could benefit from resource reallocation in ICT industries and the procedure simplification of exporting ICT products. This paper also provides empirical evidence that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) increased the trading volume and frequency by completing the transportation chain and decreasing the variable trade costs. Furthermore, suggestions are provided on improving the impact on the globalisation of ICT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's special economic zones have been hailed as a flagship of her policy on 'opening up' to the outside world, as well as the China-led global Belt and Road Initiative. In this paper, we conceptualize the internationalization of Chinese SEZs, and frame the genealogy and underpinning dynamics of China's international SEZs, both domestically and overseas. The paper critically probes the underlying logics of three parallel international developments of Chinese SEZs: (1) capital-oriented land expansion in the form of international SEZs combining both 'bring in' and 'going out', especially since BRI; (2) different industrial landscapes at various timelines and sites; (3) variegated transnational SEZs governance, bilateral central governments governance, marketized state or entrepreneurship state, or private ventures. We contribute to the SEZ land literature by delivering a novel framework which encompasses variegated internationalization trends among China's vast domestic and overseas SEZs. These internationalization trajectories in turn contour and entrench global variegated capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore a model of efficient allocation of financial resources in China and other Belt and Road countries to ensure it plays the most effective economic role. In terms of financial resources, this paper uses a fixed effects model to conduct an empirical study of 2006-2019 panel data on the financial resources of Belt and Road countries. The paper finds that the role of financial resources varies from country to country along the Belt and Road. 1) In some regions, increased bank credit is playing a less important role in driving the economy; 2) Securities markets have an important role in promoting economic growth; 3) The insurance industry has great potential for economic development; 4) Foreign direct investment has boosted economic development. Hence we need to face up to the fact that the role of financial resources in economic growth varies from country to country along the Belt and Road, so we need to formulate the corresponding strategies to optimize financial resources and promote the sustainable development of Belt and Road economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I study why and how China uses green overseas finance in its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to build soft power. I apply Miskimmon et al.'s framework, which postulates that soft power is built on 'signals' and 'action': I study eleven relevant Chinese BRI government and sector‐led signals in green BRI development and analyze Chinese green versus non‐green energy investments as actions. I find that Chinese regulators and financial institutions have provided multiple signals for greening finance in the BRI, while green finance action is insufficient with continued sponsoring of non‐green investments. The paper concludes that green finance is a tool for China to build soft power in the BRI, but it is applied insufficiently due to a lack of green finance action. The paper also finds that insufficient strength of soft power signals can lead to a dichotomy between soft power signals and action with possible negative consequences for soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprises original research on China's use of bilateral media cooperation to mediate its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Building upon the literature on strategic narratives, aesthetic power and the Silk Road as a foreign policy concept, we present a detailed case study of the visual imagery of the "Silk Road" documentary collaboration between China's and Russia's state-owned international broadcasters, China Radio International and RT (formerly Russia Today). We employ a visual methodology to interrogate the formation and projection of multimodal (visual, textual and oral) narratives about China's infrastructural activities along this metaphorical new "Silk Road". We examine how the Silk Road series gives sense to China's BRI, the relative weighting of Chinese and Russian strategic narratives about the BRI, and how power is distributed in this Chinese-Russian media partnership. Our analysis reveals that in re-packaging visual imagery that applies nostalgia to the history of core places and technologizes their future, the series projects a pre-curated Chinese visual narrative that emplots the BRI as human and cultural development. Russian regional strategic narratives are marginalized. China is applying its aesthetic power to Russian journalists and politicians; RT obtains some commercial benefits, but the Russian state's aesthetic power is ceded to China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil has significant implications for regional security and India's defense cooperation. Following President Xi's announcement of China's grand strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, in 2013, China has utilized its infrastructure investment as a typical example of its implementation of soft power diplomacy on a global dimension. This has raised concerns about China's geopolitical ambitions in the Indian Ocean and the potential security threat it poses to India. Using qualitative research methods, this paper analyzes the geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka in China's ambitions and the political strategies behind economic crises in South Asian countries. The paper evaluates the impact of China's debt-trap diplomacy on India's national security and defense cooperation with Sri Lanka. The findings suggest that Sri Lanka's economic instability has provided China with an opportunity to encircle and contain India in the region, and that India needs to take proactive steps to mitigate this threat. Overall, the paper highlights the importance of understanding the Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil for regional security and India's defense cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. This paper analyses the evolution of BRI narratives from 2013 to 2020 in Australian newspaper journalism. In the field of media and communications, there has been a lack of analysis regarding the BRI narratives in Australia. By employing frame analysis, this paper fills in the gap to record the evolution of the BRI narratives in Australian journalism. This paper selects six representative journalists' works from four Australian mainstream newspapers: The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), The Age, The Australian and The Australian Financial Review (AFR). It shows how the BRI has been gradually politicized and the BRI narratives in Australian journalism shifted in tone from mostly positive to highly critical. More concretely, this paper elucidates that from 2013 to 2020, the BRI has been gradually related to allying with like-minded countries to stand up against China, human rights violations of the Chinese government in Xinjiang and Tibet, Australia's sovereignty, Australia's global order choice between China-led authoritarianism and liberal democracy, and the debt trap strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant corridor under the "Belt and Road Initiative" is announced by the government of China for numerous transport and energy projects. China focuses greatly on the sustainability of these projects, in accordance with Green Investment Principles. For this, environmental, social, governance, and technological considerations are taken into account. This paper offers a novel assessment of the impact of green sustainability under BRI and the current emission scenario in Pakistan. The question that needs to be addressed here is whether the projects under Belt and Road Initiative are as environment friendly as they claim. In the first phase of this study, we review theories establishing evidence based on existing literature to determine the influence of Belt and Road on economic development. In the next phase, we use Environment Kuznets Curve and apply estimates from Johansson's Cointegration Test to quantify the present environmental scenario of Pakistan and probable environmental risk portrayed by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This paper helps in determining the relationship between carbon emission and three major variables including energy consumption, economic growth, and foreign direct investment (FDI). Cointegration analysis is applied on time series data comprising of a 40 years' period from 1979 to 2019. The paper finds that (i) the belt and road corridors could substantially improve trade, foreign investment, and living conditions for citizens in participating countries; (ii) moreover, this study confirms the presence of one cointegrated equation suggesting the presence of a long term relationship between the CO2 and independent variables and a short run association running from EnC to CO2. The study also proposes a Green BRI Model which formulates a body that devises environmental performance standards, reviews procedures, and ensures that they get implemented on all CPEC projects. The Belt and Road Initiative increases emissions among participating countries. China and corridor economies need to adopt strict policy reforms that increase transparency, expand trade, improve debt sustainability, and mitigate environmental, social, and corruption risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the prospects and promises of continent‐wide infrastructure projects under China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and its implications for intra‐regional trade and economic development in Africa. Building on the supply side theory of trade and economic development, and taking cognizance of the impacts of asymmetric market sizes on trade integration, this paper argues that continent‐wide infrastructure projects are perhaps not the biggest constraints to intra‐Africa trade. Consequently, the paper recommends caution in pursuing regional infrastructure projects under the BRI. Given that the economies of most African countries depend largely on natural resources, the BRI could be adopted strategically to establish and manage infrastructure projects that would relax the binding constraints to structural transformation and allow for the development of manufacturing and/or service capabilities in the respective countries, especially in niche areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the annual mean PM2.5 concentration data of 30 provinces and cities in China from 2006 to 2020, this paper constructs a structural model of manufacturing haze pollution, expounds the main mechanisms affecting haze pollution, then statistically decomposes the main factors affecting the change of pollution emissions, and examines the direct and indirect impact paths of the change of haze pollution emissions in China. The study found that (1) the inhibitory effects of latent variables on manufacturing haze pollution is from strong to weak in order: industrial structure upgrading, environmental regulation, trade opening, productivity improvement, and economic scale expansion, while the optimal path for the indirect effect of exogenous latent variables on haze pollution is to rely on environmental regulation and opening up to achieve the improvement of productivity, so as to achieve the purpose of reducing haze pollution. (2) The analysis based on the PVAR model found that industrial structure adjustment is the key factor of haze decline in both the short and long term. Environmental regulation has an obvious effect on haze control in the short term, but in the long run, it still needs to rely on industrial structure adjustment, production efficiency improvement, and trade opening to achieve the goal of reducing haze. (3) There is an inverted U-shaped nonlinear relationship between output scale and environmental regulation. In addition, trade openness has a long-term effect on productivity. Technology spillovers from opening up can reduce haze pollution in the long run by improving productivity. (4) The environmental regulation policy in the central region is characterized by "race to the bottom," while the eastern region shows the characteristic of "race to the top" in the policy game of improving productivity and optimizing the industrial structure. Therefore, haze control requires an appropriate intensity of environmental regulation to reduce the proportion of high pollution and high energy consumption industries. Make full use of the international cooperation platform of the "the Belt and Road Initiative" and the pilot free trade zone to promote substantive cooperation between Chinese enterprises and developed countries in the field of environmental protection technology, increase investment in research and development of clean equipment and cleaner production technology, improve productivity, help China's green manufacturing, and contribute Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions to global environmental governance and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The six northwestern provinces are much of the Chinese section of the "Silk Road Economic Belt", and the ecological environment is relatively fragile, with serious soil erosion, which, together with rapid economic and social development, may lead to changes in land use patterns and inadequate supply of ecosystem services, impacting China's regional ecological protection as well as the "Carbon Peak and Carbon Neutral" goals. This paper is designed to address the issue of land use change and inadequate supply of ecosystem services in six provinces in Northwest China. To this end, this paper has constructed three different levels of ecological security patterns in the study area based on the spatial–temporal pattern changes of land use and cold hotspot changes of ecological service value (ESV) in six provinces and regions in Northwest China. The results show that from 2000 to 2018, there is a significant increase around urban and rural construction land (66.06%) and a small decrease around grassland and water bodies (−1.72% and −13.53%) in the study area, with a large-scale interconversion of all categories. The ecological service value cold hotspot distribution is relatively stable in space and has little change in time. The ecological source areas of low, medium, and high ecological safety patterns are 9,889,930, 13,444,520 and 40,067,460 hm2, respectively, and the number of ecological corridors is 987, 1051 and 1063, with lengths of 5295.57 km, 5729.49 km, and 6566.69 km, respectively. The construction of ecological security pattern based on ecological service value can provide a reference for regional ecological protection and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that Chinese involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean is primarily motivated by increasing the country's economic role within the region through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The paper uses case study analysis methodology dwelling on the evolution and content of Chinese involvement in Greece and Cyprus. Primarily focusing of the nature of the Chinese investments in strategic sectors of the two cases in question the role that that China plays in Eastern Mediterranean is described as a 'silky involvement'. China's policy choices are also perceived to be an opportunity for Greece and Cyprus to combat the negative effects of 2007–2008 economic crises and to increase their geopolitical stronghold in the post-Cold War geopolitical environment of the Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The third decade of the 21st century has witnessed more tensions, instabilities, and new alliances in the Indo-Pacific/Asia-Pacific region due to intensifying rivalry and strategic competition between the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), two grand strategies of the US and China respectively. This article aims to assess the Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) and comprehend Biden's IPS, particularly exploring how the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) may impact China's BRI. This paper argues that RBIO is debatable and not universal. It is also argued that while the IPEF unveiled by President Biden represents a strategically important step forward, a long-term US genuine commitment to its implementation to counter China's BRI is essential. The methodology of this research is primarily based on secondary literature and official documents. This study concludes that although China is reluctant to pay too much attention to the US IPEF in its official statements, China is concerned about this economic initiative. The paper also concludes that because of the intense US-China rivalry, new alliances will emerge in the region leading to a new cold war or new world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. By using content analysis and interviews, this paper analyzes Chinese President Xi's speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government. It identifies at least five competing diplomatic narratives of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either the economic or political implications of the BRI, this paper contributes by exploring the original story that the Chinese government tries to tell the world. It concludes that initially, the narrative of the BRI has not been portrayed well from the Chinese side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers great opportunities for China and Mongolia to collaborate on tackling climate change. However, few studies have focused on China--Mongolia collaboration on climate change under the BRI's sustainable development framework; in particular, studies have neglected the factors and feasibility of collaboration. Focusing on China and Mongolia, this study first discusses the evolution of legislation in China and Mongolia in the context of dealing with climate change and then explores the factors that influence China--Mongolia collaboration on climate change mitigation from the perspectives of climate environmental governance and energy development at the domestic level. Subsequently, the paper analyzes the Paris Agreement to identify international factors that can influence climate change cooperation between the two countries. Finally, based on the results of this analysis, this paper identifies geopolitical relations, the energy supply, technology and investment, and the demand for a transition to sustainable development as the main driving forces for China and Mongolia to collaborate on climate change mitigation under the BRI. Finally, the paper concludes that collaboration between the two countries is highly feasible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking a spatially sensitive approach to evaluating China's quest of soft power, this paper conducted a media discourse analysis of European countries' perceptions of China's growing international influence in general, and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in particular. Preliminary analysis reveals regional diversity in media coverage of the BRI that was partially caused by a country's position as a 'discourse leader', 'discourse responder' or 'discourse follower'. In terms of the contents, this paper noticed a huge discrepancy among the European countries towards the potential impacts of the BRI and China's rise in international affairs, and recorded a shift from a rather positive to a cautious attitude among the European Union's leaders. It is suggested that China's spatially blind approach to using soft power to promote BRI in Europe may be partly to blame for its limited success so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global value chains have become the core skeleton of the global economy. As a large-scale international cooperation initiative, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI hereafter) may have a significant impact on the global economic landscape. In this context, the spatiotemporal pattern and evolution of the value chain connection of the Silk Road countries and whether the BRI will promote the value chain connections between China and these countries are important research questions for understanding the changing global economic landscape. This paper employs input-output analysis, network analysis and difference-in-differences based on Propensity Score Matching (PSM-DID) to conduct an in-depth quantitative study of these questions. The results show that, first, the overall value chain connection between China and the Silk Road countries has been rising since 2001. From the perspective of geographical distribution, Southeast Asia is the highest value chain connection region with China, and the growth in the central and eastern Europe is the most significant, whereas the central Asia is the lowest value connection region. From the perspective of complex network analysis, China's position in the network of value flow among the Silk Road countries has been increasing continuously, and it has been in the lead position since 2008. Besides, the implementation of the BRI has had a significant positive influence on the overall value chain connection between China and the Silk Road countries, but this positive influence is limited to the central and eastern Europe region, whereas it is not significant in other regions. Finally, this paper suggests that to promote the development of value chain connection, the Silk Road countries need to develop more specific policies related to value chains. Policymakers need to be able to correctly identify the comparative advantages of the region and the types of value chains that are compatible with them and then find suitable partners and formulate targeted promotion policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a far‐reaching initiative of China's active engagement in global affairs and is seen to determine the future fate of Eurasia. Previous studies about states' interactions with China in the BRI either give suggestions on further actions or selectively depict how participants interact with China in a non‐comparative way. With the BRI event data collected that covers multiple modes of BRI interactions, this paper takes the initiative to explore the determinants of states' interactions with China in the BRI. With the spatial gravity model, this paper finds that economic size, market quality, geographic proximity, and political and economic amity are closely associated with states' interactions with China in the BRI, which further contributes to the broad literature of the application of the gravity model as well as the interaction of states with China under the new era of China's more active, confidential, and assertive foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ancient China, Daoist philosophers developed the concepts of qi (energy), Wu Xing (five elements), and yin (feminine, dark, negative) and yang (masculine, bright, positive) opposite forces between 200 and 600 BCE. Based on these philosophies, Zhen Jiu (acupuncture), Ben Cao (materia medica), and the practice of Qi Gong (energy optimization movements) evolved as the three interrelated therapeutic regimens of Chinese medicine (Note 1). Since the time of Zhang Qian, who discovered China's western regions in the 1st century BCE, Hai Yao (the exotic elements of materia medica from the maritime Silk Road countries), had been transmitted from the ancient land and maritime routes of the Silk Road to China in the past two millennia (Note 2). Since the late 17th century, the English East India Company, later called the British East India Company, introduced Yang Yao (opium) to the Manchu Qing Empire to balance a growing trade deficit for tea export from China to the British Empire. After the First Opium War ended in 1842, enterprising expatriate chemists and druggists in the treaty ports imported Xi Yao (modern medicines from the Western world) for sale to the merchant navy and the local market. From the second half of the 19th century onwards, both Hai Yao and Xi Yao have become a fully integrated part of modern China's armamentarium for the Chinese medicine and Western hospitals and retail pharmacy sectors. This paper articulates the journey of adoption of exotic elements of materia medica from the ancient land and sea routes of the Silk Road, including the western regions and the rest of the world in the past two millennia. Opium traders, ship surgeons, medical and pharmaceutical missionaries, enterprising traders, and policymakers together transformed Ben Cao into Xi Yao during the late Manchu Qing dynasty and the early Nationalist Era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is highly development-oriented and appeals to developing countries whose wish is to catch up with developed economies. China has called for co-construction of the BRI with all and sundry, particularly with African countries, which it has considered important and strategic in actualizing the BRI project. The call for co-construction echoes well with the African partners, who are keen on leveraging the BRI for their own development. Tied to China's status as a rising economic power, both partners have agreed to align the BRI with the African Union's development agenda for complementary and beneficial development. Our paper revealed that although the call for co-construction of the BRI is a welcomed initiative, there are potential setbacks that abound, and therefore offered strategies for responding to China's call for co-construction of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the discourses on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from China Global Television Network's YouTube channel. As China's key diplomatic initiative, the BRI discourses provide us rich resources to understand how China wants the international community to see it, and how it intends to lead the world. The paper finds that China has developed a much clearer vision and more consistent discourse on the world order and its role in it. However, our data produces no evidence to support the claim that China wants to take over the existing global order. Rather, China seeks legitimacy to share global leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-World War II experience of conflict and regional cooperation in (Western) Europe and East Asia has been very different. Despite their differences in terms of receptiveness of, and preferences for, regional cooperation, regional cooperation and/or integration still remains one of the most promising avenues for achieving or at least institutionalising peace. Against this backdrop, we aim to assess the scope for EU–Korean collaboration in regional integration, outlining the European and the Korean perspectives on regional integration and conflict resolution, their similarities and differences in this process, and prospects of cooperation amid the intensifying US–China rivalry. We argue in this paper that although confronted with the spectre of global power politics heading for a new Cold War, both the EU and Korea have normatively and practically sought to pursue a policy of 'hedging', and that integration may be a testament to the power of integration in the peaceful transformation of international order than undermining its rationale. The paper thus argues that the future trajectory that regional cooperation for conflict transformation would be bound up by the spectre of power politics by the geostrategic rivalry between the US and China would not necessarily be the only one expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International innovation cooperation is crucial to the enhancement of national technological innovation capabilities in the context of globalization. Does the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as a major international initiative, promote innovation cooperation between China and BRI partner countries? Taking the top 80 global countries in innovation capability as the research sample, this paper uses the DID method to answer this question. The empirical results show that the BRI indeed promoted innovation cooperation between them to a certain extent. Specifically, it significantly increased the proportion of their cooperative patents in China's total patents, and the promotion effect was more obvious for countries with better economic foundations. Furthermore, the mechanism tests indicate that shortening the institutional distance, strengthening the exchange of scientific and technological talents, and stimulating cultural differences were important mechanisms promoting their innovation cooperation. Although the BRI did not significantly increase the proportion of cooperative patents in BRI partner countries' total patents, it effectively improved their innovation foundations and capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Digital Silk Road provides Beijing with a potent instrument to disrupt undersea cables and gain an advantage in the Indo-Pacific. Submarine fiber-optic cables are critical infrastructure yet vulnerable to sabotage. This paper examines how the planned Pakistan and East Africa Connecting Europe (PEACE) cable from China could become a new flashpoint in the Western Indian Ocean. The cable has strategic implications, allowing China to project power and leverage its technological edge. Its landing sites in Pakistan and Djibouti would anchor Chinese naval assets in key chokepoints. The civil-military fusion strategy also facilitates surveillance and espionage via the cables. To counter such threats, India and allies must secure submarine cables through monitoring, contingency planning, and multilateral cooperation. Investing in alternative "democratic digital networks" can also mitigate China's ambitions. Ultimately, submarine cables are emerging as a domain of geopolitical competition requiring policies that safeguard their resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) benefits significantly from investments in transport infrastructure such as road, railway and port, but not as much from investments in non-transport infrastructure such as real estate. However, using data collected from several sources, including secondary data on the number of infrastructure projects already invested and earmarked to be invested as well as China's direct foreign investment to Southeast Asia, this analysis shows that non-transport infrastructure constitutes a substantially higher proportion of the total infrastructure investments in Southeast Asia than transport infrastructure since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This points to a suboptimization polemic emanating from the mismatch between the injlows of the diferent types of infrastructure investments and ASEAN's need for these inputs for sustainable economic growth. Domestic disharmony, regional rivalry and political conflicts between China and ASEAN as well as other obstacles such as the debt-trap worries reduce the total investment flows to Southeast Asia, exacerbating the suboptimization problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The continuation of China's belt and road initiative (BRI) is assumed in most analyses. Yet, recent events have created significant reputational damage for China and Chinese businesses. With a trade war evolving into a hegemonic struggle, there are a number of potential developments that could derail the BRI. This paper aims to provide a contemporary review of the factors that could negatively impact its continuation, and what China has done to mitigate the risks. Design/methodology/approach: A descriptive paper that groups possible disruptive factors into three groups: internal weaknesses of the BRI and its design; those related to China's implementation of the BRI and external concerns and pressures. Findings: China has actively reviewed and refined the BRI to reduce its perceived weaknesses and increase its attractiveness to potential participants, focussing on debt dependency, transparency and governance. However, this has occurred at the same time as growing concerns regarding China's international assertiveness, the hegemonic challenge and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. Research limitations/implications: These changes are occurring within an extremely dynamic environment and any analysis at one point in time is subject to considerable limitations. However, the paper brings together a range of disparate perspectives in a structured manner. Originality/value: The classification of possible threats to the BRI is original and provides insights into the relative significance of the diverse challenges that China faces. The paper concludes that while China's operational focus on the mechanics of the BRI process is necessary, it may not be sufficient to ensure its continuing development. The paper identifies the next step which is conceptualisation of these ideas and of the BRI. Some guidance as to how this might be done is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the endemic world, the emergence of China as a potential superpower is surfacing. It has been a long evolutionary process from the coarse period to the age of prosperity that pushes China to an upward trajectory with its reform model for domestic and worldwide growth. Its economic and strategic directions are reaping fruits in the Belt and Road Initiative. Beijing's goodwill has been endorsed by different countries of the world who wish to learn from the ascendancy of China on the world stage. However, with the rise of China, it is feared that it would have implications for the predominant world order. This paper, therefore, highlights the country's political, economic, military, and social reforms by its distinctive Soft Power approach. China is becoming an influential power that cannot be ignored on the global horizon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a large developing country, China's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) and its relationship to trade have always been subjects of extensive scrutiny in academic circles. With the continuous advancement of the "Belt and Road" initiative (BRI), the pace of overseas expansion by Chinese firms has accelerated. This paper theoretically constructs a firm heterogeneity model of China's OFDI and bilateral trade, and conducts research based on panel data of China's OFDI in countries along the BRI from 2003 to 2019. The results show that China's OFDI can substantially enhance the potential for bilateral trade, and this conclusion remains robust after overcoming endogeneity and economic fluctuations. In a heterogeneity test, China's OFDI in countries along the "Land Silk Road" is shown to have a greater effect on trade potential than in countries along the "Maritime Silk Road." In the controlled test, China's OFDI to BRI countries has a greater role in upgrading trade potential than investment in other trading powerhouses. China's OFDI can promote the economic development of host countries along the BRI by strengthening the potential for bilateral trade. The results of this study are not only conducive to the "going global" of Chinese enterprises but also of practical significance for host countries to achieve high-quality economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a proliferation of studies on China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), there is a gap in the literature in terms of an exploration of the costs and benefits from the perspective of the energy sector, in both the areas of sectoral development and energy transition. This paper uses Australia as a case study. The paper is the first to quantify the impact of the BRI in the energy sector, and the analysis informs the current debates on the BRI in Australia. We find that energy cooperation under the BRI enhances the performance of energy companies, but the Chinese energy investment in Australia faces mounting challenges. We suggest some areas for cooperation and such cooperation could be extended to third countries. Amid the increasing trade and political tensions, the two countries need continued, level-headed discussions and debates about the potential cooperation areas at all levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) initiated by the Chinese government could be regarded as a systematic framework for promoting economic cooperation and development among the countries along the Belt and Road and China. This paper attempts to analyze economic and environmental performance in 61 developing countries along Belt and Road. An additive total factor productivity growth measure allows aggregating contributions of individual countries along the BRI to construct a reasonable measure. Both desirable and undesirable outputs are considered. The growth in the total factor productivity is decomposed with respect to the economic and environmental contributions. The annual average growth rate of green productivity is 3.1%, and the disparity of economic and environmental performance could be observed among countries. Some countries show robust economic growth while environmental performance slows down green growth. This indicates that developing economies should pay attention to environmental impacts and promote sustainable development by sharing emission-reduction technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Beijing University of Traditional Chinese Medicine is the property of Journal of Beijing University of Traditional Chinese Medicine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

South Asian countries have not yet established a local high-speed railway standard system. Countries where the "the Belt and Road Initiative" cooperation projects are located, such as Indonesia Yavan High-speed Railway and Thailand Bangkok-Nakhon Ratchasima high-speed railway, are all based on the technical standards of China's high-speed railway. Due to different national conditions, China's high-speed railway standards cannot be directly applied to high-speed railway projects in Southeast Asia. Based on the specific cases of Indonesia Yavan High-speed Railway and Thailand Bangkok -Nakhon Ratchasima High-speed Railway Project, this paper analyzes the adaptability of China's high-speed railway track design standards in Southeast Asia from the aspects of the main design principles, engineering materials, rail sizing, track structure selection, prefabricated track slab, and continuous welded rail. The main conclusions are as follows: (1)The reinforcement and concrete can be made of local materials, which should be reasonably selected by comparing the strength, chemical element content and other characteristics. (2) The steel rails in Southeast Asian countries and regions are generally imported from China. Therefore, the sizing of rail needs to take into account the influence factors such as port hoisting infrastructure, existing marine conditions, overseas road and railway transportation, and 50 m rail is recommended. (3) In combination with local climate conditions, the ballastless track structure shall be reasonably optimized from the perspective of economy, and the ordinary reinforced concrete track slab can be used. (4) The technology of China/s seamless line technology can fully adapt to the line conditions in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

\nPlain Language SummaryThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has evolved from its ambitious beginning into a framework focused on high-quality development (HQD), emphasizing environmental sustainability and people-centered development. This study examines to what extent these new directives are implemented in the context of China’s overseas economic zones (OEZs), employing a multi-actor-influence model to analyze the complex interactions and challenges inherent in these projects. Focusing on the Vientiane Saysettha Development Zone (VSDZ) in Laos, our analysis identifies three primary institutional challenges: fragmentation between the central and local governments in China, structural constraints imposed on Chinese businesses, and inadequate cooperation between Chinese and host country actors. These challenges underscore the complexities of translating Beijing’s top-down policy into effective action on the ground. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader implications of these findings for the BRI’s future development.This study examines Beijing’s recent strategic shift in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) towards high-quality development (HQD), focusing on sustainable environmental practices and enhancing local livelihoods. Our policy analysis confirms Beijing’s commitment to these goals. However, challenges arise due to the BRI’s decentralized implementation and the varied influences of multiple actors from both China and the host countries. We explore these challenges through a detailed case study of the Vientiane Saysettha Development Zone (VSDZ) in Laos, identifying three key issues: fragmentation between Chinese central and local governments, constraints on Chinese businesses, and inadequate cooperation between Chinese and host country actors.Our study contributes in three significant ways. First, it adds to the discussion of Beijing’s transition towards HQD and the BRI’s global influence through a review of Chinese policies and an analytical model elucidating the realities of BRI implementation. Second, it theorizes that outcomes of BRI projects are shaped more by local circumstances and stakeholder actions than by policies alone. Finally, it suggests potential measures to help realize HQD within the BRI framework in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China proposed the Belt and Road Initiative to strengthen regional connectivity so as to embrace a brighter future together. Since the Initiative was put forward, it has brought many challenges to China's English education policy. By employing Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) and Word2Vec, this study analyzes the evolution of topics and challenges in China's English education policy under the Belt and Road Initiative. The results indicate that after the initiative, the policy focus has changed. English education has shifted from testing abilities to cultivating students' intercultural communication skills in order to meet the needs with countries alongside the "Belt and Road". Moreover, teaching strategies that were examination-oriented have also changed to emphasizing teaching methods and feedback. The focus and teaching strategies have also undergone great changes. China's English education policy has shifted from focusing on improving students' writing skills, English proficiency, and creativity to conducting in-depth research and addressing specific issues, including challenges in linguistics, media influence, educational institutions and programs, online courses, attitudes and self-efficacy, use of multiple languages and globalization, teaching issues, and curriculum design. These findings shed light on how the Belt and Road Initiative changed China's English education policy and provide further directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the launch of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI), observers have witnessed the consolidation of a growing Chinese presence in ports around the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This growing presence has caused alarm among skeptics who view the MSRI as a second coming of the String of Pearls (SoP). Indeed, China is seen as leveraging MSRI port investments in return for national strategic and geopolitical gain, such as ultimately gaining a military foothold in MSRI ports. Regardless of China's purported intent, this paper seeks to add nuance to this debate by examining whether Beijing can actually achieve such strategic gains in the IOR via the deployment of its economic statecraft (via MSRI investments). As the paper shows, the MSRI's current rollout – as well as the inherent resistance to the strategic dimensions of this rollout – offer little in the way of empirical support to the SoP concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) stated: "We should focus on the construction of One Belt and one road, insist on introducing and going out, implement high-level trade and investment liberalization and facilitation policies, and promote the formation of a new pattern of the comprehensive opening." Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), as part of its opening-up, has a direct impact on the quality of China's economic development. This paper studies the impact of FDI quality on the economic development of the provinces in the 30 inland provinces of China, excluding Tibet, from 2007 to 2015. This paper does not find that comprehensive FDI quality has a significant impact on China's high-quality economic development. The further study sample is divided into three texts in the East and West, and found that the export capacity of the eastern provinces of FDI significantly promote high-quality economic development in the region; the technical level of the central provinces of FDI significantly promotes high-quality economic development in the region, but then the actual size of the FDI has a significant inhibitory effect on central provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the Belt and Road Initiative, "extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits" is the basic principle, and the competitiveness heterogeneity is an important condition for cooperation. Based on the complex network theory, this paper constructs a complex network model of global value chain (GVC) division of labor system by using the Multi-Regional Input-Output (MRIO) table and reveals the variation trend of competitiveness of industrial sectors and economies on the GVC network by the National Competitive Advantage Index (NCAI). The results verify the effectiveness of BRI and help countries along the BRI route to explore their comparative advantages and cooperation prospects with other countries. The research also provides a direction and reference for China to better implement the Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Science & Technology of Cereals, Oils & Foods is the property of Science & Technology of Cereals, Oils & Foods Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paramount interest of China in Afghanistan seems to ensure peace and stability in the region. Beijing's soft power approach towards Afghanistan through its neutral stance and minimum involvement in domestic politics within Afghanistan proved to be an advantage in cementing China's role in Afghanistan as a credible mediator. China extends its influence in the region through the Belt and Road Initiative, where the importance of CPEC is interlinked with the development of China's western sector. China aims to harness the Afghan territory for its transit routes because Afghanistan bridges the connectivity gap between Central Asia and West Asia. This paper highlights that the current interests of China in Afghanistan are multiple. China is utilizing all the soft power elements to promote and expand the areas of activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to South Asia because stability in Afghanistan cannot be achieved solely. Understanding Regional Security Complex Theory and Soft Power can encapsulate China's engagement in Afghanistan. It has made a considerable effort by highlighting regional complexities on various multilateral fronts like China-Pakistan-Afghanistan, China-Russia-Afghanistan, and China-Russia-Pakistan-Iran. This study develops an analytical framework of South Asian security from the regional point of view and analyses external powers' role in the transition of regional security complexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been the subject of extensive analysis since late 2013. Most of this views it as a manifestation of China's approach to global issues under Xi Jinping, whether economic, geopolitical, or as a bid to reshape globalization. There has so far been less research into the domestic dynamics of the BRI, including at the sub-national level in China. Based primarily on an examination of provincial-level policy documents and research, this paper explores the ways in which policy makers in the southwestern province of Yunnan have responded to the BRI, and what this might mean for the implementation and shaping of the initiative. It identifies the promotion of externally-oriented development as the main response in Yunnan to the BRI, structured around the idea of making the province a 'pivot' to south and southeast Asia. This provincial-level response is shaped by pre-existing policy goals in Yunnan and reflects more continuity than change in policy substance. This is consistent with interpretations of the BRI as an 'omnibus' policy which can incorporate multiple objectives and act as a framework within which provincial actors can compete for influence or which they can use to make progress towards achieving local objectives in the context of national strategy. The paper concludes that in the case of Yunnan and the BRI, broad alignment between provincial and central government objectives suggests that on this issue, Yunnan is more of an 'influencer' and 'interpreter' than 'ignorer' of national policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI − also known as One Belt One Road (OBOR)−is undoubtedly one of People's Republic of China's (PRC) largest yet most controversial development program of its kind worldwide. In the light of the controversy, the paper aims to study Malaysia's perception and strategy toward China's BRI expansion since the Najib's administration. Based on the political economy analysis of Malaysia's response from Najib to Mahathir 2.0 administrations, the paper focuses on the interaction between state and non-state actors such as the corporations, political parties and non-government organizations (NGOs). Particular attention will be given to the question of what accounts for the continuity or change in Malaysia's perception and strategy toward China's BRI expansion during the two different administrations. Given the institutional setting that gives rise to concentration of political and economic power in the hand of prime minister in Malaysia, its leadership plays a vital role in shaping the outcome of China's BRI expansion in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Maoist era, a new approach was introduced in China, which opened China's markets for foreign investments besides harvesting cordial relations, especially with its neighbours. It helped China emerge as a global power to such a level where the US regards China as a potential competitor. To protect its strategic interests in the East Asian region, the US has introduced a 'Pivot to Asia' policy posing a direct threat to China's trade passing through the South China Sea routes. China has already embarked upon an intercontinental connectivity initiative known as One Belt One Road to bypass the US presence in East Asia. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor is its flagship project which allows China to diversify its trade routes and decrease its dependence on the South China Sea. This paper, therefore, investigates China's behavioural change in East Asia, especially in the post-Cold War era, by applying the theory of Uneven and Combined Development presented by Leon Trotsky. It aims to understand the US policy of containment of China in East Asia and significance of Pakistan in the Chinese approach towards reducing external pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy infrastructure connectivity is a key implementation area for the success of the Belt and Road Initiative. In the current complex international environment, China's energy infrastructure investment in the countries along the Belt and Road is often restricted due to varying degrees of heated disputes with the host countries, thus facing the political risk of investment loss or even failure. This paper used the Heckman two-stage selection model to overcome the sample selection problem in traditional literature and systematically studied the political risks to China's energy infrastructure investment in countries along the Belt and Road within a unified framework. The results showed that Chinese energy infrastructure investments exhibited market-seeking and energy resource-seeking features; while political risks had a significant impact on choosing the locations of energy infrastructure investments, socio-environmental factors were not given sufficient attention. At the national level, the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative was beneficial to China's foreign energy infrastructure investments under certain regulatory levels and environmental policy performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aspects, i.e. open trade (OT), foreign direct investment (FDI), capital formation, and information and communication technology (ICT) exports, are fundamental for any nation's sustainable Economic Development (ED). The paper seeks to examine the effect of those aspects on the ED of Saudi Arabia and other Middle East nations which participate in BRI. The study uses the yearly cross-sectional time-series data from 2013 to 2022. The dual-stage Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) is employed in the sample because the sum of parameters is smaller than the sum of moment clauses. The findings reveal that capital formation and FDI significantly and positively affect the ED, while OT and ICT exports negatively and insignificantly affect it. The general findings show that China's external FDI has increased the ED in Saudi Arabia and other Middle East nations whereas OT shows an insignificance as the majority of emerging nations should capitalize industrial development and hearten export expansion. This study is an initial effort to examine the relationships among BRI aspects and sustainable ED in Middle East Nations using the GMM method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the ideational motivations behind China's connectivity projects, most notably the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and aims to explore which values these infrastructure projects seek to promote. The article is based on various published sources, including Chinese official, and public policy statements. Specifically, those statements and policy papers are qualitatively analyzed through a reflection of their manifested message against the background of Chinese International Relations-related discussions on Chinese worldviews. Based on this analysis, the article argues that China's connectivity projects may be perceived as part of China's ideational competition with the West, culminating in the presentation of "Chinese values" as a viable alternative to "universal values." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) plays an important role in China's 'Belt & Road Initiative'. It is also one of the most disaster-prone regions in the world. Considering that decentralized disaster governance has been gaining much attention in the world, this paper systematically analyzes the disaster management system in the CPEC region. Specifically, it compares the national, provincial, municipal and community-level institutional mechanisms for disaster management in China and Pakistan, and then closely examines the current trends of decentralized disaster governance based on a recent round of semi-structured and open-ended interviews in Xinjiang, China and Pakistan. Issues and gaps of decentralized disaster governance were drawn out from the experiences of participation among related stakeholders. We found that although the decentralization of the disaster management system has been the main trend in both China and Pakistan, national and provincial disaster management agencies still play a key role in the disaster relief work. Therefore, the centralization and decentralization of disaster management are not contradictory, but the more disaster governance shifts towards decentralization, the more urgent the consolidation of multi-level (vertical) and broader (horizontal) collaboration becomes. Based on this analysis, we aim to provide insights, lessons and recommendations for the way forward for strengthening disaster management in CPEC. In particular, we summarize different but integrated approaches towards effective disaster risk coping strategies and regional cooperation on disaster management in CPEC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of global energy transition and the imperative for sustainable development, the trade dynamics of solar photovoltaic (PV) products among "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)" countries gained momentum. This study investigates the evolving trade patterns of PV products within BRI nations, alongside the underlying determinants. The paper constructs and analyzes a solar PV product trade network, elucidating evolutionary trends, structural complexities, and clusters. A novel centrality influence model explores influencing factors across five dimensions. Methodologically, trade data, the "Five Connectivity" framework, and socio-economic indicators from 2001 to 2022 across 65 BRI countries underpin the study. Empirical insights reveal a robust PV product trade network with density exceeding 0.4 and reciprocity surpassing 0.38. China's rising centrality, reflected in a weighted degree surge from 14.38 to 79.37 since 2011, signifies its consolidation within the network. Results show sustained high density and reciprocity in the PV trade network, signaling robust communication among BRI countries. China's centrality in the network has consistently grown since 2011. Trade cluster analysis reveals isolated segments predominant, depicting emerging economies with limited photovoltaic exchanges, mainly export-focused. The study highlights the pivotal role of "Five Connectivity" dimensions in promoting PV trade, while financial connectivity's impact remains modest. The emergence of PV product centers challenges traditional energy hubs, prompting the need for new energy trading paradigms and robust financial hubs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]