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Background Emotional eating refers to overeating triggered by emotional experiences and may cause significant psychological distress and health problems. Thus, it is important to better understand its underlying mechanisms. The study examined if the ability to ignore task-irrelevant information, namely, interference control, is modulated by mood and exposure to food stimuli among females who are high and low on emotional eating. Method The study’s sample included 80 women who were high (N = 40) or low (N = 40) on an emotional eating scale. Participants were divided to a negative or neutral mood induction group. Following the mood induction, they completed a food-flanker task that allowed assessing attentional interference caused by food and non-food stimuli separately. Results The low emotional eating group had significantly greater food compared to non-food interference, suggesting difficulty at ignoring food stimuli while attending a neutral target. In the high emotional eating group, there was no difference between food and non-food interference. However, higher levels of emotional eating predicted lower levels of food interference. Conclusion The pattern of results suggests a food-avoidance attentional tendency among those with higher levels of emotional eating. The mood manipulation did not influence food-related interference in either group. The lack of an effect of mood on food-related interference questions the impact of negative emotions on basic attentional processes among individuals with emotional eating. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s40337-021-00497-3., Plain english summary Emotional eating is characterized by overeating following the experience of negative emotions. Emotional eating may cause significant psychological distress and health problems. Thus, it is important to better understand its underlying mechanisms. The study assessed how negative mood influences the ability to ignore the presence of high-calorie food images among females who are high or low on an emotional eating scale. Participants’ mood was manipulated by an autobiographic writing task (half of the participants described negative events and the other half emotionally neutral events). Then, they completed a computer task in which they were required to indicate whether a centrally presented image was of food or a non-food item as fast as possible. Next to the central image, there were additional images that were used for distraction. These images were also images of food or non-food items. Participants in the low emotional eating group showed greater distraction when food items were used for distraction. In contrast, those in the high emotional eating group were not distracted by food items. In fact, higher levels of emotional eating were associated with diversion of attention away from food stimuli, irrespective of mood. We suggest that these results reflect a broader avoidant strategy that is activated in response to emotionally negative content among individuals with emotional eating. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s40337-021-00497-3.

Background Mood Induction Procedures (MIPs) are used widely in research on cognitive vulnerability to depression. Although empirical evidence supports certain MIPs as effective, little research has evaluated whether MIP-induced sad moods are sufficiently persistent. This study aimed to determine (1) how long an MIP-induced mood lasts according to commonly used operational definitions and (2) whether these findings vary according to the type of MIP used. Methods Four-hundred-and-one undergraduate students were randomly assigned to one of three commonly used sad MIPs (music, memory, music+memory) or to one of three matched neutral MIPs. Mood was repeatedly measured immediately prior to and following the MIP. Results Results did not support the widely held belief that commonly used MIPs induce a sufficient and persistent sad mood. The memory-related MIPs induced the most persistent sad mood. Based on the majority of operational definitions, however, induced mood effects did not last longer than 4 min, regardless of MIP type. Limitations Future studies should examine additional factors that may have affected the trajectories observed in the current study (e.g., task completed in between mood measurements) and in vulnerable (e.g., past-depressed) populations. Conclusions This study constitutes an important first step in validating the use of MIPs in cognitive vulnerability research and provides researchers with important information on future study designs. More important, the study raises doubt about the validity of various conclusions drawn from some MIP studies and calls into question the theoretical conceptualizations of depression that are based on potentially biased results and a possibly incomplete literature.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of various emotion regulation (ER) strategies on emotional distress and the urge to self-harm in response to mood induction in individuals who engaged in nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI). Sixty-one individuals who engaged in NSSI participated in this study were assigned to an experimental ER strategy group (Distraction = 20, Cognitive Reappraisal = 21, Acceptance = 20). Participants completed the Self-Injury Urge Scale (SIUS), State-Trait Anxiety Inventory-State (STAI X-1), and Positive and Negative Affect Scales (PANAS) at several time points: T1) baseline; T2) after watching a film to induce negative mood; and a final time T3) after watching the film again but while using the group-specific ER strategy in response to the induced negative mood. We found that distraction effectively reduced the urge for NSSI after a negative mood induction, as measured using the SIUS. Additionally, cognitive reappraisal and distraction significantly reduced the STAI X-1 and negative affect scale (NAS) scores of the PANAS in individuals with NSSI who underwent negative mood induction. However, acceptance was significantly less effective in relieving unpleasant and undesirable inner experiences in the short term. Our findings suggest that both distraction and cognitive reappraisal are helpful in alleviating negative emotional experiences, and distraction may be useful in dealing with the urge to engage in NSSI. More evidence-based research to test the current findings is required.

In addition to probabilities of monetary gains and losses, financial risk-taking is influenced by personality traits, socio-economic factors and specific contexts such as emotions and framing. Here, we investigated the effects of joyful, neutral and sad mood states on subjects’ risk-taking behavior in a simple task with safe and risky options. We also analyzed the effect of framing on risk taking. In different trials, subjects were suggested to decide on financial gains vs. losses. Moreover, we investigated the effects of emotional contagion and sensation seeking personality traits on risk taking in this task. Our results partially replicate previous findings regarding the presence of the framing effect and significantly lower risk-taking in sad mood compared to the neutral mood. As a novel finding, we observed that the increased risk-aversion during sad mood was specific to subjects with high sensation seeking score and people with low emotional contagion score. Overall, our results highlight the importance of taking into account personality traits of experimental subjects in financial risk taking studies.

Funding Information: This study was supported by the International Laboratory of Social Neurobiology ICN HSE RF Government grant ag. no. 075-15-2019-1930. Publisher Copyright: Copyright © 2022 Efimov, Ntoumanis, Kuskova, Kadieva, Panidi, Kosonogov, Kazanina, Shestakova, Klucharev and Jääskeläinen. In addition to probabilities of monetary gains and losses, personality traits, socio-economic factors, and specific contexts such as emotions and framing influence financial risk taking. Here, we investigated the effects of joyful, neutral, and sad mood states on participants’ risk-taking behaviour in a simple task with safe and risky options. We also analysed the effect of framing on risk taking. In different trials, a safe option was framed in terms of either financial gains or losses. Moreover, we investigated the effects of emotional contagion and sensation-seeking personality traits on risk taking in this task. We did not observe a significant effect of induced moods on risk taking. Sad mood resulted in a slight non-significant trend of risk aversion compared to a neutral mood. Our results partially replicate previous findings regarding the presence of the framing effect. As a novel finding, we observed that participants with a low emotional contagion score demonstrated increased risk aversion during a sad mood and a similar trend at the edge of significance was present in high sensation seekers. Overall, our results highlight the importance of taking into account personality traits of experimental participants in financial risk-taking studies.

The mood induction paradigm has been an important tool for investigating the effects of negative emotional states on working memory (WM) executive functions. Though some evidence showed that negative mood has a differential effect on verbal and visuospatial WM, other findings did not report a similar effect. To explore this issue, we examined the negative mood’s impact on verbal and visuospatial WM executive tasks based on grammatical reasoning and visuospatial rotation. Participants with no anxiety or depression disorders performed the tasks before and after negative (n = 14) or neutral (n = 13) mood induction. Participants’ mood at the beginning and the end of the session was assessed by the Present Mood States List (LEAP) and word valence rating. The analyses showed changes in the emotional state of the negative group (ps < .03) but not of the neutral group (ps > .83) in the LEAP instrument. No significant differences between groups were observed in the WM tasks (ps > .33). Performance in the visuospatial WM task improved after mood induction for both groups (p < .05), possibly due to a practice effect. In sum, our findings challenge the view that negative mood modulates WM executive functions; thus, they were discussed considering the similarities and differences between studies that found negative mood effects on WM and those that did not find. Different WM tasks tap distinct processes and components, which may underlie behavioral effects of negative mood on WM tasks.

The present studies investigated the effects of personal (i.e., self-selected) music and music pre-selected by the researcher on the induction of sadness and joy while taking into consideration the influences of perceptual and individual factors in line with a reciprocal-feedback model (RFM). Regarding music perception, spreading activation in the cognitive network triggered by music and the BRECVEMA (Brain stem reflexes, Rhythmic entrainment, Evaluative conditioning, Contagion, Visual imagery, Episodic memory, Musical expectancy, Aesthetic judgement) mechanisms underlying musical emotions were explored using quantitative and qualitative self-reports. For individual factors, trait and ability emotional intelligence and motives in mood regulation were controlled. Results from the pilot study (Study 1, N = 66) confirm that music chosen by participants exerts stronger effects on reported mood, and that sadness and joy are evoked primarily by contagion and episodic memory associated with music. Study 2 ( N = 149) replicated and extended these findings. Reports of a conscious marker for spreading cognitive activation (e.g., familiarity or engagement with the music) was higher when listening to personal music, yet also when inducing joy. When sadness was induced, higher activation was also related to participants’ more frequent reports of BRECVEMA mechanisms. For emotional intelligence, clarity of emotions promotes joy while management of emotions promotes sadness. Emotion recognition impairs induction of both moods. Motives of discharge, mental work, and solace influence inductions of sadness, and diversion influences inductions of joy. Finally, the RFM provides a comprehensive conceptualisation of mood induction, integrating situation, music, and listener.

The purpose of this investigation was two-fold: (1) to determine if a musical stimulus can successfully generate a positive mood induction and (2) to identify particular personality traits that may correlate with the response to this mood induction. Participants were recruited from social media websites (Facebook and Twitter), as well as from introductory psychology classes at a private university in the northeast, and completed online measures of the Big Five personality traits, positive, and negative affect. Participants were then asked to listen to a piece of music designed to induce a positive mood, followed by a subsequent assessment of both positive and negative affect. Results of our study show a complex pattern of interrelationships, consistent with the notion that both extraversion and neuroticism are characterized by mood reactivity. Future studies should attempt to replicate these findings.

Recent theoretical models and empirical research have indicated that momentary negative affect increases the likelihood of binge eating episodes for individuals with bulimia nervosa and binge eating disorder. However, relatively little research has explored the potential for positive mood to serve a protective effect in reducing the likelihood of overeating behaviour in bulimia nervosa and binge eating disorder. The current study included 30 women with bulimia nervosa or binge eating disorder in a within-subjects crossover design. Following exposure to a video designed to induce food craving, we found that a positive mood vodcast was associated with significantly lower levels of negative mood and food consumption in a taste test meal, when compared to a neutral vodcast (p = 0.002). These findings support a role for decreasing negative mood in reducing the likelihood of binge eating behaviour in women with bulimia nervosa and binge eating disorder.

Yekta Dowlati,1,2 Danilo R de Jesus,1,2 Peter Selby,1–3 Ian Fan,2,4 Jeffrey H Meyer1,2 1CAMH Research Imaging Centre and Campbell Family Mental Health Research Institute, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, Toronto, ON, Canada; 2Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada; 3Department of Family and Community Medicine, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada; 4Mood Disorders Association of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Background: Cigarette smoking is the leading preventable cause of death; however, quitting is difficult and early relapse is common. Dysphoric mood during early cigarette withdrawal is associated with relapse, and with the exception of bupropion and nortriptyline, few interventions have been developed to prevent this. During early cigarette withdrawal there is an elevation in the levels of monoamine oxidase-A (MAO-A), which removes monoamines excessively and induces oxidative stress and is implicated in creating sad mood. Hence, we conducted a randomized, placebo-controlled, double-blind crossover trial of a dietary supplement designed to counter the effects of elevated MAO-A levels on vulnerability to depressed mood.Methods: Twenty-one otherwise healthy cigarette smokers completed the protocol, receiving either active dietary supplement followed by washout and placebo or the same in reverse order. The dietary supplement was composed of monoamine precursors (2 g tryptophan, 10 g tyrosine) and blueberry antioxidants (blueberry juice with blueberry extract). Vulnerability to depressed mood was measured by the change in scores of depressed mood on the visual analog scale (VAS) following the sad mood induction paradigm (MIP).Results: There was a significant increase in VAS depressed mood scores after the sad MIP during supplement and placebo, but no difference between active and placebo conditions. There was also a significant increase in urge-to-smoke scores after sad MIP during supplement and placebo but no difference between active and placebo conditions. Reliability of the increase in VAS after MIP was very good.Conclusion: The dietary supplement had negligible effect on depressed mood, but sad MIP is a very reliable method that can be applied in future studies to assess other interventions for preventing dysphoric mood during early cigarette withdrawal. Keywords: cigarette withdrawal, dysphoria, dietary supplement, mood induction, monoamines

In addition to hunger, which results from food deprivation, fasting, or restrained eating, food craving is thought to be one of the major factors influencing eating behavior. Although food craving occurs in healthy humans with normal eating behavior, research suggests pronounced food craving to be a risk factor for binging food, which in turn might cause weight gain and obesity. In addition, negative mood seems to induce binge eating, although the underlying processes are not clearly understood. To examine these effects on momentary food craving more closely, we implemented a food cue-reactivity paradigm in 33 normal-weight females (mean age = 25.1 years, mean BMI = 21.6). Mood (negative vs. neutral) and state of food deprivation (hunger vs. satiety) were varied systematically. Self-rated craving was significantly higher in hungry compared to sated states. Moreover, in neutral mood, high-caloric foods modulated craving, i.e., hungry and sated participants preferred savory food and sweet food, respectively. In negative mood, this differential effect of savory and sweet items was absent. In summary, the state of hunger has a huge impact on food craving, which is further modulated by emotional state. Future research should consider hunger to be of high relevance for effects investigated in food-related paradigms. Our findings in healthy women of normal weight support etiological models of disturbed eating behavior and are in line with common interventions targeting eating schedules and mood regulation.

In a previous study (Paul & Pourtois, 2017), we found that positive mood substantially influenced the neural processing of reward, mostly by altering expectations and creating an optimistic bias. Under positive mood, the Reward Positivity (RewP) component and fronto-medial theta activity (FM theta) in response to monetary feedback were both changed compared with neutral mood. Nevertheless, whether positive valence per se or motivational intensity drove these neurophysiological effects remained unclear. To address this question, we combined a mindset manipulation with an imagery procedure to create and maintain three different affective states using a between-subjects design: a neutral mood, and positive mood with either high or low motivational intensity. After mood induction, 161 participants performed a simple gambling task while 64-channel EEG was recorded. FM theta activity results showed that irrespective of motivational intensity, positive compared with neutral mood altered reward expectancy. By comparison, RewP was not affected by positive mood nor motivational intensity. These results suggest that positive mood, rather than motivational intensity, is likely driving the change in reward expectation during gambling, which could reflect the presence of an optimistic bias. Moreover, at the methodological level, they confirm that the RewP ERP component and FM theta activity can capture dissociable effects during reward processing.

There are a number of factors that influence emotion recognition, one of which is the perceiver’s emotional state. This study verifies the predictions of two theories concerning the influence of mood on emotion recognition. According to the affect-as-information theory, people in a positive mood are prone to a more global processing style and perceive emotional facial expressions more easily compared to those in a negative mood. The emotion congruence theory claims that people in a positive mood are more sensitive to positive expressions and people in a negative mood are more sensitive to negative expressions. These predictions were tested with the experimental paradigm using morphed faces developed by Jackson and Arlegui-Prieto. Study 1 used participants’ natural moods; its findings failed to replicate the main results of the original study. Study 2 used laboratory mood induction and showed that participants in a negative mood are more sensitive to negative emotions compared to those in positive mood. These findings support the emotion congruence theory. However, this result was obtained only for the participants with the most effective mood induction. The observed effects of mood are weak and fragile. For more persuasive results, a study with greater statistical power using more effective mood induction procedures is needed.

One’s beliefs about effects of alcohol, known as alcohol expectancies, are important constructs for understanding drinking behavior, but the literature on the influences of mood on alcohol-related negative beliefs and on memory accessibility is limited. The current study examined effects of a mood induction on alcohol expectancies and alcohol-related autobiographical memories; also, whether negative mood regulation expectancies (NMRE), which are beliefs about one’s ability to control negative affect, moderated these effects. Recruited from the community, 485 Japanese problem drinkers first completed measures of NMRE and alcohol expectancies. A week later, participants completed an online experiment: they received a musical mood induction (238 participants were randomly allocated to a positive mood induction group and 239 participants to a negative mood induction group). Then, participants completed measures of alcohol expectancies and alcohol-related autobiographical memories. Results showed the mood induction significantly weakly affected two negative alcohol expectancies (physical ailments and dysphoria). NMRE moderated the effect of mood induction on negative alcohol expectancies for dysphoria. Findings suggest the importance of mood as an influence on negative beliefs about the effects of drinking among Japanese problem drinkers. Additionally, NMRE alter the impact of mood on more specific expectancies. Limitations about the online method of this experiment are discussed.

Introduction: The role of acute mood states as mediating factors in cognitive impairment in patients with mania or depression is not sufficiently clear. Similarly, the extent to which cognitive imp...

Abstract. Affective science calls for methods to induce mood in an engaging and ecologically valid way. We present a method employing a naturally occurring scenario that fits these criteria: a job interview. Participants got positive or negative feedback from a fictive expert to induce positive or negative mood. After mood induction, we assessed participants’ decision making behavior in the so-called information sampling task (IST). Results show that our mood induction successfully changed valence, dominance, and state self-esteem ratings, while there were no differences in arousal ratings. Decision making in the IST was not influenced by the induced mood. Effect sizes of mood induction were equally high for positive and negative mood concerning valence ratings (d = .8) with participants scoring high on self-control showing smaller mood induction effects. We conclude that our mood induction technique is an effective and natural way to induce mood in the laboratory, meeting current criteria of affective science.

Children appear to engage in emotional eating (i.e., eating in response to negative and positive emotions), but existing research has predominantly relied on parent-report and child-report, which may not necessarily reflect children's actual emotional eating behaviors. This study examined the effects of happiness and sadness on children's observed snack consumption and examined whether child characteristics (i.e., weight, gender, and age) interact with mood to predict snack consumption. To elicit mood, children (N = 91; Mages = 6.8 years; 48 boys) were randomly assigned to one of the three mood induction conditions (happy, sad, or neutral); children's snack consumption was observed and measured after mood induction. Findings showed that children in the sad condition consumed more energy from chocolate, followed by children in the happy condition, and then the neutral condition. However, the reverse pattern was observed for goldfish crackers: children in the neutral condition consumed more energy from this savory snack than children in the happy condition, followed by children in sad condition. Child weight status and gender did not interact with mood to predict snack consumption. Child age did interact with mood: older children consumed more chocolates in the sad condition compared to younger children. Child age was not related to snack consumption in the happy and neutral conditions. This study suggests that emotional eating in response to positive and negative emotions is evident during early childhood, but that this is behavior is developing during this period.

Older adults perceive less intense negative emotion in facial expressions compared to younger counterparts. Prior research has also demonstrated that mood alters facial emotion perception. Nevertheless, there is little evidence which evaluates the interactive effects of age and mood on emotion perception. This study investigated the effects of sad mood on younger and older adults' perception of emotional and neutral faces. Participants rated the intensity of stimuli while listening to sad music and in silence. Measures of mood were administered. Younger and older participants' rated sad faces as displaying stronger sadness when they experienced sad mood. While younger participants showed no influence of sad mood on happiness ratings of happy faces, older adults rated happy faces as conveying less happiness when they experienced sad mood. This study demonstrates how emotion perception can change when a controlled mood induction procedure is applied to alter mood in young and older participants.

Two experiments examined age differences in the effect of a sad mood induction (MI) on attention to emotional images. Younger and older adults viewed sets of four images while their eye gaze was tracked throughout an 8-s presentation. Images were viewed before and after a sad MI to assess the effect of a sad mood on attention to positive and negative scenes. Younger and older adults exhibited positively biased attention after the sad MI, significantly increasing their attention to positive images, with no evidence of an age difference in either experiment. A test of participants' recognition memory for the images indicated that the sad MI reduced memory accuracy for sad images for younger and older adults. The results suggest that heightened attention to positive images following a sad MI reflects an affect regulation strategy related to mood repair. The implications for theories of the positivity effect are discussed.

Intuitive decisions arise effortlessly from an unconscious, associative coherence detection process. Hereby, they guide people adaptively through everyday life decision making. When people are anxious, however, they often make poor decisions or no decision at all. Is intuition impaired in a state of anxiety? The aim of the current experiment was to examine this question in a between-subjects design. A total of 111 healthy participants were randomly assigned to an anxious, positive, or neutral multimodal mood induction after which they performed the established semantic coherence task. This task operationalizes intuition as the sudden, inexplicable detection of environmental coherence, based on automatic, unconscious processes of spreading activation. The current findings show that anxious participants showed impaired intuitive performance compared to participants of the positive and neutral mood groups. Trait anxiety did not moderate this effect. Accordingly, holistic, associative processes seem to be impaired by anxiety. Clinical implications and directions for future research are discussed.

Alcohol misuse is a major problem on university campuses. One way to determine which students are at risk is to examine their drinking motives. Coping with anxiety-motivated (CAM) drinkers have been found to have elevated alcohol problems, even after controlling for alcohol consumption levels. Socially motivated (SM) drinkers do not show elevated alcohol problems. The current study investigated the impact of mood induction (positive or anxious) and drinking motive (CAM or SM) on laboratory alcohol consumption levels in a sample of 81 undergraduate drinkers. SM drinkers consumed more alcohol when a positive vs. anxious mood was induced (t(42) = −2.18, p = .04). Contrary to hypotheses, CAM drinkers did not consume more alcohol when an anxious vs. positive mood was induced (t(35) = −0.21, p = .84). However, they did not exhibit the normative pattern of reducing alcohol use when experiencing an anxious mood. CAM drinkers’ increased alcohol problems may be related to this lack of inhibition of drinking when experiencing negative mood states.

A mood-induction paradigm was implemented in a sample of 144 adults covering midlife and old age (40-80 years) to investigate associations between mood and subjective age. Sad or neutral mood was induced by texts and music pieces. Subjective age was operationalized as felt age relative to chronological age. Participants receiving the sad-mood induction reported changes toward older felt ages from pre- to postinduction. Participants receiving the neutral-mood induction reported comparable levels of subjective age at pre- and postinduction. Effects were comparable across middle- and older aged participants. Results suggest that sad affective states might dampen subjective age. (PsycINFO Database Record

This study examined the relation of affect and the desire to restrict intake (i.e., dietary restraint) with food choice and the experience of guilt after eating. We hypothesized that restraint would predict choosing lower-calorie foods except when individuals with high restraint experienced negative affect, and guilt after eating would be associated with restraint among individuals with high negative affect. Participants (N = 309) completed measures of restraint and eating psychopathology before experiencing a positive, negative, or no mood induction. Participants then chose foods from four menus and ate one food item before rating their momentary guilt. Restraint predicted choosing lower calorie foods, but negative affect did not influence this relationship. An interaction of restraint and negative mood predicted guilt after eating. Thus, dietary restraint predicts restriction at the choice-level, and individuals high on restraint may interpret negative emotion while eating as a failure of behavioral control, producing guilt.

The current study examined the effects of guilt on two aspects of children’s cognitive functioning: cognitive inhibition and flexibility. Three- to 5-year olds were induced into a guilt state or a neutral state and then completed the Shape School task and the Dimensional Change Card Sort. Results indicated that 3- to 4.5-year-olds in the guilt condition had worse inhibitory control scores than those in the neutral condition; however, the two groups’ flexibility scores did not differ significantly. Further, the effect of guilt on cognitive inhibition was only evident for the younger children; no significant effects emerged for 4.5- to 5.9-year-olds. We discuss the implications of the current findings for developmental models of emotion and cognition.

The aim of the study was to investigate experimentally the impact of current mood state on anosognosia or awareness of symptoms in AD patients, in which mood state was manipulated by giving tasks that were either easy (success condition) or very difficult (failure condition). Twenty-two patients with mild to moderate AD participated. Four success-failure manipulation (SFM) computerized tasks were used as mood induction procedures, two based on reaction time tasks and the other on memory tasks. Level of awareness and the current mood state were assessed before and after each task, using a modified version of the Anosognosia Questionnaire for Dementia and a self-reported questionnaire respectively. For both types of task, the results indicate that the emotional state of the participants was similar before performing the tasks and that only the failure conditions induced a negative mood state. Additionally, regarding the level of awareness, there were no significant differences after the reaction time tasks but for the memory tasks, there was greater awareness of symptoms after performing the task in the failure condition. To the best of our knowledge, this study is the first exploring experimentally the impact of mood on anosognosia in AD. The results showed an improvement of awareness of symptoms after negative mood induction, but only when the task used in the SFM was memory-based.

Mood is a lasting affective state that influences motivation and decision-making by pre-shaping a subject’s expectations (pessimism/optimism). Mood states affect biases in judgment, memory, and attention. Due to a lack of verbal report, assessing mood in non-human animals is challenging and is often compromised by intense training sessions. Measuring mood using attentional biases can circumvent this problem, as it takes advantage of observing a spontaneous reaction. As in humans, we expected that negative mood will heighten attention toward negative compared to positive stimuli. Here, we validate measures of attention toward acoustic stimuli in sheep (N = 64) and assess sheep’s differential attention toward acoustic stimuli before and after mood induction (N = 32). Mood was induced by manipulating the environment. We used animal vocalizations (dog barking and sheep bleating as negative and positive stimuli, respectively) varying in intensity and played simultaneously from one side each, and measured lateral attention based on the sheep’s behavior. Overall results were somewhat ambiguous. Yet, negative mood sheep seemed to shift their attention more toward dog vocalizations when the stimulus pair was well balanced at baseline. Though some adaptations are still needed, our approach could be a promising alternative to measure animals’ mood without prior training.

Disturbances in processing emotional information is a pervasive symptom in schizophrenia. Facial expressions are one of the most important nonverbal means to communicate mainly emotional states between people. The emotion discrimination task was designed as an event-related paradigm where each of the three event types were represented by forty items. Along with a face, two of the three German words “happy”, “sad” and “neutral” were shown on the left and right of the face. The behavioral tasks were a standard mood induction procedure and an emotion discrimination task during which Blood oxygenation level dependent (BOLD) changes were assessed. In the mood induction procedure, participants had to take part in three similar sessions. BOLD changes were measured every 4 seconds in the whole brain using echo-planar imaging.

Blunted activation in the reward circuitry has been associated with anhedonia, the inability to experience pleasure in previously rewarding activities. In healthy individuals, reward-related activation has been found to be modulated by acute contextual factors such as induced positive mood. Accordingly, blunted reward response in anhedonia might involve a failure to appropriately modulate reward-related activation as a function of context. To test this hypothesis, 29 participants (19 females, mean age of 24.14 ± 4.61, age range 18–34), with a wide range of anhedonic symptoms, underwent functional MRI while anticipating and receiving monetary rewards, before and after a positive mood induction. Change in neural activation from before to after mood induction was quantified, and effects of anhedonia were investigated through whole-brain, ROI, and functional connectivity analyses. Contrary to hypotheses, results indicated that during reward anticipation (but not receipt), nucleus accumbens activation decreased while its connectivity with the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex increased, following positive mood induction. Critically, anhedonia modulated both effects. The unexpected finding of decreased activation to reward cues following positive mood induction is compelling as it aligns with a prominent behavioral model of the effect of positive mood on exploration of rewarding and neutral stimuli. Furthermore, the modulation of this effect by anhedonia suggests that it may be a key process altered in anhedonia.

Film clips, music, and self-referential statements (termed Velten, after their originator) have been successfully used to temporarily induce sadness and happiness. However, there is little research on the effectiveness of these procedures combined, particularly in internet-based settings, and whether Velten statements contribute to alter mood beyond the effect of simple instructions to close one's eyes and enter the targeted mood. In Study 1 (N = 106) we examined the effectiveness 80 Velten statements (positive, negative, neutral-self, neutral-facts) to create brief and effective sets that might be used in future research. In Study 2 (N = 445) we examined the effect size of 8-min combined mood induction procedures, which presented video clips in the first half and music excerpts with Velten statements or closed eyes instructions in the second half. Participants answered questionnaires on social desirability, joviality, and sadness before being randomly assigned to 1 of 7 groups varying in Valence (positive, negative, neutral) and Velten (closed eyes control, self-referential Velten, and, in the case of neutral condition, factual statements). Subsequently, participants completed the joviality and sadness scales a second time. Compared to the neutral conditions, the positive mood inductions increased joviality (Hedges G = 1.35, 95% CI [1.07, 1.63]), whereas the negative mood inductions increased sadness (Hedges G = 1.28, 95% CI [1.01, 1.55]). We did not observe any significant difference between Velten and closed eyes instructions in inducing joviality or sadness, nor did we observe any significant difference between neutral Velten statements referring to self and facts. Although social desirability bias was associated with reports of greater joviality and lower sadness, it could not account for the effects of the positive and negative mood induction procedures. We conclude that these combined mood induction procedures can be used in online research to study happy and sad mood.

Frontiers in psychology 9, 2577 (2018). doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2018.02577, Published by Frontiers Research Foundation, Lausanne

A negative mood-congruent attention bias has been consistently observed, for example, in clinical studies on major depression. This bias is assumed to be dysfunctional in that it supports maintaining a sad mood, whereas a potentially adaptive role has largely been neglected. Previous experiments involving sad mood induction techniques found a negative mood-congruent attention bias specifically for young individuals, explained by an adaptive need for information transfer in the service of mood regulation. In the present study we investigated the attentional bias in typically developing children (aged 6–12 years) when happy and sad moods were induced. Crucially, we manipulated the age (adult vs. child) of the displayed pairs of facial expressions depicting sadness, anger, fear and happiness. The results indicate that sad children indeed exhibited a mood specific attention bias toward sad facial expressions. Additionally, this bias was more pronounced for adult faces. Results are discussed in the context of an information gain which should be stronger when looking at adult faces due to their more expansive life experience. These findings bear implications for both research methods and future interventions.

Objective Guilt increases prior to objective binge-eating episodes (OBE) and decreases following OBE, suggesting that OBE may function to regulate negative affective states. Rapid eating, a common feature of OBE, may be an observable indication of difficulty regulating eating. Heart rate variability (HRV), a measure of parasympathetic activity, is an indicator of top-down inhibitory control and indicates emotion regulation attempts. We aimed to test the effect of guilt on consumption rate and change in HRV among individuals with (+) and without (-) OBE. Method Participants (N = 86) underwent a mood induction (randomized to either a neutral mood or a guilt condition) and were then provided with 32 ounces (0.95 L) of Boost® meal replacement shake (960 kcal) and instructed to consume until they felt satisfied. Guilt was measured at baseline, prior to consumption, and following consumption. HRV was measured throughout. Results Participants in the guilt condition reported higher guilt prior to consumption than individuals in the neutral mood condition, primarily driven by individuals with low HRV. Guilt decreased following consumption among individuals with low HRV in the guilt condition. The OBE+ individuals did not consume more or at an overall faster rate than OBE- individuals. Guilt prior to consumption did not lead to faster initial rates among OBE+ individuals; although, OBE+ individuals who experienced an increase in HRV from prior to during consumption demonstrated faster initial rates and greater changes in rate over time. Discussion When experiencing negative emotions, individuals with OBE may experience increases in parasympathetic functioning while eating, reinforcing OBE as a facilitator of emotion regulation.

Previous research showed that fearful faces produce longer temporal estimates than neutral faces. This study probed whether fearful mood enhances this effect. In two experiments, participants viewed neutral and threatening film excerpts and subsequently evaluated the duration of neutral and fearful faces in a bisection task. In Experiment 1, where neutral mood was induced before fearful mood, skin conductance levels (SCLs) and subjective emotion ratings indicated successful mood induction. Compared to neutral mood, fearful mood lengthened subjective duration estimates irrespective of stimulus quality. Additionally, stimuli of fearful faces were temporally overestimated relative to neutral faces; but only in neutral, not in fearful mood. In Experiment 2, where fearful mood was induced before neutral mood, subjective emotion ratings, but not SCLs, indicated successful mood induction. Moreover, neither mood nor facial expressions influenced duration estimation. Taken together, the results show that fearful mood may accelerate an internal pacemaker but does not enhance temporal perception differences between fearful and neutral faces. Additionally, this study highlights the importance of dissociating stimulus, state, and trait emotionality for our understanding of emotional influences on temporal perception.

We examined the benefits of a single session of narrative and poetry writing to determine the immediate effects of each on mood and flow. Following a sad mood induction, we randomly assigned participants to a narrative versus poetry format and to an express versus a distract condition. We measured affect before and after writing and asked participants to complete a flow and enjoyment questionnaire after writing. The distract condition improved affect (by increasing positive and decreasing negative affect) more than did the express condition, regardless of writing format. The poetry format resulted in greater enjoyment than the narrative format, but flow did not differ by condition. Results show that, parallel to findings with drawing, writing to distract is a more effective means of mood improvement than writing to express, at least in the short term. Distraction appears to be the driving force leading to greater mood improvement, regardless of writing format.

The social interactions of task groups were investigated for their influences on member moods. Initially, participants’ received an induction of positive, negative, or neutral moods via listening to music that continued throughout the experimental session. Moods were measured after the induction. Students then made decisions on four choice dilemmas alone or as members of a four-person group. Subsequently, positive and negative moods were again measured. Positive moods of participants who worked with other group members on the task were sustained, but diminished for those working alone. Negative moods of participants working in groups diminished over time, but were sustained for those working individually. These results were interpreted in the context of motivational systems theory of group involvement (Park & Hinsz, 2006). Additionally, although there was a tendency for member moods to homogenize over assessments, this did not reach significance. Results document the affective benefits that often accompany task group interaction suggesting that group interaction has features of positive mood induction. This report highlights the need to consider social influences on affect in task settings so that group dynamics, processes, and behaviors can be better understood.

Unlike the strategy of cognitive regulation that relies heavily on the top-down control function of the prefrontal cortex (PFC), which was recently found may be critically impaired in stressful situations, traditional Chinese philosophy and medicine views different types of emotionality as having mutual promotion and counteraction (MPMC) relationships, implying a novel approach that requires less cognition to emotional regulation. Actually, our previous studies have indicated that anger responses could be successfully regulated via the induction of sadness, and this efficiency could not be influenced by stress, thus providing evidences for the hypothesis of “sadness counteracts anger” (SCA) proposed by the MPMC theory of emotionality (Zhan et al., 2015, 2017). In this study, we experimentally examined the MPMC hypothesis that “anger counteracts rumination” (ACR) which postulates that rumination may be alleviated by the anger emotion. In Study 1, all participants were initially caused state rumination and then induced anger, joy or neutral mood, the results showed that the rumination-related affect was alleviated after anger induction relative to that after joy or neutral mood induction. In Study 2, female participants with high trait rumination were recruited and divided into two groups for exposure to an anger or neutral emotion intervention, the result indicated that the anger intervention group exhibited a greater decline in trait rumination than the neutral emotion intervention group. These findings provided preliminary evidence supporting the hypothesis of ACR, which suggested a new strategy that employs less cognitive resources to regulating state and trait rumination by inducing anger.

Previous studies have shown changes in empathy in patients with depression, including an elevated level of trait personal distress. This study examined if low mood causes changes in self-reported empathic distress when seeing others in pain. To test this, we conducted an initial (n = 26) and close replication study (n = 46) in which sad mood was induced in healthy participants (overall mean age M = 21, SD = 5, range = 18–41 years). Participants viewed and rated video stimuli inferring pain experienced by other people. Results showed that participants perceived the videos depicting others’ pain (versus no-pain) to be more distressing under a sad mood compared to a neutral mood condition, implying that sadness enhances one’s emotional reactivity toward others’ distress. This supports previous depression literature suggesting an impaired emotional processing ability, and could contribute to some of the unhelpful behaviors seen in depression such as social withdrawal and avoidance.

A positive mood enhances creative performance. We examined which type of creativity, divergent or convergent thinking, was enhanced by a positive mood. Half of the participants listened to happy music and thought about happy events (positive group). The other half listened to the Japanese Constitution (neutral group). Participants' emotional valence and arousal were measured before and after mood induction. All participants then engaged in a creative activity involving the generation of new names for rice. The results indicated that the positive group produced more divergent ideas than did the neutral group. On the other hand, the two groups did not differ with respect to the number of convergent ideas that were generated. We suggest that being in a positive mood facilitates flexible thinking and consequently leads to production of unconventional and atypical ideas.

In the present study we test the hypothesis that affective state underlies the effect of mood congruence in autobiographical recall. Forty-five participants were subjected to negative and neutral mood inductions, and then asked to recall one personal memory. We also introduced another negative mood condition in which participants were exposed to the same mood inducing material (i.e., pictures), but were supposed to feel a less intense affective state. We replicated the congruence effect between the mood inductions and the valence of the participants’ recalled memories. Furthermore, mood congruence was influenced by the intensity of negative mood inductions. Although the participants in negative mood conditions were exposed to the same semantic material, the recalled memories were more negative in standard (strong) than in moderate negative mood condition. Furthermore, this effect was mediated by mood, as measured by the self-report questionnaire. The results suggest that affect influences the mood congruence effect in a way that cannot be explained by semantic priming alone.

Memory is often better for emotional rather than neutral stimuli. The benefit for emotional items could be the result of an associative mechanism whereby items are associated to a slowly updating context. Through this process, emotional features are integrated with context during study, and are reactivated during test. The presence of emotion in context would both provide a stronger retrieval cue, enhancing memory of emotional items, as well as lead to emotional clustering, whereby emotionally similar items are recalled consecutively. To measure whether associative mechanisms can explain the enhancement for emotional items, we conducted a free recall study in which most items were emotionally neutral to minimize effects of mood induction and to more closely reflect naturalistic settings. We found that emotional items were significantly more likely to be recalled than neutral items and that participants were more likely to transition between emotional items rather than between emotional and neutral items. Together, these results suggest that contextual encoding and retrieval mechanisms may drive the benefit for emotional items both within and outside the laboratory.

This study examined the effect of a sad mood induction (MI) on attention to emotional information and whether the effect varies as a function of depression vulnerability. Previously depressed (N = 42) and never depressed women (N = 58) were randomly assigned to a sad or a neutral MI and then viewed sets of depression-related, anxiety-related, positive, and neutral images. Attention was measured by tracking eye fixations to the images throughout an 8-s presentation. The sad MI had a substantial impact on the attention of never depressed participants: never depressed participants who experienced the sad MI increased their attention to positive images and decreased their attention to anxiety-related images relative to those who experienced the neutral MI. In contrast, previously depressed participants who experienced the sad MI did not attend to emotional images any differently than previously depressed participants who experienced the neutral MI. These results suggest that for never depressed individuals, a sad MI activates an emotion regulation strategy that changes the way that emotional information is attended to in order to counteract the sad mood; the absence of a difference for previously depressed individuals likely reflects a maladaptive emotion regulation response associated with depression vulnerability. Implications for cognitive theories of depression and depression-vulnerability are discussed.

In a pilot study we investigated whether the most effective medium for regulating short-term affect depends on one's preference for drawing or writing, and also investigated the emotion regulation strategy (distraction versus expression) spontaneously chosen when drawing and writing. Eighty undergraduates indicated their preference for drawing or writing. After a sad mood induction, half were assigned to their preferred activity and half to their non-preferred activity. Positive and negative affect was assessed before and after the activity, and participants reported whether they used the activity to express or to distract themselves. Negative affect was significantly lower after drawing than after writing, even when the preferred activity indicated was writing. Participants were more likely to use drawing to distract and writing to express.

According to recent research on language comprehension, the semantic features of a text are not the only determinants of whether incoming information is understood as consistent. Listeners' pre-existing affective states play a crucial role as well. The current fMRI experiment examines the effects of happy and sad moods during comprehension of consistent and inconsistent story endings, focusing on brain regions previously linked to two integration processes: inconsistency detection, evident in stronger responses to inconsistent endings, and fluent processing (accumulation), evident in stronger responses to consistent endings. The analysis evaluated whether differences in the BOLD response for consistent and inconsistent story endings correlated with self-reported mood scores after a mood induction procedure. Mood strongly affected regions previously associated with inconsistency detection. Happy mood increased sensitivity to inconsistency in regions specific for inconsistency detection (e.g., left IFG, left STS), whereas sad mood increased sensitivity to inconsistency in regions less specific for language processing (e.g., right med FG, right SFG). Mood affected more weakly regions involved in accumulation of information. These results show that mood can influence activity in areas mediating well-defined language processes, and highlight that integration is the result of context-dependent mechanisms. The finding that language comprehension can involve different networks depending on people's mood highlights the brain's ability to reorganize its functions.

Experimental induction of sad mood states is a mainstay of laboratory research on affect and cognition, mood regulation, and mood disorders. Typically, the success of such mood manipulations is reported as a statistically significant pre- to post-induction change in the self-rated intensity of the target affect. The present commentary was motivated by an unexpected finding in one of our studies concerning the response rate to a well validated sad mood induction. Using the customary statistical approach, we found a significant mean increase in self-rated sadness intensity with a moderate effect size, verifying the “success” of the mood induction. However, that “success” masked that, between one-fifth and about one-third of our samples (adolescents who had histories of childhood-onset major depressive disorder and healthy controls) reported absolutely no sadness in response to the mood induction procedure. We consider implications of our experience for emotion research by (1) commenting upon the typically overlooked phenomenon of non-response, (2) suggesting changes in reporting practices regarding mood induction success, and (3) outlining future directions to help scientists determine why some subjects do not respond to experimental mood induction.

The present mini-review was aimed at exploring the frontal EEG asymmetry of mood. With respect to emotion, interpreted as a discrete affective process, mood is more controllable, more nebulous, and more related to mind/cognition; in addition, causes are less well-defined than those eliciting emotion. Therefore, firstly, the rational for the distinction between emotion and mood was provided. Then, the main frontal EEG asymmetry models were presented, such as the motivational approach/withdrawal, valence/arousal, capability, and inhibition asymmetric models. Afterward, the frontal EEG asymmetry of mood was investigated following three research lines, that is considering studies involving different mood induction procedures, dispositional mood (positive and negative affect), and mood alterations in both healthy and clinical populations. In general, results were found to be contradictory, no model is unequivocally supported regardless the research line considered. Different methodological issues were raised, such as: the composition of samples used across studies, in particular, gender and age were found to be critical variables that should be better addressed in future studies; the importance of third variables that might mediate the relationship between frontal EEG asymmetries and mood, for example bodily states and hormonal responses; the role of cognition, namely the interplay between mood and executive functions. In light of these issues, future research directions were proposed. Amongst others, the need to explore the neural connectivity that underpins EEG asymmetries, and the need to include both positive and negative mood conditions in the experimental designs have been highlighted.

This study aimed at examining the effects of attachment style on the ability of recognizing emotions, from acoustic stimuli, in subjects with induced emotional states. An adequate sample of 145 university students (71 females and 74 males; mean age = 23.37 ± 2.05) was recruited from the Second University of Naples (Italy). The subjects, classified for attachment style into Secure, Insecure Dismissing, Insecure Preoccupied and Insecure Fearful, were randomly assigned with one of three (sad, fearful or neutral) different elicited emotional conditions induced by viewing short movies. Immediately after the mood-induction procedure, subjects undertook a vocal emotion-decoding task. Secure subjects were more accurate in recognizing surprise and sadness than the Insecure group; Fearfully attached individuals were less accurate in identifying vocal stimuli conveying sadness than the Securely and Dismissively attached groups. The recognition of vocal stimuli was not affected by induced mood conditions. No mood-congruity effects were found. The study sheds light on some of the factors underlying the emotion-recognition process. Possible explanations of the contribution of attachment style on the ability to decode vocal stimuli were discussed.

Recent findings regarding the influence of sad mood on music preference have been inconsistent, with some research suggesting that sadness promotes selective exposure to happy music and other work suggesting the very opposite. In three experiments, we investigated whether this discrepancy may have resulted from differences in the extent to which sadness was elicited by having participants think about personally relevant versus personally irrelevant negative events. To this end, we manipulated sad mood via a guided visualization technique in which participants were led to imagine experiencing a loss that was relevant either to their own or to an unfamiliar individual's concerns. Results revealed that irrespective of the self-relevance of the mood induction, individuals in sad, relative to happy, or neutral moods preferred to avoid expressively happy music. This aversion was partially mediated by beliefs that choosing happy music while sad would be inappropriate and thereby ineffectual in mood repair. Toget...

The current study examined the effects of combinations of state and trait anxiety on a source monitoring eyewitness memory task. Sixty-nine participants either received an anxious mood induction to induce high state anxiety or a neutral mood induction and also responded to a questionnaire that assessed anxiety. Participants were divided into 4 groups (high state, high trait; high state, low trait; low trait, high state; low trait, low state) based on their assigned induction condition and their responses to the anxiety questionnaire. All participants then received a source monitoring task in which they watched a forensically relevant video and received misinformation about the contents of the video via reading a questionnaire. After filler tasks and a positive mood induction which ensured that the anxiety wore off, all participants completed a source monitoring task. Participants who received the anxious mood induction responded more accurately to the source monitoring questions, particularly those about the video. Trait anxiety enhanced this effect somewhat. There were no significant differences in the tendency to incorporate misinformation presented in the questionnaire into memory, but some types of source misattributions were more likely in participants with high trait anxiety.

A study was conducted to investigate the potential of mood induction via music to influence cardiovascular correlates of negative emotions experience during driving behaviour. One hundred participants were randomly assigned to one of five groups, four of whom experienced different categories of music: High activation/positive valence (HA/PV), high activation/negative valence (HA/NV), low activation/positive valence (LA/PV) and low activation/negative valence (LA/NV). Following exposure to their respective categories of music, participants were required to complete a simulated driving journey with a fixed time schedule. Negative emotion was induced via exposure to stationary traffic during the simulated route. Cardiovascular reactivity was measured via blood pressure, heart rate and cardiovascular impedance. Subjective self-assessment of anger and mood was also recorded. Results indicated that low activation music, regardless of valence, reduced systolic reactivity during the simulated journey relative to HA/NV music and the control (no music) condition. Self-reported data indicated that participants were not consciously aware of any influence of music on their subjective mood. It is concluded that cardiovascular reactivity to negative mood may be mediated by the emotional properties of music.

Do people with a high score on a scale for eating in response to negative emotions also show high food intake in response to positive emotions?. We studied these effects in 60 female students that were preselected on the basis of extreme high or low scores on an emotional eating questionnaire. Using a between subject design we experimentally tested the difference in food intake following a mood induction designed to induce joy or sadness (the joy vs. sad mood condition). The high and low emotional eaters did not differ in their food intake, but emotional eating significantly moderated the relationship between mood condition and food intake. Whereas low emotional eaters ate similar amounts after the sad and after the joy mood condition, high emotional eaters ate significantly more after the sad mood condition than after the joy mood condition. A further finding was that a similar moderator effect for emotional eating was found for intake of sweet food but not for intake of salty food. These findings would suggest that eating in response to negative and to positive emotions refer to two different construct.