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The massive influx of Rohingyas has become one of the world's worst humanitarian and human rights crises. The Bangladesh government does not have any domestic or international regulations to set up an administrative process to address the issue of Rohingya refugees. Recently, Bangladesh and Myanmar initiated the repatriation of around 3000 Rohingyas. Yet, the repatriation process has not been successful as none of the Rohingya agreed to return to Myanmar without citizenship rights and security. Against this backdrop, this study explores whether education can act as a solution to integrate Rohingya refugees into mainstream society in Bangladesh. Applying purposive sampling, primary data was collected through semi‐structured interviews, key informant interviews, and telephone interviews. Data analysis was performed through conversation analysis. The findings reveal that the integration of Rohingya refugees through education is a far‐reaching dream as refugee management and education policies do not permit the integration of Rohingya refugees into mainstream society in Bangladesh. Rohingya refugees have demanded education as their right to develop their self‐respect and dignity. In contrast, the Bangladesh government viewed education as a relief program rather than development and integration. This article supports the claim of academics that the Bangladeshi government should provide education to Rohingya refugee children from a development perspective to protect and ensure their self‐respect and dignity. Related Articles: Byrne, Jennifer. 2016. "Contextual Identity among Liberian Refugees in Ghana: Identity Salience in a Protracted Refugee Situation." Politics & Policy 44(4): 751–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12169. Harel‐Shalev, Ayelet. 2009. "Lingual and Educational Policy toward 'Homeland Minorities' in Deeply Divided Societies: India and Israel as Case Studies." Politics & Policy 37(5): 951–70. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00206.x/abstract. Ravi, Chaitanya. 2021. "The 1971 Bangladesh War and Policy Lessons for Climate Refugee Management in South Asia." Politics & Policy 49(1): 248–74. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12392. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, most education providers could not offer face-to-face educational support to Rohingya children in the camp at Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh; however, some sector partners provided education online, and 'Home School' was one of them. This article intends to examine and learn to what extent and how home school education produced new knowledge for Rohingya children and promoted the sustainability of Rohingyas in the camp during the COVID-19 pandemic. A qualitative research approach was used to discern the impact of online education on the sustainable livelihood of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. Using purposive sampling, data were collected through semi-structured interviews with Rohingya refugee children, key informant interviews with education providers, and teachers who worked in the camp during COVID-19. The conversation analysis technique was applied to analyse data. The findings of this study uncover that, regardless of some downsides, including the lack of endowment for formal education, the shortage of community mobilisers, the limited subjects offered, the limited duration of class time, and weak internet connection, home school education contributed enormously to ensuring the sustainable livelihood of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh by ensuring a safe and securing learning space and upholding the equal participation of boys and girls, and contributed to recovery from trauma and fear of violence in the camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative case study explores the cultural obstructions that women members in reserved seats confront with regards to their political empowerment at the local council level – in the Gram Panchayat in India and the Union Parishad in Bangladesh. Primary data was collected from West Bengal in India and Rajshahi in Bangladesh between July 2018 and February 2019. The results are mixed, and varied significantly from country to country. Patriarchal behaviours are less dominant in the workplace for Indian women, whereas major challenges for Bangladeshi women come from their male colleagues. Proxy representation is still a significant form of male domination in India, while this is not a serious issue in Bangladesh. However, the interference of politicians is another form of male domination which restricts women from effective participation in local councils in India and Bangladesh. Harassment is extensively used to control women in politics in Bangladesh, whereas this is less exercised in India. Religion is no longer a dominant barrier to women's political participation in either countries. Women members in both countries should fight against patriarchal behaviour and male domination in order to create an environment where they can talk about women's interests in the decision-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative case study uses qualitative data to explore and analyze the institutional obstacles that women in reserved seats face to their political empowerment in the Gram Panchayat in India and the Union Parishad in Bangladesh. The findings reveal that women in reserved seats in both countries confront some fundamental institutional barriers, such as a masculine model of politics, lack of political party support, as well as lack of power and resources. Indian women face serious problems—the inclusion of ex-officio members, the rotational system, bureaucratic dominance, and partisan elections—whereas Bangladeshi women suffer from the unequal distribution of reserved seats under a quota policy and lack of clarity in rules, power, and provisions. A lack of financial resources limits the effective participation of women members in the decision-making process in both countries. Further institutional reforms are vital to ensure women's political empowerment through reserved seats in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]