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Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper mainly examines the role of Robert College in the Great War. Despite the importance of the college in shaping Turkish--American relations from imperial to modern times, the number of studies focusing on the diplomatic aspect of the college is indeed limited. Therefore, the primary purpose of this study is to show how a missionary school in the Ottoman Empire played a role in the US and the Ottoman Empire not going to war with each other. As a multi-national and multi-religious institution, Robert College encountered many problems during the years of conflict, 1908--1918. In addition, despite those difficulties, the college and its administration could preserve peace inside the college. Moreover, it became one of the most important reasons for why the US and the Ottoman Empire did not fight during the First World War.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the war prose by Milica Jankovic and Isidora Sekulic: collections of short stories Unknown Heroes [Neznani junaci] and Waiting [Cekanje], and From the Past [Iz prošlosti]. These collections were written during the wars (1912 -1918) and published shortly after the end of the First World War. The paper points to the social climate and the major ideas that prevailed in the public opinion. The first part of this paper analyzes the war edition of the journal Women [Žena], which is taken as an example magazine with emancipatory feminist tendencies, and the war edition of the Serbian Literary Gazette [Srpski književni glasnik], which is chosen as the main literary magazine of that time. After mapping the concept of war editions of these magazines, this paper analyzes the war prose of selected female authors. It highlights the specific poetics of Milica Jankovic and Isidora Sekulic, as well as the differences between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the war correspondents traveling in the Balkans during the period of the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) to cover military campaigns. It tries to explore the paths of information, the mechanisms of propaganda and the restrictions used by the Balkan states to control the content of the news transmitted. The Balkan Wars were among the first military events covered so extensively by newspapers all around the world. In the battle-fields the principles of the new field of journalism were highly tested. The lessons learnt in the Balkans during the Balkan Wars proved to be productive and useful for the improvement of the relationship between war correspondents and military authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Istorijski časopis is the property of Istorijski Institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper researches the two Balkan wars and the actions of the participating countries by using the theoretical concept of the so-called "security dilemma' as one of the key concepts in the science of international relations. It's an attempt to make an analysis of the Balkan wars, or, more specifically, of all the key elements of this theoretical framework. The goal is to find out whether this theoretical concept can be applied to the countries which took part in the Balkan Wars, and if its application in this specific case can offer some answers about the reasons behind the start of the two Balkan Wars, the question of the balance of power and its shifts, as well as the changes in alliances between the participating countries. In order to successfully accomplish this goal, the paper is going to utilize relevant literature on the topic of this theoretical concept, but also on the historical period of the two Balkan wars (1912 and 1913). With this approach, we hope to look at the subject from a different angle, which has not been sufficiently explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annual Review of the Faculty of Philosophy / Godisnjak Filozofskog Fakulteta is the property of Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The beginning of the twentieth century represented not only the emergence, affirmation or consolidation of South-Eastern European states, but also the redefining of politics in the Balkan area. For several centuries all the nations in this area regarded the Ottoman Empire as the main enemy in front of which common action was the only successful opposition attempt. With the power of Istanbul becoming predominantly nominal, the Balkans became the European area with the most considerable ethnical, religious and political tension. Every nation's wish to build its own state proved difficult to accomplish, given that certain territories were claimed by two or several parties. The partisan implication of the Great Powers only amplified and encouraged the conflict that had simmered in this region. The Balkan Wars and the first World War indisputably confirmed a reality we experience even today, a century after these events. The political alliances were clearly outlined and functioned as long as the involved monarchs understood the European political game rules. Greece's alliances with Serbia and Romania against Bulgaria immediately found an echo in Russia's and the Austro-Hungarian Empire's positions. Romania tried to play the mediator role since its status allowed it to keep its neutrality in the first phase of the conflict, and later be involved in an alliance which proved to be lasting. Our paper presents the main characteristics of the Romanian external politics during the Balkan Wars, by identifying the transition from the secret agreement with the Triple Alliance to the approach to Tsarist Russia. The influence of the Royal House of Romania could not pass unnoticed, a relevant example being the offer of the Albanian throne to Prince William of Wied, Queen Elisabeth of Romania's nephew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent imagological scholarship about the Balkans has revised the Balkanism thesis by examining the sympathetic lens through which British liberals viewed the peninsula's Christian and Slavic nationalities following the 1903 establishment of the Balkan Committee. Revisionist historiography has, however, overlooked how non-Christian and non-Slavic communities were represented in Britain beyond overgeneralized orientalist stereotypes of 'the villainous Turk'. This article aims to correct this imbalance by examining representations of Albania in the travel writing and political commentary of Mary Edith Durham and Aubrey Nigel Henry Molyneux Herbert, Britain's most notable supporters of Albania's national movement in the early twentieth century, who came to sympathize with the country because of their own peripheral position in relation to the British cultural and political mainstream, by virtue of gender and an unfashionably conservative worldview. Focusing on their published travel writing and political commentary between the 1904 publication of Durham's first narrative, Through the Lands of the Serb, and Herbert's untimely death in 1923, this article proposes that they articulated a counter-discourse to liberal writing on south-eastern Europe and that their representations of Albania foregrounded the capacity for self-governance, in contrast to the cultural chaos attributed to the country by liberals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that reporting on the Balkan Wars by some of the Austro- Hungarian media and state officials on the ground was not impartial, but rather aimed to obtain international public support for the planned military intervention against Serbia in late 1912 and mid-1913. The primary task of the newly-established Albanische Korrespondenz Büro or Budapest Korrespondenz Büro was to disseminate horrifying news from the Balkan theatre of war, especially on the alleged Serbian misconduct, to the media in Europe and the United States of America. The famous New York Times, alongside other papers, put those Austrian-made reports on its front pages. Historians believe that influenced the Carnegie Endowment to start a comprehensive inquiry in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars. As early as the spring of 1913 the propagandist and journalist, Leo Freundlich, published in Vienna his still famous book Albania’s Golgotha: Indictment of the Exterminators of the Albanian People, calling out for someone to “stop those barbarians”: “Tens of thousands of defenceless people are being massacred, women are being raped, old people and children strangled, hundreds of villages burnt to the ground, priests slaughtered. And Europe remains silent!” Austria-Hungary mobilized its army, but its ally Germany pulled back. This paper offers facts listed in those reports as well as stories that circulated at the time, along with the Serbian primary sources intended for internal purposes and some narratives of foreign observers on the ground who were often annoyed with the Korrespondenz Büro’s reporting or other papers of the kind. It suggests, however, that responsibility for the atrocities committed in the war still needs to be examined carefully, just like it was concluded long ago: “The wrong they did leave a sinister blot upon their record, but it must be viewed in its just proportion.”

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

State formation has received serious attention in the literature on modern Greece yet some certain parameters of state transformation remain overlooked. One of them is the expansion of the security capacity of the state in a wartime period and particularly the mechanisms associated with internment and captivity. This article uses as a case study the Balkan Wars of 1912 and shows how a state of emergency brought by military conflict and the need to settle, monitor, and control thousands of prisoners of wars and “unreliable” civilians forced the state to expand its bureaucratic machinery and thus strengthen its coercive capabilities. As will be explained, in 1912-13, the Greek state faced an impending crisis. The masses of prisoners of war that arrived in Greece created security concerns for an administrative mechanism that was not at the time capable of dealing with these kinds of challenges. Likewise, the need to monitor “dangerous” ethnic groups in the newly conquered lands enhanced this threat and added further pressures on the Greek bureaucratic machinery. Nevertheless, at the end of the day, this security crisis provided an opportunity for state expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Balkan Research Institute / Balkan Araştırma Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Trakya University, Balkan Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace saw the Second Balkan War of the summer of 1913 as an opportunity to extend its influence and authority. The war seemed made to order for peace advocates in that its causes were disputed, atrocities had been charged from all sides and it was geographically in Europe. The Carnegie Endowment immediately sent an international commission to the Balkans to investigate the causes of the war, and the veracity and responsibility of alleged atrocities. The Commission was also charged with studying the economic and moral losses from the war, and the lessons it could teach ‘civilized people.’ In this paper, I focus on the aims of the Carnegie Endowment for Peace and the extent to which the Commission achieved them in the Balkans and in the resulting publication,The Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars. I describe how the head of the Carnegie Division of Intercourse and Education conceived of the initiative, and how he worked with the Paris Carnegie office to assemble the international members. I present how political post-war difficulties affected their fieldwork in the Balkans. The Report, scheduled to be published in January 1914, appeared in French in May 1914 and in English in June 1914 – too late to rekindle interest before other events took center stage. The Carnegie Commissioners were successful in meeting many of their aims but the Report's late publication made this moot. Still, the Carnegie Commission to the Balkans and its Report are significant as an international attempt of peace advocates to bring out the horrors of war in the year just before the First World War. They are also significant as early work to document war crimes and human rights abuse, including abuse of non-combatant citizens. In addition, the Report has been used naively as a historical source on the Balkan Wars. I contextualize it as an historical source with its strengths and weaknesses. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Macedonia was the only Yugoslavian republic to make a peaceful transition to statehood at the time of the federation's collapse. Yet tensions between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians over the constitutional design of the state meant it remained vulnerable to violence, to which it succumbed in 2001. Civil war was averted with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which promised to distribute power more evenly between the two. This settlement is portrayed in opposing extremes: by Macedonians, as a prelude to the demise of the country; by Albanians and the international community, as a guarantor of its existence. This paper eschews such interpretations. While it remains the best solution for preserving Macedonia's inter-ethnic equilibrium and facilitating its integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions, the Framework Agreement is not without flaw. Above all, it has marginalised smaller ethnic communities, embedding a de facto bi-national state in which Macedonians and Albanians predominate politically over all others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thesis, through political-geographic and geopolitical analysis, deals with a problem that was relevant more than one hundred years ago, and it refers to the situations that reflect through the centripetal and the centrifugal forces that are fundamental in the creation of the states. Basically, the paper analyzes the situations on the territory of Macedonia during the Ottoman Empire, until the break out of the Balkan wars and the territorial partition of Macedonia. The theoretical basis of the political-geographic analysis relies on Richard Hartshorne's theory of territorial integration, a model which, with certain modifications, will be applied for the territory of Macedonia under Ottoman rule, and a model which enables specific case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing current social problems of the European continent such as nationalism, cannot be considered without setting them in the proper context, analyzing the processes that have characterized the history and formation of European societies. In this regard, this paper gathers and analyses the contribution of different authors to describe one of the military events that characterized the twentieth century: the wars in the Balkan area. Understanding the same approach implies understanding the multi-causal analysis of conflicts, given mainly by ethnic and religious conditions, as well as by the no less important political, economic, historical and international factors. Also, the analysis of events can advance critical thinking, due to the understanding of international pressures that acted as catalysts of the wars. The fragmentation of the former Yugoslavia resulted in countries that are not out of the economic crisis experienced for years, so nationalistic feelings are shaping the scene of the “Yugonostalgia”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the First Balkan War, the Conference of Ambassadors held in London and representing the six Great European Powers. (England, Germany, France, Italy, Austria and Russia.) It began its work on 17 December in 1912 under the direction of the British secretary Edward Grey. European powers had politico-strategic interests on Albania, which cross the boundaries of Balkan States. They could not allow the establishment of bigger Albania and being a threat to the safety of the members of the Balkan Alliance (Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Greece). It has been foreseen the fragmentation of Albania between them. Thus, the Great Powers didn't respect the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Albania aimed at meeting its neighbors' intentions. For example Serbia that is landlocked, with no access to an ocean and sea, has a disadvantage because it cannot easily transport and import products and guns to other parts of the world. They discussed the borders of Albania in the conference. The issue of borders connected to solving the Adriatic question and Aegean Islands problems. They established International Boundary Comissions to study the exact border. This paper aims to analyze the attitude of Great Powers on Albanian's borders in the Conference of Ambassadors in London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article redirects extant critiques of the modern problem of war at this problem's underlying logic of deviance. According to this logic, war constitutes a kind of international conduct that contravenes behavioural norms and that can be corrected through diagnostic and didactic means. Thereby, war is rendered into a problem falling within the scope of human agency. However, this agency rests on and reproduces this logic's constitutive blind spots. Therefore, it seems imperative to develop ways of problematising war otherwise. The article provides two starting points for (critical) IR scholarship seeking to undertake such a project. Firstly, it combines two Foucaultian tools, the concept of problematisation and the method of genealogy, to direct critique at the logics underlying our evaluative – analytical, ethical, and political – judgements. Secondly, it uses these tools to trace the contingent emergence of the logic of deviance in a crucial example within the wider genealogy of the problem of war: the Carnegie Endowment's commission of inquiry into the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913. Based on original archival research, I highlight different elements of this inquiry's problematisation of war – its frames, assumptions, ways of knowing, and subjects of knowledge – to make them available for reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mesovita Gradja is the property of Istorijski Institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Southeastern European Studies / Güneydoğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Southeastern European Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we adopt a socio-anthropological approach to understand how hegemonic international representations are constructed in the politics and theory of international relations, specifically how Southeast Europe is perceived in West European imagination. We focus on various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy making, truth claims and expert accounts related to different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912–1913) and new (1991–1999). We show how these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicizations, and how they contribute to international representations that affect international politics, particularly in relation to perpetuating othering and containment of Southeast Europe. We demonstrate through a detailed analysis and problematization how these international representations are culturally and politically constructed. They do not neutrally refer to a reality in the world; they create a reality of their own. As such, how international representations are constructed is itself a form of power and hegemony in both the practice and the theory of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late nineteenth century, several pan-nationalist movements – pan-Germanism, pan-Slavism, pan-Latinism, pan-Celticism – arose in Europe. In France, pan-Latinism and pan-Celticism promoted competing visions of the country's culture, respectively emphasizing its Latin and Celtic legacies. Two journals published in the 1910s, L'Étendard celtique and Revue des nations were founded by the writer Robert Pelletier to advance pan-Celticism. Their purpose was twofold: to advocate a return to France's Celtic traditions and to promote the idea of a 'racial' link between Celts and Slavs. Calling for a 'Celtic–Slavic' alliance, these Slavophile journals expressed solidarity with oppressed Slavic peoples, especially in the context of the Balkan Wars. Pelletier's promotion of pan-Celticism and pan-Slavism as two affiliated currents stemmed from both his rejection of pan-Latinism and his hope that connecting with the powerful pan-Slavic movement could facilitate French pan-Celticism's emergence on the European stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the years of the Jubilee of the First World War, the Serbian press featured the work of painter Nadežda Petrović, as well as her participation in three wars, from 1912 to 1915. The news of her death was recorded in 'Politika' and 'Srpske novine', and memories of her humane exploits were published several decades later, in the newspaper 'Vreme'. In addition to the press, this paper has used the sources of the first order that are available in the Military Archives in Belgrade, the Archives of Serbia in Belgrade, the Historical Archives of Belgrade and the Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade.

After the First Balkan War, the Conference of Ambassadors held in London and representing the six Great European Powers. (England, Germany, France, Italy, Austria and Russia.) It began its work on 17 December in 1912 under the direction of the British secretary Edward Grey. European powers had politico-strategic interests on Albania, which cross the boundaries of Balkan States. They could not allow the establishment of bigger Albania and being a threat to the safety of the members of the Balkan Alliance (Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Greece). It has been foreseen the fragmentation of Albania between them. Thus, the Great Powers didn’t respect the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Albania aimed at meeting its neighbors’ intentions. For example Serbia that is landlocked, with no access to an ocean and sea, has a disadvantage because it cannot easily transport and import products and guns to other parts of the world. They discussed the borders of Albania in the conference. The issue of borders connected to solving the Adriatic question and Aegean Islands problems. They established International Boundary Comissions to study the exact border. This paper aims to analyze the attitude of Great Powers on Albanian’s borders in the Conference of Ambassadors in London.

Copyright of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies / Revista Română de Studii Eurasiatice is the property of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with the engagement of Serbian youth in social change placed in the context of critical historical events related to time before liberation of the area of Old Serbia in the Balkan Wars. Based on the testimony of some contemporaries and selected historiographical literature, article presents an analysis of the youth activities of the late 19th and especially at the beginning of the 20th century, which indicates its distinct and specific contribution to the cultural emancipation. A characteristic of the new era, with the idea of national liberation, it's a growing openness to European culture. In such a way, the primary military and political objective which is engaged Serbian youth naturally found in the same plane with the efforts of the Serbian government, an important task related and redirect these areas from lethargy of the archaic Ottoman Empire to modern European social and cultural sphere of influence. The ultimate self-sacrificing youth, guided by the most sincere convictions, was the element that is the fulfillment of the various activities of this national mission given particular impulse.

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text, through political-geographic and geopolitical analysis, deals with a problem that was relevant more than one hundred years ago, and it refers to the situations that reflect through the centripetal and the centrifugal forces that are fundamental in the creation of the states. Basically, the paper analyzes the situations on the territory of Macedonia during the Ottoman Empire, until they break out of the Balkan Wars and the territorial partition of Macedonia. The theoretical basis of the political-geographic analysis relies on Richard Hartshorne’s theory of territorial integration, a model which, with certain modifications, will be applied for the territory of Macedonia under Ottoman rule, and a model which enables specific case studies.

The subject of the present study is the mass exodus of Bulgarians (and people of other nationalities) to Bulgaria generated by the armed conflicts from the second decade of the 20th Century, namely by the Balkan Wars and World War I including the 1917 revolution and civil war in Russia, the Aster Revolution in Hungary, and accompanying events. The study aims at revealing the demographic impact of refugees' intensive influx to Bulgaria between 1912 and 1926. In fact the latter was observed to 1928 and its quantitative dimensions covered about 200.000 people - mainly Bulgarians, but Russians, Armenians and others too poured into Bulgaria; meanwhile thousands of Turks and Greeks left it. Here certain aspects of refugee waves of the time are examined, in particular the ethnic structure, temporal dynamics, points of departure, destinations (points of attraction) of the refugee inflow to Bulgaria, refugees' territorial distribution and concentration, and it is done by the means of quantitative reseach methods of statistical data, namely the statistics for refugees in Bulgaria coming from the 1920 and 1926 censuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since sufferings of civilian populations during the First World War in Europe, especially war crimes perpetrated against civilians, have - unlike the political and military history of the Great War - only recently become an object of scholarly interest, there still are considerable gaps in our knowledge, the Balkans being a salient example. Therefore, suggesting a methodology that involves a comparative approach, the use of all available sources, cooperation among scholars from different countries and attention to the historical background, the paper seeks to open some questions and start filling lacunae in our knowledge of the war crimes perpetrated against Serb civilians as part of the policy of Bulgarization in the portions of Serbia under Bulgarian military occupation.

The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars. The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition. But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen. Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego. Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.

Copyright of Configurações is the property of Centro de Investigacao em Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between 1830 and 1913, the Ottoman Empire was involved in destructive wars with its trading partners. Boycotts were organized against Bulgaria and Austria-Hungary. The effects of wars and boycotts are a topic of debate among historians. This article examines whether wars and boycotts were associated with how the Ottoman Empire traded with its trading partners from 1830 to 1913. The findings indicate a decrease in trade with its adversaries during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78, the Crimean War, and the Balkan Wars. In addition, there was a statistically significant reduction in trade with Austria-Hungary due to the boycott. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates the origins of World War I through the correspondence of Ottoman diplomats between 1912 and 1914, namely from the formation of the Balkan League in early 1912 until the Ottoman-German alliance in August 1914. However, the emphasis is on how Ottoman officialdom interpreted 'the Albanian issue' in conjunction with the Austro-Ottoman rapprochement on the eve of the Great War. This close relationship between the Austrians and Ottomans influenced Ottoman decision-making on declaring war on the Balkan allies in October 1912. More significantly, however, on the eve of the Great War, despite the reluctance of German officials, it was again the influence exercised on Germany via the Austrian Embassy in İstanbul that finalised the Ottoman-German alliance on 2 August 1914. With new sources and reasoning, this article hopes to contribute to current debates on the origins of the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article deals with the phenomenon of willful destruction of cultural heritage during armed conflicts: more particularly, the article focuses on the Balkan region, a zone that many conflicts ravaged along the centuries, and more specifically, during the Balkan wars, using two iconic cases of destruction of cultural heritage during the above-mentioned conflict: on one hand, the destruction of the Vijecnica in Sarajevo; on the other, the shelling of Dubrovnik, a case that gave rise to the prosecution and judgments of Pavle Strugar and Miodrag Jokic, among others, by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Using official reports, journalistic accounts, and documents from the ICTY and the Global Heritage Fund, the article assesses how even though there is no shortage of instruments (international tribunals) and policies (both local, national and international) to prevent cultural destruction during war times, in the case of the Balkans, these fall short of reaching their objective, and lack of funding and other motives block effective restoration of the damaged cultural heritage. Also, there is no effective law enforcement and punishment for these crimes, denying thus a deterring effect for the perpetrators. All these problems are further enhanced due to the lack of consensus and research on the criminal categorization of the destruction of cultural property during wartimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interest for macroeconomic policies was revived by the 2007 financial crisis and the economic downturn that followed. The purpose of these policies was debatable considering there was little space to manoeuvre with the key interest rate close to 0% and the excessive public debt frustrating fiscal activism. In a similar manner the gold standard, which functioned in 1911-1913 Romania, did not allow for too much monetary and public finance action because the convertibility principle had to be observed. This essay will try to analyse the monetary policy and public finance of 1911-1913 Romania considering the complex and contradictory economic and politic realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on histories, accounts and articles published after the Balkan Wars, this article argues that, contrary to the commonly accepted thesis, the Balkan Wars did not mark the point at which Turkism became the dominant state ideology. There was in fact no clear-cut and definite shift toward Turkism at this point. Instead there was an increasing awareness of the need for a ‘common soul’ that would unite the population of the empire in the face of dramatic challenges such as the Balkan Wars.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a preliminary attempt at understanding the correlation between the formation of the Young Turk mindset and the European interventions toward the Ottoman Empire in light of the documents written by the Young Turk generation. The Young Turk movement emerged in the period when the European powers were penetrating into Ottoman geography more strongly than ever. The Young Turks witnessed numerous territorial losses, the rise of nationalist sentiments among the imperial subjects and more importantly, the increasing political dependency of the Ottoman Empire. This article argues that modern Turkey's nationalism is deeply rooted in ‘siege mentality’ that evolved during the late nineteenth to early twentieth century Ottoman experiences. This ‘siege mentality’ is understood as a conviction among Young Turks that the state was on the eve of an enemy siege and thus engaged in a struggle for its very survival. Consequently, anti-Western reactions and survival anxieties among the Young Turk generation shaped and affected the nascent Turkish nationalist discourse and identity, both as an organic process through the experiences of the Young Turks as well as a social construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyzes a selection of Romanian memoirs of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) in order to reveal the images of our fellow participants in the conflicts and sources of identities and representations that have been formed along the years. The study of these writings in the context of the gripping subject of alterity brings original insight in a matter that is still particularizing South-Eastern Europe. Considering the diversity of perspectives in the selected memoirs, we can paint an overall picture of the conveyed representations that may still overshadow the collective mentality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a critical reading of Trotsky's celebrated The War Correspondence, this article addresses the complex links between war and memory. It offers a detailed analysis of the correspondence, arguing for its present relevance in several aspects, beyond its polemical brilliance: firstly, its detailed information and personal evaluation of the socialist movement in the Balkans; secondly, its testimonies of wounded officers, soldiers, and prisoners of war, reproduced in extenso, in combination with interviews with politicians, serve as a rarely preserved primary source. The article considers The War Correspondence's formative significance on Trotsky himself by juxtaposing it with his later autobiography and political activities, and follows his evolution from a passionate defender of liberalism to one of its most bitter opponents. It finally utilises the distinction between lieux and milieu de mémoire to comment on the present memory of wars and the centenary of the Balkan Wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the collective memories and legacies of the Balkan wars (1912/1913) as they are enshrined in the popular memory of the Macedonians and the Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia. The focal point is on the political in memory; i.e. an attempt is made to examine remembrance of those past events among the public opinion-makers and the impact of memory on the general public and on the current political developments. The relationship between the 'real' history (history as it actually was) and the cognitive history of the Balkan wars (history as it is perceived) is portrayed as it is seen by the two dominant ethnic groups. The basic premise is that so-called 'subjective history' (which consists of perceptions, emotions and attitudes) is in the minds of the today's actors so it affects the beliefs and values underlying their actions much more than the historical facts and knowledge gained by professionals. The centennial of the Balkan wars proves that the two major ethnic communities share the same myth of victimization; yet it confronts rather than brings them together. Furthermore it adds to the ongoing deepening of the societal division that threatens the existence of the political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]