Search

When free-viewing scenes, participants tend to preferentially fixate social elements (e.g., people). In the present study, we tested whether this bias would be disrupted by increasing the demands of a secondary dual-task: holding a set of (one or six) spatial locations in memory, presented either simultaneously or sequentially. Following a retention interval, participants judged whether a test location was present in the to-be-remembered stimuli. During the retention interval participants free-viewed scenes containing a social element (a person) and a non-social element (an object) that served as regions of interest. In order to assess the impact of physical salience, the non-social element was presented in both an unaltered baseline version, and in a version where its salience was artificially increased. The results showed that the preference to look at social elements decreased when the demands of the spatial memory task were increased from one to six locations, regardless of presentation mode (simultaneous or sequential). The high-load condition also resulted in more central fixations and reduced exploration of the scene. The results indicate that the social prioritisation effect, and scene viewing more generally, can be affected by a concurrent memory load., (© 2023. The Author(s).)

People are drawn to social, animate things more than inanimate objects. Previous research has also shown gaze following in humans, a process that has been linked to theory of mind (ToM). In three experiments, we investigated whether animacy and ToM are involved when making judgements about the location of a cursor in a scene. In Experiment 1, participants were told that this cursor represented the gaze of an observer and were asked to decide whether the observer was looking at a target object. This task is similar to that carried out by researchers manually coding eye-tracking data. The results showed that participants were biased to perceive the gaze cursor as directed towards animate objects (faces) compared to inanimate objects. In Experiments 2 and 3 we tested the role of ToM, by presenting the same scenes to new participants but now with the statement that the cursor was generated by a 'random' computer system or by a computer system designed to seek targets. The bias to report that the cursor was directed toward faces was abolished in Experiment 2, and minimised in Experiment 3. Together, the results indicate that people attach minds to the mere representation of an individual's gaze, and this attribution of mind influences what people believe an individual is looking at., (© 2021. The Author(s).)

The eyes are preferentially attended over other facial features and recent evidence suggests this bias is difficult to suppress. To further examine the automatic and volitional nature of this bias for eye information, we used a novel prompting face recognition paradigm in 41 adults and measured the location of their first fixations, overall dwell time and behavioural responses. First, patterns of eye gaze were measured during a free-viewing forced choice face recognition paradigm. Second, the task was repeated but with prompts to look to either the eyes or the mouth. Participants showed significantly more first fixations to the eyes than mouth, both when prompted to look at the eyes and when prompted to look at the mouth. The pattern of looking to the eyes when prompted was indistinguishable from the unprompted condition in which participants were free to look where they chose. Notably, the dwell time data demonstrated that the eye bias did not persist over the entire presentation period. Our results suggest a difficult-to-inhibit bias to initially orient to the eyes, which is superseded by volitional, top-down control of eye gaze. Further, the amount of looking to the eyes is at a maximum level spontaneously and cannot be enhanced by explicit instructions., (Copyright © 2019 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

More and more researchers are considering the omnibus eye movement sequence-the scanpath-in their studies of visual and cognitive processing (e.g. Hayes, Petrov, & Sederberg, 2011; Madsen, Larson, Loschky, & Rebello, 2012; Ni et al., 2011; von der Malsburg & Vasishth, 2011). However, it remains unclear how recent methods for comparing scanpaths perform in experiments producing variable scanpaths, and whether these methods supplement more traditional analyses of individual oculomotor statistics. We address this problem for MultiMatch (Jarodzka et al., 2010; Dewhurst et al., 2012), evaluating its performance with a visual search-like task in which participants must fixate a series of target numbers in a prescribed order. This task should produce predictable sequences of fixations and thus provide a testing ground for scanpath measures. Task difficulty was manipulated by making the targets more or less visible through changes in font and the presence of distractors or visual noise. These changes in task demands led to slower search and more fixations. Importantly, they also resulted in a reduction in the between-subjects scanpath similarity, demonstrating that participants' gaze patterns became more heterogenous in terms of saccade length and angle, and fixation position. This implies a divergent strategy or random component to eye-movement behaviour which increases as the task becomes more difficult. Interestingly, the duration of fixations along aligned vectors showed the opposite pattern, becoming more similar between observers in 2 of the 3 difficulty manipulations. This provides important information for vision scientists who may wish to use scanpath metrics to quantify variations in gaze across a spectrum of perceptual and cognitive tasks., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Research investigating scene perception normally involves laboratory experiments using static images. Much has been learned about how observers look at pictures of the real world and the attentional mechanisms underlying this behaviour. However, the use of static, isolated pictures as a proxy for studying everyday attention in real environments has led to the criticism that such experiments are artificial. We report a new study that tests the extent to which the real world can be reduced to simpler laboratory stimuli. We recorded the gaze of participants walking on a university campus with a mobile eye tracker, and then showed static frames from this walk to new participants, in either a random or sequential order. The aim was to compare the gaze of participants walking in the real environment with fixations on pictures of the same scene. The data show that picture order affects interobserver fixation consistency and changes looking patterns. Critically, while fixations on the static images overlapped significantly with the actual real-world eye movements, they did so no more than a model that assumed a general bias to the centre. Remarkably, a model that simply takes into account where the eyes are normally positioned in the head-independent of what is actually in the scene-does far better than any other model. These data reveal that viewing patterns to static scenes are a relatively poor proxy for predicting real world eye movement behaviour, while raising intriguing possibilities for how to best measure attention in everyday life. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

Social attention is thought to require detecting the eyes of others and following their gaze. To be effective, observers must also be able to infer the person's thoughts and feelings about what he or she is looking at, but this has only rarely been investigated in laboratory studies. In this study, participants' eye movements were recorded while they chose which of four patterns they preferred. New observers were subsequently able to reliably guess the preference response by watching a replay of the fixations. Moreover, when asked to mislead the person guessing, participants changed their looking behavior and guessing success was reduced. In a second experiment, naïve participants could also guess the preference of the original observers but were unable to identify trials which were lies. These results confirm that people can spontaneously use the gaze of others to infer their judgments, but also that these inferences are open to deception., (Copyright © 2014 Cognitive Science Society, Inc.)

We recently reported that people who wear an eye tracker modify their natural looking behaviour in a prosocial manner. This change in looking behaviour represents a potential concern for researchers who wish to use eye trackers to understand the functioning of human attention. On the other hand, it may offer a real boon to manufacturers and consumers of wearable computing (e.g., Google Glass), for if wearable computing causes people to behave in a prosocial manner, then the public's fear that people with wearable computing will invade their privacy is unfounded. Critically, both of these divergent implications are grounded on the assumption that the prosocial behavioural effect of wearing an eye tracker is sustained for a prolonged period of time. Our study reveals that on the very first wearing of an eye tracker, and in less than 10 min, the prosocial effect of an eye tracker is abolished, but by drawing attention back to the eye tracker, the implied presence effect is easily reactivated. This suggests that eye trackers induce a transient social presence effect, which is rendered dormant when attention is shifted away from the source of implied presence. This is good news for researchers who use eye trackers to measure attention and behaviour; and could be bad news for advocates of wearable computing in everyday life., (© 2014 The British Psychological Society.)

Visual search has been studied intensively in the labouratory, but lab search often differs from search in the real world in many respects. Here, we used a mobile eye tracker to record the gaze of participants engaged in a realistic, active search task. Participants were asked to walk into a mailroom and locate a target mailbox among many similar mailboxes. This procedure allowed control of bottom-up cues (by making the target mailbox more salient; Experiment 1) and top-down instructions (by informing participants about the cue; Experiment 2). The bottom-up salience of the target had no effect on the overall time taken to search for the target, although the salient target was more likely to be fixated and found once it was within the central visual field. Top-down knowledge of target appearance had a larger effect, reducing the need for multiple head and body movements, and meaning that the target was fixated earlier and from further away. Although there remains much to be discovered in complex real-world search, this study demonstrates that principles from visual search in the labouratory influence gaze in natural behaviour, and provides a bridge between these labouratory studies and research examining vision in natural tasks.

Viewing position effects are commonly observed in reading, but they have only rarely been investigated in object perception or in the realistic context of a natural scene. In two experiments, we explored where people fixate within photorealistic objects and the effects of this landing position on recognition and subsequent eye movements. The results demonstrate an optimal viewing position-objects are processed more quickly when fixation is in the centre of the object. Viewers also prefer to saccade to the centre of objects within a natural scene, even when making a large saccade. A central landing position is associated with an increased likelihood of making a refixation, a result that differs from previous reports and suggests that multiple fixations within objects, within scenes, occur for a range of reasons. These results suggest that eye movements within scenes are systematic and are made with reference to an early parsing of the scene into constituent objects.

When people read, their thoughts sometimes drift away from the task at hand: They are "mind wandering." Recent research suggests that this change in task focus is reflected in eye movements and this was tested in an experiment using controlled stimuli. Participants were presented with a series of sentences containing high- and low-frequency words, which they read while being eye-tracked, and they were sometimes probed to indicate whether they were on task or mind wandering. The results showed multiple differences between reading prior to a mind-wandering response and reading when on task: Mind wandering led to slower reading times, longer average fixation duration, and an absence of the word frequency effect on gaze duration. Collectively, these findings confirm that task focus could be inferred from eye movements, and they indicate that the link between word identification and eye scanning is decoupled when the mind wanders.

Many modern theories propose that perceptual information is represented by the sensorimotor activity elicited by the original stimulus. Scanpath theory (Noton & Stark, 1971) predicts that reinstating a sequence of eye fixations will help an observer recognize a previously seen image. However, the only studies to investigate this are correlational ones based on calculating scanpath similarity. We therefore describe a series of 5 experiments that constrain the fixations during encoding or recognition of images in order to manipulate scanpath similarity. Participants encoded a set of images and later had to recognize those that they had seen. They spontaneously selected regions that they had fixated during encoding (Experiment 1), and this was a predictor of recognition accuracy. Yoking the parts of the image available at recognition to the encoded scanpath led to better memory performance than randomly selected image regions (Experiment 2), and this could not be explained by the spatial distribution of locations (Experiment 3). However, there was no recognition advantage for re-viewing one's own fixations versus someone else's (Experiment 4) or for retaining their serial order (Experiment 5). Therefore, although it is beneficial to look at encoded regions, there is no evidence that scanpaths are stored or that scanpath recapitulation is functional in scene memory. This paradigm provides a controlled way of studying the integration of scene content, spatial structure, and oculomotor signals, with consequences for the perception, representation, and retrieval of visual information., (2013 APA, all rights reserved)

A bias for humans to attend to the left side of space has been reported in a variety of experiments. While patients with hemispatial neglect mistakenly bisect horizontal lines to the right of centre, neurologically healthy individuals show a mean leftward error. Here, two experiments demonstrated a robust tendency for participants to saccade to the left when viewing photographs. We were able to manipulate this bias by using an asymmetrical gaze-contingent window, which revealed more of the scene on one side of fixation-causing participants to saccade more often in that direction. A second experiment demonstrated the same change in eye movements occurring rapidly from trial to trial, and investigated whether it would carry over and effect attention during a line bisection task. There was some carry-over from gaze-contingent scene viewing to the eye movements during line bisection. However, despite frequent initial eye movements and many errors to the left, manual responses were not affected by this change in orienting. We conclude that the mechanisms underlying asymmetrical attention in picture scanning and line bisection are flexible and can be separated, with saccades in scene perception driven more by a skewed perceptual span., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Social understanding is facilitated by effectively attending to other people and the subtle social cues they generate. In order to more fully appreciate the nature of social attention and what drives people to attend to social aspects of the world, one must investigate the factors that influence social attention. This is especially important when attempting to create models of disordered social attention, e.g. a model of social attention in autism. Here we analysed participants' viewing behaviour during one-to-one social interactions with an experimenter. Interactions were conducted either live or via video (social presence manipulation). The participant was asked and then required to answer questions. Experimenter eye-contact was either direct or averted. Additionally, the influence of participant self-reported autistic traits was also investigated. We found that regardless of whether the interaction was conducted live or via a video, participants frequently looked at the experimenter's face, and they did this more often when being asked a question than when answering. Critical differences in social attention between the live and video interactions were also observed. Modifications of experimenter eye contact influenced participants' eye movements in the live interaction only; and increased autistic traits were associated with less looking at the experimenter for video interactions only. We conclude that analysing patterns of eye-movements in response to strictly controlled video stimuli and natural real-world stimuli furthers the field's understanding of the factors that influence social attention.

Eye movement sequences-or scanpaths-vary depending on the stimulus characteristics and the task (Foulsham & Underwood Journal of Vision, 8(2), 6:1-17, 2008; Land, Mennie, & Rusted, Perception, 28, 1311-1328, 1999). Common methods for comparing scanpaths, however, are limited in their ability to capture both the spatial and temporal properties of which a scanpath consists. Here, we validated a new method for scanpath comparison based on geometric vectors, which compares scanpaths over multiple dimensions while retaining positional and sequential information (Jarodzka, Holmqvist, & Nyström, Symposium on Eye-Tracking Research and Applications (pp. 211-218), 2010). "MultiMatch" was tested in two experiments and pitted against ScanMatch (Cristino, Mathôt, Theeuwes, & Gilchrist, Behavior Research Methods, 42, 692-700, 2010), the most comprehensive adaptation of the popular Levenshtein method. In Experiment 1, we used synthetic data, demonstrating the greater sensitivity of MultiMatch to variations in spatial position. In Experiment 2, real eye movement recordings were taken from participants viewing sequences of dots, designed to elicit scanpath pairs with commonalities known to be problematic for algorithms (e.g., when one scanpath is shifted in locus or when fixations fall on either side of an AOI boundary). The results illustrate the advantages of a multidimensional approach, revealing how two scanpaths differ. For instance, if one scanpath is the reverse copy of another, the difference is in the direction but not the positions of fixations; or if a scanpath is scaled down, the difference is in the length of the saccadic vectors but not in the overall shape. As well as having enormous potential for any task in which consistency in eye movements is important (e.g., learning), MultiMatch is particularly relevant for "eye movements to nothing" in mental imagery and embodiment-of-cognition research, where satisfactory scanpath comparison algorithms are lacking.

How do people distribute their visual attention in the natural environment? We and our colleagues have usually addressed this question by showing pictures, photographs or videos of natural scenes under controlled conditions and recording participants' eye movements as they view them. In the present study, we investigated whether people distribute their gaze in the same way when they are immersed and moving in the world compared to when they view video clips taken from the perspective of a walker. Participants wore a mobile eye tracker while walking to buy a coffee, a trip that required a short walk outdoors through the university campus. They subsequently watched first-person videos of the walk in the lab. Our results focused on where people directed their eyes and their head, what objects were gazed at and when attention-grabbing items were selected. Eye movements were more centralised in the real world, and locations around the horizon were selected with head movements. Other pedestrians, the path, and objects in the distance were looked at often in both the lab and the real world. However, there were some subtle differences in how and when these items were selected. For example, pedestrians close to the walker were fixated more often when viewed on video than in the real world. These results provide a crucial test of the relationship between real behaviour and eye movements measured in the lab., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Social attention, or how spatial attention is allocated to biologically relevant stimuli, has typically been studied using simplistic paradigms that do not provide any opportunity for social interaction. To study social attention in a complex setting that affords social interaction, we measured participants' looking behavior as they were sitting in a waiting room, either in the presence of a confederate posing as another research participant, or in the presence of a videotape of the same confederate. Thus, the potential for social interaction existed only when the confederate was physically present. Although participants frequently looked at the videotaped confederate, they seldom turned toward or looked at the live confederate. Ratings of participants' social skills correlated with head turns to the live, but not videotaped, confederate. Our results demonstrate the importance of studying social attention within a social context, and suggest that the mere opportunity for social interaction can alter social attention.

When people view images, their saccades are predominantly horizontal and show a positively skewed distribution of amplitudes. How are these patterns affected by the information close to fixation and the features in the periphery? We recorded saccades while observers encoded a set of scenes with a gaze-contingent window at fixation: Features inside a rectangular (Experiment 1) or elliptical (Experiment 2) window were intact; peripheral background was masked completely or blurred. When the window was asymmetric, with more information preserved either horizontally or vertically, saccades tended to follow the information within the window, rather than exploring unseen regions, which runs counter to the idea that saccades function to maximize information gain on each fixation. Window shape also affected fixation and amplitude distributions, but horizontal windows had less of an impact. The findings suggest that saccades follow the features currently being processed and that normal vision samples these features from a horizontally elongated region.

In science, as in advertising, people often present information on a poster, yet little is known about attention during a poster session. A mobile eye-tracker was used to record participants' gaze during a mock poster session featuring a range of academic psychology posters. Participants spent the most time looking at introductions and conclusions. Larger posters were looked at for longer, as were posters rated more interesting (but not necessarily more aesthetically pleasing). Interestingly, gaze did not correlate with memory for poster details or liking, suggesting that attracting someone towards your poster may not be enough.

Models of eye movement control in natural scenes often distinguish between stimulus-driven processes (which guide the eyes to visually salient regions) and those based on task and object knowledge (which depend on expectations or identification of objects and scene gist). In the present investigation, the eye movements of a patient with visual agnosia were recorded while she searched for objects within photographs of natural scenes and compared to those made by students and age-matched controls. Agnosia is assumed to disrupt the top-down knowledge available in this task, and so may increase the reliance on bottom-up cues. The patient's deficit in object recognition was seen in poor search performance and inefficient scanning. The low-level saliency of target objects had an effect on responses in visual agnosia, and the most salient region in the scene was more likely to be fixated by the patient than by controls. An analysis of model-predicted saliency at fixation locations indicated a closer match between fixations and low-level saliency in agnosia than in controls. These findings are discussed in relation to saliency-map models and the balance between high and low-level factors in eye guidance.

While visual saliency may sometimes capture attention, the guidance of eye movements in search is often dominated by knowledge of the target. How is the search for an object influenced by the saliency of an adjacent distractor? Participants searched for a target amongst an array of objects, with distractor saliency having an effect on response time and on the speed at which targets were found. Saliency did not predict the order in which objects in target-absent trials were fixated. The within-target landing position was distributed around a modal position close to the centre of the object. Saliency did not affect this position, the latency of the initial saccade, or the likelihood of the distractor being fixated, suggesting that saliency affects the allocation of covert attention and not just eye movements.

Eye movements were recorded during the display of two images of a real-world scene that were inspected to determine whether they were the same or not (a comparative visual search task). In the displays where the pictures were different, one object had been changed, and this object was sometimes taken from another scene and was incongruent with the gist. The experiment established that incongruous objects attract eye fixations earlier than the congruous counterparts, but that this effect is not apparent until the picture has been displayed for several seconds. By controlling the visual saliency of the objects the experiment eliminates the possibility that the incongruency effect is dependent upon the conspicuity of the changed objects. A model of scene perception is suggested whereby attention is unnecessary for the partial recognition of an object that delivers sufficient information about its visual characteristics for the viewer to know that the object is improbable in that particular scene, and in which full identification requires foveal inspection.

Salience-map models have been taken to suggest that the locations of eye fixations are determined by the extent of the low-level discontinuities in an image. While such models have found some support, an increasing emphasis on the task viewers are performing implies that these models must combine with cognitive demands to describe how the eyes are guided efficiently. An experiment is reported in which eye movements to objects in photographs were examined while viewers performed a memory-encoding task or one of two search tasks. The objects depicted in the scenes had known salience ranks according to a popular model. Participants fixated higher-salience objects sooner and more often than lower-salience objects, but only when memorising scenes. This difference shows that salience-map models provide useful predictions even in complex scenes and late in viewing. However, salience had no effects when searching for a target defined by category or exemplar. The results suggest that salience maps are not used to guide the eyes in these tasks, that cognitive override by task demands can be total, and that modelling top-down search is important but may not be easily accomplished within a salience-map framework.

Regions of social importance (i.e., other people) attract attention in real world scenes, but it is unclear how automatic this bias is and how it might interact with other guidance factors. To investigate this, we recorded eye movements while participants were explicitly instructed to avoid looking at one of two objects in a scene (either a person or a non-social object). The results showed that, while participants could follow these instructions, they still made errors (especially on the first saccade). Crucially, there were about twice as many erroneous looks towards the person than there were towards the other object. This indicates that it is hard to suppress the prioritization of social information during scene viewing, with implications for how quickly and automatically this information is perceived and attended to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]