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Events such as Brexit have drawn attention to the precarity of contemporary migrants' settlement rights and reopened the debate on the nature of integration and assimilation processes. Drawing on participant observation and interviews with Italian and Bulgarian migrants in Brexit Britain, this article develops a novel approach for understanding migrants' changing relationships with their countries of settlement and their current and future practices. This approach builds on the sociology of emotions, which it extends to migration and diversity with a transnational sensibility. The approach is then applied to explain the different displays of emotion undertaken by our participants and their consequences. Overall, the article develops a new way to examine the subjective experiences of integration at times of change that is capable of offering important insights into the emotional costs of the neo-assimilationist climate characterising several western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first critically assesses the sociology of immigration and refugee studies and demonstrates that they have long ignored refugee adaptation. Immigration studies have focused on the assimilation of labor immigrants and their descendants in the Global North. Refugee studies have developed largely as a depoliticized humanitarian field with attention to refugees in the Global South. The paper, then, reveals the differences between immigrants and refugees in terms of networks, demography, mode of incorporation, and perceptions and argues that these differences result in dissimilar adaptation pathways. The paper finally points out that investigating refugee adaptation in the Global South can significantly modify existing assimilation/integration theories because of the blurry configurations of racial, ethnic, social, cultural, and religious boundaries between refugees and host societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine immigrant integration by analyzing how natives evaluate immigrants' character. Most literature examines how natives distinguish between immigrants with different levels of assimilation, which is best suited to identifying integration boundaries between different types of immigrants. We shift the analysis and examine the boundary between immigrants and natives, which measures integration by the extent to which immigrant status is relevant for character evaluations. We compare how natives respond to national insults that come from immigrants as opposed to natives. We focus on insulting the nation because it highlights the salience of national identity and clarifies the importance of group boundaries. We measure responses to national insults with vignette experiments from three original surveys in the United States. Our results are consistent with situationist theories of interpersonal interactions because they suggest that character evaluations are more dependent on the situational distinction between people who do and do not insult the nation than the demographic distinction between whether the insult comes from a native or immigrant. These findings have multiple implications for our understanding of national identity, immigrant integration, and immigrant‐native boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2 studies, we tested what we considered to be the core of Procter and Gamble™ (P&G™) latest branding strategy: making the association between its corporate brand and its product brands explicit. Participants were randomly assigned to one of the conditions: explicit association between P&G™ and one of its product brands and a control condition. Results from Study 1 showed a positive influence of the corporate brand on judgements of brand quality for Crest™. Similarly, results from Study 2 showed a positive influence of the corporate brand on judgements of brand quality and trust for Oral-B™. From a multidisciplinary perspective, we discussed the theoretical and applied implications of our results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposition to immigrant inclusion is often grounded in a “Latino threat” narrative that portrays Latino immigrants and their descendants as incapable of assimilation and “undeserving” of the benefits of citizenship. Are nativist reactions to this narrative strongest where immigrants are lagging behind in cultural assimilation, or where they are actually making the greatest gains? Two competing logics of status threat are tested through an analysis of county-level voting returns on California’s Proposition 227. Status politics theories predict higher antibilingual support where immigrants are failing to learn English. In contrast, the status devaluation argument leads to the counterintuitive prediction that support should be highest where language assimilation rates are high. Although we might expect that the claims of the Latino threat narrative would be least appealing where objective circumstances refute them, findings suggest that the resonance of such claims can be amplified in settings where they are furthest from the truth. The theoretical argument advanced helps explain why nativist policies continue to generate broad appeal at a time when immigrants are rapidly assimilating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the affirmative action programme based on Malay preferential policies has influenced the formation of ambiguous socio-cultural policies (incorporating Malay cultural dominance and the recognition of non-Malay cultural rights) that hinder the development of national integration. This study is conducted by analysing the relationship between Malay preferential policies and the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism. Because Malay preferential policies are logically incompatible with the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism, these policies influence the shaping of ambiguous socio-cultural policies. In addition, the direction of Malay preferential policies is examined by considering ethnic tensions regarding these policies and the government's efforts after the 2oo8 election. The government is confronting a dilemma and has not yet determined its direction. Malay preferential policies will not be abolished in the near future, and the nature of socio-cultural policies will remain ambiguous. Thus, a dramatic development of national integration cannot be expected in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the Indonesian state's unfavourable policies towards Chinese culture and religion, the free school run by the Semarang Confucian Society has survived across more than six decades. Its history from 1950 to 2010 serves as a case study of Chinese Indonesian adaptability. It also provides a vehicle for revisiting the debate of the late 1950s and early 1960s between "assimilationists" and "integrationists" over the position of Chinese in the Indonesian nation. The school's longevity was the result of its administrators' undertaking various measures to ensure not only that they would escape being penalized by the state for their Chinese ethnicity and religion but also that they would gain official acceptance for providing a valuable service to the Indonesian nation. Viewed from the perspective of today's more culturally inclusive Indonesia, the case of the Taman Kanak-kanak-Sekolah Dasar Kuncup Melati offers an example of both Chinese survival and Indonesian adaptability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adapts Robert Merton’s theory of coping with social strain to revisit the main paradigms in the literature of migrant adaptation. Intersecting this literature with Merton’s theory of coping with social strain and the ideas of emergence and resistance, the authors develop five new ideal types of migrant adaptation: (1) migrant conformity through straight-line assimilation; (2) migrant ritualism through multidirectional assimilation; (3) migrant retreatism through segmented assimilation; (4) migrant innovation through transnationalism; and (5) migrant rebellion through cosmopolitanism. The authors’ typology makes the point that migrant adaptation is a plural and ambiguous process, which needs to be understood and explained to identify the causes and effects of long-term migrant adaptation, integration or non-integration. The results show that these ideal types provide an explanation of how and why many of the paradigms on which the literature on migrant adaptation is based also lead to different forms of migrant non-adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the solidification of the discourse of integration of the Gypsy/Roma in the European press following the fall of Communism. A discourse analysis focuses on the British and Romanian press between 1990 and 2006, and it suggests that, in the midst of opening of EU borders and talks of a European Constitution, the idea and necessity of integration grew in political popularity as a means to peaceably alleviate interethnic conflict. However, the discourse of integration has continuously shifted between assimilationist voices and projects that attempt to change the Gypsy other into a non-Gypsy, on the one hand, and human rights-inspired defense and advocacy for the Roma, on the other. This article further suggests that the press does more than confirm stereotypes; instead, uncertainties, contradictions, and changes mark press writing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

1This article provides a detailed reconstruction of the processes leading to the formation of the widely influential Birmingham Agreed Syllabus of Religious Instruction (1975). This is contextualised within one of the most significant periods in the history of race relations in the United Kingdom. The authors discuss how this syllabus, and other landmark reforms in religious education (RE) in English schools from the late 1960s, responded to ethnic diversity by promoting supposedly culturally pluralist, multi-faith approaches to RE, which were subsequently perceived as eroding the Christian foundations of British/English national identity. They argue that the vilification of these curriculum reforms by culturally conservative critics was in fact based on an erroneous assessment of the extent to which these renounced the Christian hegemony of RE. They also critique the assumption that the religious clauses of the 1988 Education Reform Act represented a simple transition from culturally pluralist to assimilationist policies for the subject. 1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pacific region is one of the most culturally diverse areas of the world; societies within this region are also culturally diverse. For both these reasons, intercultural relations and acculturation phenomena are at the forefront of psychological interests there. This paper first situates these phenomena in their ecological and cultural contexts, in which human diversity and individual behaviour can be examined and understood as adaptations to these contexts. Then the notion of differentiation in psychological and sociocultural phenomena is discussed, linking them to the concept of social capital. The processes involved in acculturation and intercultural relations are then described, and linked to the concept of differentiation. The argument is presented (with an empirical example from research with immigrant youth) that the more differentiated are a person's psychological life, as well as their social and cultural engagements, then the better adapted they are to living interculturally. Suggestions for policy and programme development and implementation are made: these include advancing the multicultural way of living together, and of accepting the need for mutual accommodation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This literature review examines major theoretical frameworks utilized by sociologists in examining the processes by which immigrants are incorporated into a host society. Beginning with classical assimilation theory in the 1920s, theorists defined the incorporation process as a linear path for all immigrants, regardless of group characteristics or social context. The responsibility for change was placed solely on the immigrant group. By the 1960s, theorists had redefined assimilation to acknowledge different paths of integration influenced by interactions of immigrant group characteristics with the host society context. Modern theories branching from classic assimilation theory include segmented assimilation and spatial assimilation and theories focusing on ethnic group influences. The review concludes with implications for better understanding influences of interactions between human behavior and the social environment as they relate to immigrant populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection of essays probes the resonances of the sixtieth anniversary of some of France's overseas colonies gaining accession to full integration into the metropole as départements. This event stands out in that it marks the only occasion in European colonial history where colonies on the verge of transformation were integrated into the political structure of the former colonial power. The compound issues undergirding the ongoing departmental relationship suggest a hierarchical structure still predicated on neocolonial patterns of domination and submission, centre and periphery. From négritude through antillanité and créolité, the deployment of various discourses of resistance and identity has not foreclosed the large-scale displacement of French Caribbean subjects to France that followed departmentalization in 1946, resulting in new ethnic and community concentrations and a certain creolization of the metropole itself. It is the tensions arising from these intersections of integration, migration and difference that lead us to interrogate the ways in which this process of exchange produces an increasingly pluralized – and, perhaps, polarized – metropole and its problematization of French principles of universalism. Ce recueil se fixe comme objectif de mesurer la portée du soixantième anniversaire de l'accession de certaines anciennes colonies françaises au statut de départements d'outre-mer. Cet événement exceptionnel marque le seul cas de toute l'histoire européenne où des colonies, à l'aube même de l'ère de la décolonisation, soient intégrées dans la structure politique de l'ancien pouvoir colonial. Les problématiques complexes qui sous-tendent la relation départementale en cours signalent toutefois la persistance des binarismes néocoloniaux, opposant dominant et dominé, centre et périphérie, pour n'en citer que ces deux. Or différents discours identitaires allant de la négritude à l'antillanité et la créolité n'ont guère freiné le déplacement à grande échelle d'Antillais en métropole suite à la départementalisation de 1946. Ce phénomène démographique et sociopolitique a entraîné de nouvelles concentrations ethniques et communautaires au sein de la métropole qui ont eu comme effet de créoliser en quelque sorte le territoire national. Ce sont les retombées diverses et compliquées de cette migration qui nous interrogent: l'intégration doit-elle exclure la revendication de la différence, une métropole plurielle risque-t-elle la polarisation? Autant de questionnements qui problématisent la notion de l'universalisme à la française. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the consequences of the policy of assimilation applied in the French West Indies after the law of ‘ départementalisation’ was voted in 1946 in France. A reading of René Ménil's poetic and political works, demonstrates how assimilation amplifies the Antillean's estrangement within their cultural practices and everyday life. Faced with the impossibility of creating their own identity, the Antilleans mimic traditions and habits of the métropole, consequently denying their own traditions and habits. Indeed, after centuries of colonisation, Antillean society becomes once again entangled in the antagonisms that founded it. Through several texts, Ménil insists on the need, nowadays, for the Antillean subject to build specific traditions for Antillean society rather than mimicking Metropolitan France or looking for foundations of a mythological identity in the past. By arguing for economic and politic autonomy in the French West Indies, Ménil denounces the dangerous aftermaths of the law of ‘départementalisation’. Cet article analyse les conséquences de la politique d'assimilation appliquée dans les Antilles françaises suite à l'abrogation de la loi de départementalisation en 1946 en France. À travers l'oeuvre poétique et politique du penseur martiniquais René Ménil, l'assimilation apparaît comme favorisant l'aliénation de l'être antillais dans ses pratiques culturelles ainsi que dans sa vie quotidienne. Celui-ci, dans l'impossibilité de se créer une identité propre imite les moeurs et traditions de l'homme métropolitain au détriment des siennes. En effet, après des siècles de colonisation, la société antillaise se retrouve confrontée aux paradoxes qui en sont les fondations. Ménil insiste dans divers textes sur la nécessité pour l'être antillais non plus d'imiter, ou de chercher dans le passé une identité basée sur le mythe, mais de construire dans le présent des traditions caractéristiques de la société antillaise. Prônant une l'autonomie économique et politique dans les Antilles françaises, Ménil dénonce les effets pervers de la loi de départementalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between assimilation and the well-being of immigrant children has been the focus of debate in the recent sociological literature. Much of this work has questioned whether classical theories of immigrant adaptation, which assumed assimilation to be an integral part of the process of upward mobility for immigrants, are still applicable to today’s immigrant children. This study reevaluates the applicability of classical assimilation theory with a comprehensive empirical assessment of the relationship between assimilation and the well-being of Hispanic and Asian immigrant adolescents. Using Add Health data, we examine the effect of different aspects of assimilation on educational achievement, psychological well-being, and at-risk behaviors. We find that the effect of assimilation varies greatly depending on the ethnic group and outcome under consideration, but that it is generally related to both greater academic achievement and more at-risk behavior. We conclude that assimilation theory is still relevant, but suggest an interpretation that emphasizes a process of decreasing differences between groups rather than either detrimental or beneficial effects of assimilation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article analyzes how the forced removal of children from their families and communities, through the Commonwealth policy of assimilation in Australia, was indeed an external force of control that deprived indigenous children of culturally significant occupations. It outlines the three aspects of occupational deprivation which resulted from children being forcibly removed from their families: (1) in deprivation of a culturally significant social environment, (2) in spiritual deprivation of one's land and story, and (3) in deprivation of initiation processes.

'Community cohesion' is widely regarded as the 'new' framework governing race relations policy in the UK. It emerged in government discourse following the civil disturbances that occurred in several northern UK towns in 2001, and has rapidly become absorbed within local government and related organizations to replace previous attempts of multiculturalism. This paper examines several key characteristics of this agenda. In particular, I explore 'slippages' in language within and around discourses of 'community cohesion'. I demonstrate how `community' is central to the community cohesion agenda, and suggest that whilst the concept of 'community' is highly ambiguous, it has continuing resonance in New Labour policymaking. The concept of `community' has particular implications for processes of race and gender. Talking about 'communities' enables for language to become deracialized, whilst at the same time the language of community cohesion draws upon earlier discourses of assimilation through notions of 'integration'. The community cohesion agenda is also gendered, and as suggested in this paper, has specific implications for women and the construction of 'cultures'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the perceptions of Palestinians of Palestinian citizens of Israel serving in the various branches of the Israeli security apparatus. Contention of the author that they are perceived as traitors to their people and are socially marginalized; Claim of the author that explanations of soldiering represent much larger concerns about Palestinian-Israeli relationship and Israelization, measured in relation to a family-centered provider masculinity; Role of the state in shaping Palestinian discourses on masculinity and citizenship.