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Jake MacMillan, although by training and personal acclamation ‘first and foremost an organic chemist’, was one of the UK's most brilliant interdisciplinary scientists. A pioneer in the field of bioorganic chemistry, he was practising what we would now call synthetic biology 40 years before the term was coined. A young PhD student or post-doctoral research associate joining his group would mix with chemists, plant physiologists, fungal geneticists and enzymologists as well as being exposed to internationally leading natural product chemistry, advanced organic synthesis, mechanistic studies and state-of-the-art analytical methods, including emerging techniques such as gas chromatography–mass spectrometry. His multidisciplinary approach to tackling major problems at the chemistry–biology interface was undoubtedly influenced by his early research career working in the famed Butterfield (later Akers) Laboratory set up by ICI as a basic research establishment in the grounds of a Victorian house, The Frythe. There, he isolated and elucidated the structure of the important antifungal agent griseofulvin, before initiating his life-long interest in the gibberellins. These diterpenoid natural products were originally isolated as phytotoxic fungal metabolites, before their role as essential plant-growth regulators present in all higher plants was established. He moved to Bristol in 1963 to commence an academic career as a lecturer at the relatively advanced age of 39. He became the world authority on the chemistry, biosynthesis and biology of the gibberellins, rising through the academic ranks to be awarded a personal chair in 1978.

In this essay, the Rosh Hashanah Shofar service poems by the Jewish poet Yose ben Yose (fourth or fifth century CE, Land of Israel) are read through the lens of the Late Antique practice of acclamation. Yose's surviving body of works is limited, but he was influential within the Jewish tradition, and his poems have long been noted for their use of formal features such as fixed-word repetitions and refrains—features which align not only with poetic norms from the biblical period to Late Antiquity but also with the practice of acclamation. Jews attended (and performed in) the theater and games; they were familiar with rhetorical and oratorical training and related literary norms; and they were integrated socially, commercially, and politically into diverse and varied communities. The affinity of Jewish liturgical poetry from antiquity for other forms of poetic composition reflects Jews’ general embeddedness in Late Ancient culture. Reading Yose's poetry as shaped by the conventions of acclamation highlights how Yose and his congregants were not only distinctly Jewish but also thoroughly Roman.

The tone of our times is so unremittingly dystopian that the publication amidst widespread acclamation of a consciously utopian programme must surely be welcome. Coming on the heels of Frederic Jam...

In this paper, eleven new inscriptions are presented, which were found between 1981 and 2017 at Assos in the southern Troad, Asia Minor. Funerary inscriptions that can be dated to the Late Antique and Byzantine periods constitute the majority of the inscriptions found during the period defined above. The first inscription, carved on a lintel, is an acclamation of the Lord/ Emmanouel. The personal name Chrysogonos in the second inscription may have been the name of a stonecutter who worked in the quarry. The third inscription is the epitaph of the gravediggers of the Orthodox “Great Church”. By the phrase “Great Church” (μεγάλη ἐκκλησία), a cathedral must have been intended, located inside the city or its immediate surroundings. The fourth inscription presented here is the sarcophagus inscription of the heirs of an individual called Daniel. The fifthis the sarcophagus inscription of Theoktistos. The inscriptions nos. 6-10 from the oor of Ayazma Church include several sarcophagus inscriptions: No. 6 is of Bas(s)os, no. 7 is of Eutychianos, and no. 8 is of Onesimos, whose father’s name is uncertain due to a crack and damage on the surface of the stone. No. 9 is the sarcophagus of presbyter Anastasios, and no. 10 is the sarcophagus of Eugenios. The eleventh inscription is a fragmentary sarcophagus inscription.

The wall paintings from Dura Europos synagogue are the earliest surviving biblical narrative cycle in ancient Jewish art. The Dura Europos synagogue has been the focal point of numerous studies and scholarly research since it was discovered in 1932 by a group of archaeologists from Yale University. The synagogue was rebuilt and enlarged in about 244/245 CE, and six years later the wall of the House of Assembly were covered with unique paintings. The most of them were drawn from the Hebrew Bible and include many narrative scenes like the Sacrifice of Isaac; Samuel anointing David; the visions of Ezekiel; the infancy of Moses, and some single figure "portraits" like Moses with a scroll. The Purim miracle, depicting the triumph of Mordecai and Esther, located in the center of the western wall, near the Torah shrine, is one of the most distinctive paintings from this synagogue.The composition of the Purim panel includes several scenes from the Book of Esther. The first episode, occupying the left side of the panel, presents Mordecai in Iranian royal robes riding triumphantly through the streets of Susa, which is led by his enemy Haman. Next to them, a group of four unidentified men in typical Greek dress is standing with their hands raised in a gesture of acclamation. On the right side, King Ahasuerus and Queen Esther are shown in Persian attire sitting on a separate thrones with their courtiers. One of them appears in front of the king holding a letter in his hand. This rolled document indicates the narrative’s diversion of the Purim story and it can be particularly useful in understanding the entire panel. Most of the interpretations deal with their iconographic and stylistic origins. The paintings have been read as decorative or liturgical elements of a building executed by a local Jewish community. Located between Damascus and Bagdad, Dura-Europos was a Hellenistic, Parthian and Roman border city founded on the right bank of the Euphrates River. The Jewish quarter of Dura dates to the early Parthian period, but the prosperity of the community belongs to the Roman presence in the city when the synagogue was enlarged and decorated. The Purim panel reflects the political situation and the hopes of the Jews of Dura Europos.

This essay intends to study some points of the Divine Comedy and its author, through the perspective of the Italian philosopher and literary critic Giorgio Agamben, and also, how he creates rhizomes among his texts using as object of study the Florentine poet. Being one of the most studied poems in different academic areas, the Dante an chants pass through time and remain updated and active not only in re-readings of poetic productions, but also in the eyes of scholars like Agamben. The literary critic presents a compilation of several texts, in a study differentiated from Dante's poetry with books like Estancias e Categorie Italiane. Agamben approaches the question of the meaning of poetry and how it can be decisive for poetic construction, as well as the conceptualization of enjambement; re-think about the title of Comedy; brings the understanding of the contemporaneity of the poets, especially Dante, and goes deeper into the theological foundations of politics to think about the question of acclamation as the center of political devices.

Raghupati Sahay was a renowned poet in Urdu literary canon who received critical acclamation in his lifetime. Loneliness and constant search for beauty are repeating themes in his verses that made him a popular poet of Urdu literature in India and abroad. He profoundly felt that he was separated from beauty in reality and this could be a reason for him to take the word, ‘Firaq’ which means ‘separation/quest’ as his takhallus or penname. Firaq is a rare poetic personality who could direct his disappointment in life into creative channels. Despite his short temper, a major flaw in his personality, Firaq carved a permanent place for himself in Urdu Literary Canon with his literary efforts. His poetic journey becomes significant in the light of the setbacks in his personal life and his short temper which was his biggest weakness. Firaq Gorakhpuri like his predecessors Mir Taki Mir, Ghalib, Miraji, and contemporary poets Jigar Moradabadi and Majaz Lucknowi achieved significant critical esteem in his quest for beauty. This article briefly studies the path taken by this eminent poetic personality in achieving lifetime recognition in Urdu literary canon.

Esbjorn Jorsater, a Swedish comics teacher, invited the children and grandchildren of refugees and other immigrants in Sweden to tell the life story of a parent or grandparent. The narrative was to be in the form of a “heroic journey,” a classic story form where the protagonist awakens to a challenge, confronts a monster, and returns to acclamation (as depicted in popular films such as Star Wars or Harry Potter). The social impact of the project was dramatic: from viewing their parents as something of an embarrassment—all too common a perspective among the children of immigrants—many students came to see them as heroes.

The Uffizi in Florence and the Castel Sforzesco in Milan each possess one panel of a consular diptych that identifies its honorand as follows: Anicius Faustus Albinus Basilius v(ir) c(larissimus) et inl(ustris) ex com(ite) dom(esticorum) pat(ricius) cons(ul) ord(inarius). The offices and titles listed are: ex-count of the domestics, patrician and ordinary consul. The top register of the front (Florence) panel shows Basilius in full consular regalia holding mappa and cross-surmounted sceptre, with Roma to his left placing one hand on his right shoulder; the lower register shows racing chariots, a scene from his consular games (fig. 1). In contrast to this thoroughly conventional iconography, that of the rear (Milan) panel is unique (fig. 2): a winged victory seated above a spread eagle, holding up a shield that bears the consul’s portrait together with an acclamation no less unique: bono rei public(a)e et iterum (‘for the good of the state again’).

Representations of the Adoration of the Cross usually show the cross flanked by saints or angels, making up an imperial composition. I will concentrate on two groups of Adoration by Peter and Paul that directly and indirectly relate to Jerusalem. The first has an elevated Christogram as the object of veneration. Made in Rome in the second half of the fourth century, it may have been associated with the Apparition of the Cross reported by Cyril of Jerusalem in 351. The second, with an acclamation of a monumental cross, is an example of the decorated portable Palestinian art of the sixth and seventh centuries. I will argue that the two variations of a cross as the focus of a Herrscherbild composition reflect adoration and veneration of a place with a significant local memory of past history.

Looking at recent and historic audiences, this article investigates the possibilities of participation in theatres which are provided by the synchronizing potential of applause. Applause is a negotiation of acknowledging and estimating a performance (in the sense of its success), and it is being produced by and authenticated through gestures. It is aimed at an object, an accomplishment, a performance, and at the same time at all the others who constitute an audience in that very moment of acclamation or disapproval. The article asks about the individual and/or collective quality of this action, being an expression of enthusiasm and a way of collective recognition with a collectivizing effect, especially effective in an organized form of clapping in 19th century Paris: the claque. Doing so, it becomes clear in how far the work spectators and listeners do is being subjected to a similar process of differentiation and refinement as the one the performers go through. Proposing to investigate a historically es...

In his article "Why Fantasy Matters Too Much" Jack Zipes proposes that fantasy in contemporary culture functions as a celebrity and money-making machine. Fantasy mobilizes and instrumentalizes the fantastic to form and celebrates spectacles as illusions of social relations based on power. Thus, spectacles violate and drain our imagination by glorifying social relations of power made spectacular and involve the magic of fetishism. Generally, the results bring about delusion and acclamation of particular sets of social relations that are commodified, sold, and consumed. We acclaim commodities that we do not know and products not of our own making we consume mentally and physically. We reproduce images consciously and unconsciously not of our own making. The media and the corporate world occupy our psyches and manipulate our fantasies even when we dream. Our relations are mediated through the spectacle of fantasy and the fantastic spectacle and through fetish abetted by the latest technology that connects us while disconnecting us from our minds and feelings. Simultaneously, we seek to project our desires in the form of fantasies onto reality and endeavor to occupy a space in which our most profound wishes and desires can be realized. We seek cognition and recognition. In each instance -- in the tension between corporate determination of the fantastic and individual projection of desire -- we seem to anchor our understanding of reality in artworks dependent on the fantastic such as the Bible and fairy tales.

On November 11, 1997 , the 186 States UNESCO members approved unanimously and by acclamation at the 29th Conference General the Universal Declaration on Human Genome and Human Rights, after four years of work of the Legal Commission International Bioethics Committee ( IBC) chaired by prof. Dr. Hector Gros Espiell , Ambassador and Permanent Delegate of Uruguay to UNESCO. The CIB is chaired turn by Mme . No elle Lenoir , Council Constitution of France, and in it were two Spaniards Gonzalo Herranz teachers and Jose Maria Mato .

The spoken word is of eminent importance for most rituals. Ritual speech normally is highly formulaic and symbolic, whereas in the context of ceremonies words unfold an even greater power than in everyday communication. This chapter investigates the semantic shift that words of special significance for certain imperial rituals underwent, and analyses the meaning of the rituals concerned, which was also changed as a consequence. It examines closely the concept of phthonos , which occurs in several imperial acclamations in similar ceremonial contexts. The author has chosen the imperial acclamation at the iconoclastic Council of Hieria, because this is the latest occurrence of the word phthonos in the context of an imperial acclamation. The investigation of the meaning of phthonos in the context of imperial acclamations also demonstrates how Byzantine attitudes about dangerous supernatural powers threatening the emperor and the empire itself are reflected in imperial ceremonies. Keywords: Byzantine text; council of Hieria; imperial ceremonies; phthonos ; ritual speech

Submitted by Guilherme Lemeszenski (guilherme@nead.unesp.br) on 2013-08-22T18:58:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 S0103-21862012000200006.pdf: 267863 bytes, checksum: d3d9a73f74b13031427966ac3553dc03 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-22T18:58:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 S0103-21862012000200006.pdf: 267863 bytes, checksum: d3d9a73f74b13031427966ac3553dc03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-01 Made available in DSpace on 2013-09-30T19:54:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 S0103-21862012000200006.pdf: 267863 bytes, checksum: d3d9a73f74b13031427966ac3553dc03 (MD5) S0103-21862012000200006.pdf.txt: 66747 bytes, checksum: d73afba8e43a19d8012c41eb04319c63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-01 Submitted by Vitor Silverio Rodrigues (vitorsrodrigues@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2014-05-20T13:22:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 S0103-21862012000200006.pdf: 267863 bytes, checksum: d3d9a73f74b13031427966ac3553dc03 (MD5) S0103-21862012000200006.pdf.txt: 66747 bytes, checksum: d73afba8e43a19d8012c41eb04319c63 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-20T13:22:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 S0103-21862012000200006.pdf: 267863 bytes, checksum: d3d9a73f74b13031427966ac3553dc03 (MD5) S0103-21862012000200006.pdf.txt: 66747 bytes, checksum: d73afba8e43a19d8012c41eb04319c63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-01 Dans cet article on examinera les cérémonies d'acclamation du roi D. João VI qui ont eu lieu à Tejuco en 1818. Le décodage de la riche variété d'images esthétiques présente dans ces célébrations peut être une stratégie privilégiée pour comprendre la création, à ce moment-là, des mythes qui donneraient soutien et orientation au projet d'affirmation du prestige politique du roi et à la consolidation de sa domination sur la région et sur tout le territoire brésilien. on analysera en particulier le conflit de mémoires entre la signification symbolique de la célébration et la révolte du peuple de Minas contre l'exploitation coloniale portugaise qui avait éclaté dans la région environ trois décennies avant. Neste artigo pretendemos estudar as cerimônias de aclamação do rei D. João VI ocorridas em Tejuco em 1818. A decodificação do rico arsenal de figurações estéticas encontradas naquelas celebrações pode se constituir em estratégia privilegiada para o entendimento da criação, naquele momento, de mitos que dariam sustentação e direção aos objetivos de afirmação do prestígio político do rei e de consolidação de seu domínio sobre aquela região e sobre todo o território brasileiro. Exploraremos aqui sobretudo o conflito de memórias entre os significados simbólicos das celebrações ocorridas em Minas e a revolta da população contra a exploração colonial portuguesa ocorrida cerca de três décadas antes na região. In this article we want to study the ceremonies of acclamation of king John VI that took place in Tejuco in 1818. The decoding of the rich array of aesthetic images found in those celebrations may be a privileged strategy to the understand of the creation, at that moment, of the myths that would support and direct the affirmation of the political prestige of the king and the consolidation of his domain on the region and on the whole Brazilian territory. We will explore here especially the conflict of memories between the symbolic meanings of the celebrations that occurred in Minas and the revolt of the people against the Portuguese colonial exploitation that had occurred about three decades before in the region. Unesp Departamento de História Unesp Departamento de História

One of the more startling aspects of the conciliar acts is the regular recording of acclamations. To a modern reader, they appear intrusive and inappropriate, not least because in modern writing-based societies, cheering and shouting by groups has become increasingly marginalized: it is associated with disorder and disruption, even if it has an established role in certain situations, such as sporting events. This sense of what is appropriate is also influenced by a modern belief in the value of individual commitment. To a modern reader, the statements attributed to the individual bishops seem more significant than the ‘shouts’ of the group as a whole. But in a pre-individual society, such shouts have a very different significance. Acclamations can be found throughout the ancient Near East, and in both the Jewish and the Graeco-Roman tradition. Their primary function must be one of communication in a non-literate form. In both cultures they seem to be closely associated with religious practice. When the people of Ephesus were being encouraged to oppose the Christian apostle Paul, the crowd in the theatre was encouraged to shout the cult acclamation ‘Great is Artemis of the Ephesians’. This will have been a familiar chant from their normal religious ceremonies; it is therefore understandable that they proceeded to repeat the acclamation over a period of two hours.

In the dedicatory epistle to John Wilmot, second Earl of Rochester in Love in the Dark (1675), Francis Fane praises the earl for his intellectual prowess that so properly balances “judgment and fancy” in the “highest degree that ever was allow’d the Soul of Man.”1 Fane’s acclamation of Rochester goes on to distinguish him as one of the lights of knowledge for their time, placing him on par with Bacon: “What was favorably said of my Lord Bacon in his time, may much more justly be affirmed of your Lordship, in yours; that if ever there were a beam of Knowledge, immediately deriv’d from God, upon any Man, since Creation, there is one upon yourself.”2 Part of what may be interpreted from the comparison Fane offers is the venerable position Bacon came to hold for the intelligentsia during the Restoration. With the formation of such scientific organizations as the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Club and later the Royal Society, Baconianism formed the foundation of the prevailing intellectual tenor during both the Interregnum and the Restoration. Although he did not produce the scientific treatises that Bacon did, Rochester’s conversations with Fane must have left such an impression as to suggest his more than passing familiarity with the tenets of Baconianism: Fane cites the “charming and instructive conversations” with Rochester as having “improv’d” him “in all those Sciences that ever I coveted knowledge of.”3

Contemporary Italian scholarship has matched up Italo Calvino with a number of Italian writers of his time: Cesare Pavese, Elio Vittorini, Franco Fortini, Leonardo Sciascia, Carlo Emilio Gadda, Pier Paolo Pasolini, and even Benedetto Croce, to name just a few. The same cannot be said of Primo Levi: both during his lifetime and after his death Levi cut a solitary figure in the current critical and scholarly discourse—let alone in the eye of the common reader—standing out as unique and extraordinary within the Italian literary scene. An anomalous author who is considered an “outsider to literature,” Levi is unique because of his overtly claimed “hybrid” and amphibious nature: witness to the Holocaust, but also professional writer of fiction; writer and poet, but also chemist and scientist; Jew, but also Italian—and one might go on with a fairly lengthy list of oxymora very familiar to every scholar of Levi. His appartatezza in the literary establishment during his lifetime had as a consequence his belated and posthumous acclamation as a full-fledged writer by most Italian literary critics. His “uniqueness” among the established classics of the Italian literary canon is still reflected by his uncertain position as outsider in current textbooks and general Italian reference works on the Italian Novecento.

Cette communication traite des regalia et des cérémonies du Royaume-Uni. Elle commence par un bref rappel du sort qui fut réservé aux regalia gallois et écossais lors de la conquête de ces pays par le roi Édouard Ier d’Angleterre, avant d’évoquer l'histoire des regalia et des cérémonies d’Écosse après le retour de l’indépendance. La cérémonie du couronnement en Angleterre a évolué pendant mille ans, depuis l’élection et l’acclamation du roi par ses guerriers, et a été modifiée par l’acceptation de la succession par primogéniture et l’introduction de l’onction du souverain sous l’influence de la religion chrétienne, rendant ainsi la personne du roi sacrée. L’évolution ultérieure de la cérémonie du couronnement en Angleterre, et après 1706 au Royaume-Uni, sera évoquée. Les regalia étaient à l’origine personnels au souverain mais un ensemble de regalia conservés à l’abbaye de Westminster étaient censés avoir été laissés à l’abbaye par le roi Édouard le Confesseur pour servir aux couronnements futurs. Les regalia utilisés par la suite, jusqu’à leur destruction par le Commonwealth après le renversement de la monarchie en 1649, portaient le nom de « regalia de saint Édouard ». Un nouvel ensemble de regalia fut réalisé après la restauration de la monarchie en 1661 : les principaux joyaux de la Couronne seront présentés ici. La communication finit par une brève description de la cérémonie d’ouverture du Parlement et cite les autres cérémonies auxquelles le souverain assistait à la Chambre des Pairs. Les cérémonies du couronnement et de l’ouverture du Parlement ont très peu changé au cours de ces cinq cents dernières années, avec un brève interruption durant le Commonwealth. This paper discusses the regalia and ceremonies of the United Kingdom, starting with a brief reference to the fate of the Welsh and Scottish regalia at the time of the Edwardian conquest, followed by the history of the Scottish regalia and ceremonies after the return of independence. The coronation ceremony in England evolved over one thousand years, from the election and acclamation of a king by his warriors, and was modified by the acceptance of succession by primogeniture and the introduction of the anointing of the sovereign under the influence of Christianity, making his person sacred. The subsequent evolution of the coronation ceremony in England, and after 1706 the United Kingdom, is reviewed. At first, regalia were personal, but a set of regalia kept at Westminster Abbey was claimed to have been deposited there by Edward the Confessor to serve for the coronation of future kings, and the regalia used subsequently until their destruction by the Commonwealth, after the overthrow of the monarchy in 1649, were called Saint Edward’s regalia. A new set of regalia were made after the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, and the principal items of the Crown jewels are reviewed. This paper ends with a short discussion of the ceremony of the opening of Parliament, and finally mentions the other ceremonies at which the sovereign was present in the House of Lords. The history of both the coronation ceremony and the opening of Parliament shows a large degree of continuity, for at least the last five hundred years, with a brief interval during the Commonwealth.

This chapter discusses the Greco-Roman concepts of deity, or the meaning of e ς, of the first century in order to ascertain what Paul's readers would have understood when he wrote about God. It describes a statue to give a pictorial rendering from Rome about the associated cult while also reflecting the theology of the people. It looks at how the various myths of Rome shape what the people believed about the nature of the gods, the issue of worship, the idea of triads, and the questions surrounding salvation. Upon Capitoline Hill was the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. In borrowing from other cultures, cults sprang up around various patrons at various times, usually dedicated to specific deities. The Roman Imperial Cult grew quickly outside of Rome itself since it was an outlet for displays of loyalty to or acclamation of the current ruler of Rome or the favored dynasty. Keywords:Capitoline Hill; deity; God; Greco-Roman concepts; Jupiter Optimus Maximus; Paul; Roman Imperial Cult

La Trilogie des dragons, conceived and produced under the direction of Robert Lepage, has received national and international acclaim. This analysis of the six-hour version of the production examines how Lepage departs from traditional explorations of cultural communities. In a strikingly flexible playing space the production elicits an intertextual discourse among the disparate texts connoting ethnic experience. Superimposed on a simple narrative exploring the lives of two Quebecois women is a metatext which questions the validity of narrow, highly individualized, artistic portrayals of multiculturalism. The mise en scene embodies archaeological inquiry into the physical artifacts of a population; the predominantly non-verbal text encourages a reconsideration of the primacy of written documents as a way of creating meaning; the use of three languages within the course of the production challenges the emphasis placed on linguistic compatibility between stage and audience; and the theatricality highlights, simultaneously, cultural stereotypes and their appropriation into a new context. La Trilogie des dragons, concue par Robert Lepage et produite sous sa direction, a connu une acclamation tant nationale qu'internationale. Cet article examine la version integrale de six heures en y etudiant le decalage qui la separe des presentations traditionnelles de communautes culturelles au theâtre. Dans un espace remarquablement polyvalent, la piece encourage un discours intertextuel entre des textes disparates signifiant l'experience d'ethnicite. Superimpose sur le recit simple de la vie de deux Quebecoises se revele un meta-texte qui interroge la validite des representations traditionnelles du multiculturalisme - etroites, artistiques, et fort subjectives. La mise en scene expose par le biais de fouilles archeologiques les restes d'une population; le texte, essentiellement non-verbal, encourage une remise en cause de la primaute du document ecrit comme moyen de recreer la signification; l'emploi de trois langues met en doute le principe de compatibilite entre scene et spectateur; et la theâtralite souligne simultanement des stereotypes culturels et leur appropriation dans un contexte nouveau.

This chapter concentrates on one specific aspect of the impact of crises on the Roman Empire: the birth of the 'ritual of accession'. This phenomenon is best understandable in relation to specific functions of courts' rituals in different societies throughout history. The prime function of rituals was to create stability in crises of power; this purpose could be obtained through symbolic gestures and well defined formulas, through orderly interaction between various social groups, controlled by precise regulations on behaviour. The chapter also concentrates on three peculiar aspects of the ritual of accession. First, the role of the acclamation as Imperator and of the formulaic acclamations. Second, the relations between acclamations, places, and social groups taking part in the ritual of assumption of power, and finally the real and symbolic significance of the places in the ritual procedure. Keywords: accession; crises; ritual; Roman Empire

In 1507 and again in 1508 the court of King James IV of Scotland mounted a tournament of the wild knight and the black lady. Surviving accounts of these splendid occasions constitute a rare record of the representation of African women in the early modern period. We know that the king was outfitted in black and gold, from his doublet and hood to the weapons he carried and possibly later presented as prizes. His attendants may even have worn silver and gilt horns as part of their costumes, and ridden contraptions rigged up to look like wild beasts. Mounted during a period when James was attempting to pacify the Gaelic Scots of the Highlands, the tournament of the wild knight performed for court consumption a kind of flirtation with the cultural notion of wildness. As the wild knight who wins the black lady and then reveals himself as the king, James symbolically crosses out of the self-consciously civilized and magnificent precincts of his court at Edinburgh, secures a prize from outside the borders of that court through at least partial symbolic appropriation of the tools of the unknown, and then returns home to the admiration and acclamation of his subjects. This notion of voyaging outward and then returning with knowledge of and booty from the outside gains significance from the position of the black lady as the prize to be won.

This paper presents a new analysis of Alexander the Great's journey to Siwah. I conclude that Callisthenes' fragmentary account of the episode is better than other sources; that the Vulgate account of Alexander's acclamation as "son of Ammon" in a greeting is a fiction of Cleitarchus and that Alexander was acclaimed as son of Ammon in response to a specific question to the high priest.

iat, fiat, vivat rex!" With this acclamation the clergy and laity acknowledge the king presented to them at the opening of the English coronation ceremony in its fourteenth-century 150 version, that of the fourth and for practical purposes the last Latin recension. The three-fold beat of the acclamation, with the weightiest formula at the end, corresponds to the frequent if not normal form of acclamations,l which appear in the liturgy in such items as the Kyrie, whose last musical phrase is conventionally the longest, and the Laudes. The first recension of the coronation ceremony, dating from before the year 1ooo,2 includes recognition of the monarch with a similar formula near the end of the service: Et dicat omnis populus tribus vicibus cum episcopis et presbyteris "Vivat rex N. [or ille] in sempiternum."3

By all accounts the premiere of Puccini'sMadama Butterflyat the Metropolitan Opera on 11 February 1907 was a triumphant success, with the presence of the composer adding special lustre to the brilliant performance of a distinguished cast. Amidst the general acclamation, however, a foreign visitor named Jihei Hashiguchi raised a dissenting voice in a letter to a local newspaper:I can say nothing for the music ofMadama butterfly. Western music is too complicated for a Japanese. Even Caruso' celebrated singing does not appeal very much more than the barking of a dog in faraway woods.

TWELFTH imperatorial acclamation has been attributed to Septimius Severus in a considerable number of inscriptions but almost never appears on his coins.' An aureus in Copenhagen bearing "IMP XII" was judged by Pink to have been struck from a die which was incorrectly engraved.2 But another coin bearing this very title came into the possession of the Museum of the American Numismatic Society a few years ago, when the portion of the E. P. Robinson Collection consisting of bronze pieces was purchased by the Society. This piece is a sestertius (pl. XL, A), which we describe below

Legend has it that even in the modern world the holy lance of the mediaeval Roman Empire has played a significant role in reflecting the concepts of men. It has been reported that in 1914 the German Emperor Wilhelm II, as “Emperor of the World,” wished to have a reconstruction of the labarum of Constantine, as a symbol of dominion in the East, and a copy of the holy lance, as a symbol of dominion in the West, carried before him under the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. In England in 1960 another legend arose which reported that in 1938, on the evening of Hitler's entry into Vienna, the holy lance was brought before the German Chancellor with the acclamation “Mein Fuhrer! Der Schicksalspeer.” During the height of the battles of the Second World War, Hitler supposedly had the sacred object brought to his personal headquarters as a talisman of victory, and when the tide turned against the Nazis he ordered it buried near Nuremberg where the American troops, according to this story recovered it. Lord Glentanar is re...

Kαλós in acclamation has a continuous life throughout Hellenic, Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine times. The history belongs, for the most part, to the fields of ancient pagan culture, with Christian materials accruing to its later stages. The interest of the following study, for the author at all events, has lain as much in the subject-matter itself as in inferences that may be drawn from it. Readers bent on the severe pursuit of a thesis will not find it here.

On November 20, 1681 the cathedral bell of Lima announced the official arrival of the new Viceroy of Peru, Don Melchor de Navarra y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata. The streets were decked with bunting and flowers and many people crowded windows and balconies to catch a glimpse of the new Viceroy. Palata, astride a white horse, led a procession of town councilmen, lancers, footmen, and coaches through the capital to the main plaza. There he was greeted by an artillery salute that shook the entire city. Thanking the officials who had accompanied him, Palata entered the viceregal palace and appeared at a window to the acclamation of the multitude.

La muerte del rey D. Fernando de Portugal en octubre 1383 sin herederos varones abrió una crisis de sucesión. A pesar de los estudios sobre la composición de las facciones que se formaron en torno a los diferentes pretendientes al trono, en particular sobre la participación de los municipios y de la nobleza, hay pocas contribuciones sobre la participación del clero en el conflicto. Una cuestión importante, ya que el carácter religioso del poder real seguía siendo uno de los temas centrales en la legitimidad de reyes y dinastías, sobre todo en un período marcado por el Cisma de la Iglesia Católica. Por lo tanto, a partir de la lista de firmantes del auto de aclamación de João I en las cortes de Coimbra de 1385, nuestra intención es analizar la participación del clero português en la lucha por el trono, identificar a los miembros de la jerarquía de la iglesia que han apoyado cada una de las facciones, las razones de estos posicionamientos y posteriores consecuencias en sus carreras políticas y eclesiásticas.

The scene under consideration has been interpreted by E. H. Kantorowicz—erroneously, it seems to me—as the Advent of the Kyrios.1

The tradition of the ‘triumphal’ entry plays a crucial role in the Markan scheme. The confession of Jesus as messiah in 8:27–30 had followed a miracle on a blind man (8: 22–6) and had led immediately into a complex of material (8:31 to 10:45) structured by three sayings about the suffering Son of man (8: 31–3; 9: 30–2; 10: 32–4) and several ensuing traditions about discipleship. With 10:46–52 the journey to Jerusalem has reached Jericho where there occurs a further miracle on a blind man. This tradition is clamped to the following tradition of the entry quite unmistakably: in both ‘the way’ is mentioned (10:46, 52; 11:8), in both Jesus is acclaimed in Davidic terms (10: 47f; 11: 10), in both there is a ἱμάτιoν reference (10: 50; 11:71), in both the theme of salvation is prominent (10:52; 11:9), and significantly in both acclamation and following are joined (10: 52; 11:9). Consequently it appears that the Markan plan is to link 11: 1–10 with 10:46–52 in much the same way as 8: 27–30 is linked with 8: 22–6. The ‘triumphal’ entry, therefore, matches the confession and has to do with the disclosure of Jesus's identity and status. This Markan presentation of the entry into Jerusalem by the one who has already effected a victory is precisely what permits a classification of the story as such. For there is already in existence a family of stories detailing the celebratory entry to a city by a hero figure who has previously achieved his triumph.

The supremacy of San ("Bushman") rock paintings and engravings among the graphic arts of preliterate peoples is today virtually beyond dispute. Recent discoveries have shown them to have an unexpected antiquity, and, more important, they rank among the best-understood "primitive" arts. These points establish the unique status of this sophisticated art, not only as a source of pleasure and wonder for Western viewers but as a whole field of insight into numerous issues that have puzzled archaeologists and anthropologists. The reasons for the undervaluing of San art in the past, and indeed in the present too, are largely historical. When the first copies of San art were published by Alexander in 1838, the Western world was not ready to appreciate them. In the final decade of the same century the artistic climate began to change. Gauguin rejected Western culture and went to Tahiti, later moving to the Marquesas Islands where even fewer Europeans lived. Others followed his example either by emigrating or by imitating primitive forms, and the primitivist movement was launched. African art, especially, was discovered, and through Picasso, Matisse, Braque, and others, its impact on Western art was considerable. The publication in 1909 of Helen Tongue's copies of San paintings therefore came at a more propitious time than Alexander's, and art critic Roger Fry, in a laudatory review of her portfolio, remarked that "the study of these drawings can hardly fail to be of profound interest." Had Fry known some of the masterpieces that have come to light since then, his acclamation would have been even greater. It is therefore curious that this art is not

R 5 ECENT republication by the Library of America of Francis Parkman's historical works prompts reconsideration of their value as history.1 As the histories had not gone out of print-Books in Print lists several editions for scholars-publication by the Library of America is intended to revive Parkman for the general reading public. A question may therefore be raised: what is the merit of this intention? It is a heretical, almost sacrilegious, question to ask in the midst of general acclamation of the author and his works. Reviewers of this new edition echo the praise lavished on Parkman from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. "This is our great national epic," writes Robert J. Taylor in the Boston Globe.2 In the New York Times C. Vann Woodward acknowledges that Parkman held strong biases but concludes that he was "touched with greatness. So were his writings." Woodward waves aside adverse criticism as merely fashionable.3 In the New York Review of Books William R. Taylor finds it "hard to explain the extraordinary power these histories still retain.... [W]e are caught up in them afresh."4 I am ruefully reminded that my article critical of Parkman, submitted to Ethnohistory in I959, was rejected because it was "beating a

author, opened at the Columbia Theater in Washington, D.C. Entitled The Melting Pot,' it told the story of David Quixano, a Jewish immigrant who came to the United States after his family was slaughtered in a Russian pogrom. During the course of the play, David writes a great symphony and falls in love with a Russian Christian noblewoman. In the final scene the symphony receives great acclamation, and David wins Vera for himself. The opening night audience responded enthusiastically to the play. According to Mrs. Zangwill, the opening was a great success, and the theater manager told her husband, "'It's the hell of a success for you.' " There were cries for Zangwill after every scene, and President Roosevelt himself joined in the applause. During the play he sat next to Mrs. Zangwill "and positively raved." When Zangwill took his bows afterward, "the President shouted across the theater, 'that's a great play, Mr. Zangwill.' "2 This warm reception suggests that The Melting Pot presented a picture that was attractive to many Americans. Throughout the drama David argues that the United States is a land of universal love and brotherhood. He sees it as a place in which the divisions among men will soon disappear. Early in the first act he proclaims America to be "God's Crucible, the great Melting Pot, where all the races of Europe are melting and re-forming!" At Ellis Island, he says, they stand in fifty groups with as many languages and histories, as many hatreds and rivalries. But the immigrants will change, for they have come to the fires of God. "A fig for your feuds and vendettas! Germans and Frenchmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, Jews and Russiansinto the Crucible with you all! God is making the American." David reiterates this vision in the play's final scene. Gazing over a brilliant