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What does translation become if we uncouple language from culture and link language to perception and experience of the land? What would happen to translation if the culture concept was not the starting point for theorizing? In order to answer this question I examine the contributions of Eagleton, Keesing, Cronin and, most particularly, of the anthropologist Tim Ingold and his important work "The Perception of the Environment". From this I then proceed to examine pertinent extracts of the works of two Celtic authors; Brian Friel's "Translations" and Margaret Elphinstone's "A Sparrow's Flight" in order to develop a relationally grounded view of translation. This view privileges both the land and the work of "languaging" as key aspects of translation, inhabiting positions "in the world", rather than constructing and mediating views "of the world". I therefore come to see translation as a mode of perception, a sensory even empathic mode, a "languaging" response to phenomena, its primary relationship, not with culture and genealogy but as positionality--"in and with the land" and to develop towards a geopoetics of the "taskscape" of the translator.

It is argued in this article that the human body both in health and disease cannot be fully understood without adequately accounting for the different levels of human variation. The article focuses on variation due to ancestry, arguing that the inclusion of information pertaining to ancestry in human anatomy teaching materials and courses should be carried out and implemented with care and in line with latest developments in biological anthropology and related sciences. This seems to be of particular importance in the education of health professionals, as recent research suggests that better knowledge of human variation can improve clinical skills. It is also argued that relatively small curricular changes relating to the teaching of human variation can produce significant educational gains.

Findings from a four-year action research project at a highly diverse, West Coast U.S. university reveal that a large percentage of white students cannot trace their identities to a particular nation in Europe and are, as a result, unable to name the shared meanings of a particular ethnic culture. Each time Latino, Asian American, and African American classmates describe their families' ethnic histories, it is the European American student who feels dissociated. Extracted from a polyphonic novelistic ethnography, this essay focuses on an exchange among three students at a town hall meeting and explores the ramifications for social cohesion when members of "the dominant group" appear to be experiencing declining subjectivity. This reflection also raises two larger disciplinary questions: (1) How can 10,000 U.S. anthropologists continue to deploy the concept of culture at field sites outside the United States when so many in their own population cannot claim an ethnic culture of their own? and (2) Given the recent turn in events in the U.S. political scene, shouldn't anthropologists now begin developing new constructs for social analysis after race and culture?

The Yolngu people of Australia's Northern Territory trace their lineage through places in the land and water. Movements of currents represent movements of clans over time. Patterns of sound and design are associated with particular groups and with body parts. These essences are conveyed in ritual songs that are crucial ways of knowing oneself and invoking ancestral power. Analysis of Yolngu sea cosmology has substantiated Native land claims. (TD)

Examines common sources of error for scholars using mission registers to study California Indian history. Draws examples from mission register studies of the Chumash tribe to illustrate problems resulting from missing entries, name changes, linguistic errors, and cross-cultural confusion about naming taboos and kin relationships. Contains 34 references. (SV)

The preferred tool for conceptualizing, determining, and claiming relations of kinship, ancestry, and descent among humans are diagrams. For this reason, and at the same time to avoid a reduction to biology as transported by terms such as kinship, ancestry, and descent, we introduce the expression diagrammatics of relatedness. We seek to understand the enormous influence that especially tree diagrams have had as a way to express and engage with human relatedness, but hold that this success can only be adequately understood by attending to what in fact are broader diagrammatic practices. These practices bring to light that diagrams of relatedness do not simply make visible natural connections, but create or deny relations in particular ways and for particular reasons. In this special section, contributors investigate diagrams of relatedness in genealogy, heredity, as well as biological and social anthropology. Conceiving of diagrams as techniques that transcend such binaries as 'thought and action' and 'image and text', we aim at an understanding of how they were constructed and how they functioned in particular epistemic, cultural, and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Wisconsin Winged bannerstones, also known as "Bowties," discussing their production by a clan of traders and their symbolism in representing ancestry clans or tribal deities. It covers general information on bannerstones, such as their use in elite burials and the materials used for their construction, as well as specific details about Wisconsin Winged bannerstones, including their distribution and unique features like miniature size and material composition.

The article focuses on redefining the notion of "roots" in anthropology, discussing its implications beyond static connections to place and emphasizing dynamic relations in genealogy, belonging, and mobility. It covers the intertwined nature of roots and routes, explores landscapes as evolving entities shaped by movement, and delves into the complexities of identity formation amid fluid connections to landscapes and histories.

Given that surprisingly little is known about the demography of human kinship, we provide a demographic account of the kinship networks of individuals in Sweden in 2017 across sex and cohort between ages 0 and 102. We used administrative register data of the full population of Sweden to provide the first kinship enumeration for a complete population based on empirical data. We created ego-focused kinship networks of children, parents, siblings, grandchildren, grandparents, aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews, and cousins. We show the average number of kin of different types, the distribution of the number of kin, and changes in dispersion over time. A large share of allkin of an individual are horizontal kin, such as cousins. We observe the highest number of kin--on average, roughly 20--around age 35. We show differences between matrilineal and patrilineal kin and differences in the kinship structure arising from fertility with more than one childbearing partner, such as half-siblings. The results demonstrate substantial variability in kinship within a population. We discuss our findings in the context of other methods to estimate kinship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A long tradition of criticism, which has its roots in the Romantic era, admires Pascal as a dark, a tortured writer, an incomparable representative of human misery, of the anguish of existence, of the abysses that threaten us all. It is commonly understood that he is a magnificently sinister writer. This perspective, well established today in most minds, in the honest man as well as in the student or teacher, reduces Pascal's work to a poor apologetic manoeuvre and transforms his anthropology into a one-sided indictment, impressive by its very excesses, which we savour with a shudder. The present study aims: 1) to sketch a genealogy of this error of perspective, 2) to examine its dangers and measure its damage, to indicate why it is not acceptable, and 3) to propose some reflections on the place of the greatness of man in Pascalian anthropology. Three patterns of greatness can be identified in the Pensées: logical, paradoxical and phenomenological. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collection of François-Roger de Gaignières (1642–1715) is carefully anchored geographically thanks to a number of topographical documents assembled in dedicated collections. The “Beauce and Vendôme” portfolio is a fine example of this, thanks to the richness and diversity its folios. It sheds light on the way Gaignières thought about space and made the territory an essential underpinning of his historical discourse. By distinguishing between different types of space (real, represented, imagined, that of the portfolio) and the way in which they combine to create a network of historical knowledge, invisible memories are brought to light, telling us something about the collector’s practice as a traveller. The portfolio also reveals the influence of Gaignières’ personal network on his historical vision. Historical documentation, personal memory and genealogical discourse thus intertwine around the monuments represented, giving them an unsuspected value and depth.

We scrutinize previously untranslated field notebooks of Franz Boas that relate to the lower Fraser River region of coastal British Columbia, and contextualize the historical and social position of his principle interlocutor, siyá:m George StsEē'lis. In doing so, we reposition the available documentary evidence about this siyá:m for a different perspective on his people's history than has been written. The central themes emerging from our study provide new insights into genealogy and inheritance, marriage alliances, and the nature of leadership during a socially tumultuous time. These insights in turn are the key to interpreting conflicting anthropological narratives that continue to undermine an indigenous communities' assertions of identity, history, and territorial rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the recent and growing invocation of the concept of ancestrality in a self-consciously ethicized critical practice. It commences by undertaking a genealogy of ancestrality and reflecting on the convergences and divergences between these two terms—genealogy and ancestrality. The article then draws upon both the canonical anthropological archive wherein relations to ancestors were discussed and the author's own extended research among people in southern Africa for whom ancestors are part of the cultural commonsense. On this basis, the author argues that, at least among those people with whom she is familiar, the ancestors are not figures of a past nor figures of moral virtue. Rather, they call from the future and orient action toward a community of recognition to which the living aspire. This community does not have a final judgment as the precondition of admission, and indeed, the article calls into question the deployment of the ancestral as the figure of an absolute judgment, while pointing to the risks of a primitivist nostalgia in the effort to make Africa not only of the site of irreparable loss but the name and locus of a lost wisdom that could ameliorate the social crises of our contemporaneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the fieldwork carried out by Ruth Behar in Spain in the 1970s, where she investigated the transition between peasant life and accelerated urbanization in Spanish society. Ruth Behar, of Cuban origin and with Sephardic ancestry, chose Spain due to her interest in Mediterranean societies and her command of Spanish. Her research focused on the region of Sobarriba, in the province of León, where she examined all aspects of a small rural society in transition. The article highlights the decrease in population and the loss of local institutions and traditions in the town of Santa María del Condado, where Behar conducted her research. Additionally, Ruth Behar's work as a recognized writer is mentioned, and vulnerability in anthropology is reflected upon. The article also addresses different aspects of the current world, such as the agency of the deceased in contexts of violence in Chile, communal economy in Venezuela, the experiences of indigenous students in Colombia, and the impact of digital cultures on young people in Spain. [Extracted from the article]

The necropolis in Sady is one of the largest churchyards of the Great Moravian period in today’s Czech Republic. The works at Uherské Hradiště – Sady, or rather its large burial ground, include broadly conceived anthropological research, genetic analyses, analyses of eating habits, ancestry estimation, evaluation of archaeological materials, historical studies, and more. One of the possibilities to further support such extensive research is the method of anthropological reconstruction based on the skull. Today, reconstruction methods are experiencing a worldwide renaissance and are being widely used in historical anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay claims that the American plea bargain, figured as an inheritor of Christian confession practices, constructs racialized criminal subjects. It further argues that an apophatic anthropology confounds this legal practice and enables new forms of confession to be imagined. The first section utilizes Michel Foucault's genealogies of confession in order to show that shifts in European religious and legal confession practices contributed to the emergence of the modern self-possessed subject. The second section utilizes Nicole Gonzalez Van Cleve's sociological account of the courthouse to highlight the role of the plea bargain in constructing racialized criminal subjects. The third section challenges the underlying anthropological assumptions of the plea bargaining. Drawing on Judith Butler, Catherine Keller, and Critical Race Theorists, it insists that an apophatic anthropology prevents the construction of racialized criminal subjects through plea bargains. The final section mobilizes this apophatic anthropology to envision new confession practices in abolitionist settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turning to the case of "falling-out" in Miami, this paper locates a historical context for the incorporation of culture into medical practice. In the 1970s, after playing a leading role in the organization of medical anthropology, Hazel Weidman uncovered a condition that Miami residents called "falling-out." It was characterized by sudden collapse in situations of stress, followed by a state of semiconsciousness—and it seemed to affect only individuals of African American or Afro-Caribbean descent. Observing patients' routine mismanagement by the medical system, Weidman used the condition to advocate for greater cultural awareness among health professionals. This study finds that while anthropologists worked to change the medical community, they were also embedded in a Cold War racial politics, where health became a useful site for managing ethnic difference. Moreover, the contested nature of "falling-out" in the 1970s echoes the contested nature of "culture" in medicine that institutions continue to confront today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her new book “Gemalte Kunstgeschichte” [Painted Art History] Léa Kuhn argues that the late 18th-century saw not only the rise of modern art historiography as a scholarly discipline, but that artists increasingly painted pictures that reflected on their own historicity. Kuhn develops her argument through close-readings of three self-portraits by Johann Heinrich Wilhelm Tischbein, William Dunlap, Marie-Gabrielle Capet. This review discusses her approach and its the insights it offers for the study of art historiography.

This paper presents a discussion on how Anthropology looks at the use of drugs and the people who use them, tracing a short genealogy of the sociocultural perspective that a large part of the anthropologists who study the subject are affiliated with, as opposed to other forms of understanding the phenomenon, closer to pharmacological determinism. Medical Anthropology's framework and critical stance are highlighted, arguing that deconstructionism and criticism of medicalization and pathologization can and should be applied to the study of drugs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this paper is the methodology Michel Foucault used in his work. In the paper we will try to show a continuity in his work through the concept of “rules”. We will examine how Foucault used the notion of rules in the three methodological approaches found in his research. In the first section we will show how he used the notion of rules in his archeological method aimed at researching discursive practices. Then we will examine how he used the notion of rules in his genealogical method through which he combined the research of discursive and non-discursive practices. Lastly we will examine the third period of his work in which he researched the rules for forming subjectivity. In the end we will give a general understanding of Foucault’s methodology in the light of the concept of rules which will be named “interpretative analytics of practice” and then relate it to his understanding of the ontology of those rules. Our paper will be concluded by pointing out some of Foucault’s ideas about a non-scientific role his scientific work should have.

The philosopher Hans Blumenberg whose hundredth anniversary was celebrated last year is known above all for wide-ranging historicalstudies:onmyth, on philosophical metaphors, on the idea of secularization and the genealogy of the modern age. He is less well known as a criticalreader and commentator of Husserl's phenomenology. The article surveys and reviews Blumenberg's 'phenomenologicalwritings', now availableinfour separate volumes, by examining a number of prominent motifs in Blumenberg's unfinished engagement with Husserl. First, his preoccupation with Husserl's shift from suspending the natural attitude to subsequent efforts to account for its recalcitrance; then his qualifications concerning Husserl's notion of the puresubject and the lifeworld. The essay concludes withadiscussionof visibility as the key to Blumenberg's critical engagement withHusserl's phenomenology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In molecular anthropology, DNA is regarded as a kind of biological "archive" that can provide unprecedented insights into human histories. More recently, genetic analysis has been used to explore the origins of African-descendant populations in the Americas. This idea has also been adopted by a burgeoning DNA ancestry testing industry that portrays these technologies as a means of restoring ethnic links effaced by slavery. Despite the popularity of these tests, critics have raised persistent scientific and ethical concerns about how far genomic data can, or should, be used to reconstruct social identities. In this paper, we take stock of these developments, assessing the combined influence of scientists, businesses, and members of the public in defining the scope of genetics for restoring ethnic links between African and African American populations. Drawing on perspectives from social and molecular anthropology, we examine the challenges of translating genetic findings into historically significant terms without reifying the correspondence between genetic and social identities, and we explore how personalized DNA ancestry results are being negotiated and mobilized by test takers "on the ground." Finally, we consider the responsibilities of anthropologists in addressing ongoing biocolonial tendencies and power disparities in the production of genetic ancestry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the author's experience with the Pentecostal movement in Ghana, the commentary dialogues with Carly Machado's article "Making politics in other Congresses". It highlights the expansive and ethically contingent properties of the Pentecostal notion of glory, considered as a theopolitical force and as a source of moral instability in the lives of men and women of God. It articulates the Pentecostal case with the genealogy of glory offered by Agamben and highlights three contributions of Machado's article for an immanent study of Pentecostal politics: the concept of scales, its non-reductionist approach to religious mediatization, and the project of an anthropology of the Pentecostal torment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inclusion of personal experience in academic work, especially in the medical humanities, has increased markedly in the recent past. This article traces the roots of this development, arguing that it is not a simply off-shoot of 'experts by experience' in mental health, but has its own specific set of precursors and enabling conditions. Three of these are explored in detail, under the headings of 'psychoanalysis', 'social history' and 'anthropology'. The continuing influence of psychoanalysis privileges the public expression of personal experience as a vital tool and site for self-development. Social history (from the 1960s onwards) takes 'experience' as its privileged object in understanding the past. The tools of twentieth-century anthropology animate much social constructionist and cultural history. This anthropology is based upon the 'lived experience' of the anthropologists, who immerse themselves into the life-world of the 'natives'. The article concludes by cautioning against the unthinking or naïve use of experience as a sure foundation for work in the medical humanities, drawing upon the theoretical insights of Joan Scott, Judith Butler and Sarah Shortall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ancestry assessment represents a major component of forensic anthropological analysis of recovered human remains. Interpretations of ancestry, together with other aspects of the biological profile, can help narrow the search of missing persons and contribute to eventual positive identification. Such information can prove useful to authorities involved in the identification and investigative process since many lists of missing persons have a reference to this parameter. Recent research has strengthened available methodologies involving metric, non-metric morphological as well as chemical and genetic approaches. This review addresses the new anthropological techniques that are now available, as well as the complex historical context related to ancestry evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human variation, including questions about race, have been central to biological anthropology since its emergence as a professional discipline in the early 20th century. More recently, genomic data have been used to address open questions about the nature and scope of human variation. Results from genome‐wide association studies and commercially available direct‐to‐consumer genetic ancestry tests have also kindled scholarly debate about the relationship between genetics/genomics and race. Such discussions among scholars and other stakeholders, illustrates that there are still many open issues about how genomic data influence the ways that people think about and debate race and racism. Genetic ancestry remains particularly contentious because of a complicated history of race within anthropology and other human sciences. In this article, I provide a broad overview on understandings of race given the new discoveries in genetics/genomics and provide examples of how these types of data continue to impact social and legal understandings of race. Ultimately, given that a primary focus of biological anthropology is to query human experience from a biological perspective, it will remain critical that biological anthropologists uphold the anti‐racist tradition of modern anthropology and diligently work to shape narratives about human difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The essay investigates possibilities and limits of writing history of Czech tramping based on examples from inter-war and the 1960s tramping. The text presents three modes of both existing and possible writing of history of tramping. 1. Historical topography of tramping inspired by Dějiny trampingu by Bob Hurikán which focuses on documentation of particular tramp settlements and camps and their histories while revealing ideas about tramping of the period. 2. History of tramping as academic narrative-synthesis working with ideas of continuities and historically constant phenomena about tramp communities through last decades of contemporary history. 3. Genealogy of tramping, deconstructing tramping phenomenon by showing several inspirations, irregularities, motives and events which created its lasting forms and contents. Genealogy helps to historize tramping by its closer connections with political, social, cultural and economical events.

With this book, Eric Michaud proposes a thesis on the origins of art history, which for him are intimately linked to the invention at the end of the 18th century of the myth of the invasion of the Barbarians as a key moment in the rejuvenation of Western civilisation. Tracking in the writings of major art historians the assertions on the link between art and race, he tries to unravel the thread of a discipline that was built on this idea of an ethnicity of art in concepts that still today weigh on the vocabulary and concepts commonly used. Michaud explores the positions of 18th century authors, in particular Winckelmann’s key role, then the major authors of 19th and early 20th century art history. Along the way, he sheds light on the close relationship between anthropology and art history when it came to proving the survival of races. In this sense, art and its monuments have assumed an obvious genealogical function on which the idea of stylistic constant and biological and psychological heredity is based and on which the ethnicisation of art could easily raise and flourish.

The paper addresses some of the ways in which anthropology, as a discourse and a discipline, has contributed to the forging as much as of the problematisation of the concept of gender, not only within the feminist, queer and LGBTQI camps, but also among Catholic fundamentalists. It argues that, despite some recent genealogical critiques of the concept of gender and its origins in mid-20th century bio-medical governance, insufficient attention has been paid to the role of the so-called ‘savage slot’ - as Rolph Trouillot defined the domain of knowledge carved out for anthropology, in a wider scheme of thought that has its origins at the same time as ‘the West’ became a reality. A more thorough genealogy of the ways in which anthropological thinking and evidence contributed to the construction, and then the deconstruction, of gender, can provide fruitful tools for a deeper challenge of the apparatus of gender itself.

Can we imagine a sociology that is not anthropocentric? This paper deals with sociology as a human science of the 19th century as Foucault describes it in Les mots et les choses. How can the anthropological structure of sociology be defined more specifically? The paper argues that it is characterized by four features: human consciousness as agency of the social, marginalization of things, man as empirico-transcendental doublet, and sociologism. The author discusses Latour's non-anthropocentric sociology as an alternative draft of social theory and specifies the difference between the concepts of modernity used by Latour and Foucault.

In this paper, I bring the Second and Third Essays of On the Genealogy of Morality into conversation with the anthropological work that Nietzsche uses to inform his understanding of human prehistory. More specifically, I show the ways in which Nietzsche’s genealogical use of prehistory both calls upon and departs from the work of figures like Edward Tylor, John Lubbock, and Albert Hermann Post. This departure is most significant in Nietzsche’s rejection of the progressive or developmental account of social and moral history for an account that emphasizes the way in which morality develops out of the psychological effects of recurring human traumas.

This essay analyzes Christian witness, applying a post-colonial lens to Drusilla Modjeska's The Mountain to account for conversion and transformation in Papua New Guinea. A hapkas (half-caste) Christology of indigenous agency, communal transformation and hybridity is examined in dialogue with New Testament themes of genealogy, redemption as gift and Jesus as the new Adam. Jesus as "good man true" is placed in critical dialogue with masculine identity tropes in Melanesian anthropology. Jesus as ancestor gift of Canaanite descent is located in relation to scholarship that respects indigenous cultures as Old Testament and post-colonial theologies of revelation which affirm cultural hybridity and indigenous innovation in conversion across cultures. This hapkas Christology demonstrates how a received message of Christian mission is transformed in a crossing of cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study was performed on a skeleton excavated from the Late Roman Period necropolis in Ptuj, Eastern Slovenia. Previous anthropological analysis has revealed that the skeleton belongs to a male, who died in his early twenties; however, determination of ancestry was problematic. The skull displays artificial cranial deformation of circular fronto-occipital type and shows some Asiatic anthroposcopic features. However, the inter-orbital projection method of Gill and Hughes has placed him into the Western Eurasian group. The aim of the present investigation was to estimate whether this individual belonged to Western Eurasian or Eastern Asian ancestry group by analyzing his dental morphology. Twenty-one key dental traits for ancestry assessment were scored following the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System (ASUDAS). Morphology of the roots was scored from cone-beam computed tomography (CBCT) images of the dentition. These scores were input into a web application rASUDAS (beta version) which uses a naive Bayes classifier algorithm to assign an individual to a preselected number (from two to seven) of ancestry groups. The analysis revealed a complex tooth crown morphology (moderate maxillary incisor shoveling, 5-cusped maxillary first and second molars, 6-cusped mandibular first molars, 5-cusped mandibular second molars, multiple molar enamel extensions) and a simplified external root morphology (27 single-rooted teeth out of 32). Both mandibular second molars and the right mandibular third molar possess a Cshaped root canal. In addition, the mandible bilaterally exhibits accessory mental foramina. In a two-group analysis, the application calculated that the probability of assigning the individual from Ptuj to Eastern Asian ancestry group was close to 1.0. The result is in agreement with archaeological evidence which has indicated that this individual was a Hun warrior from the Migration Period of Europe. This study demonstrates a modern approach to estimating ancestry from dental morphology in bioarcheological and forensic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Praxis Filosófica is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The essay discusses the genealogy of the human being proposed by Carmine di Martino. This genealogy applies phenomenology to anthropological "autobiography", that is, to the natural history of man written by the sciences. The reference to the autobiographical and evolutionary account of ourselves is red in the essay as a kind of Bildungsroman, the novel of formation or "coming-of-age story" that tells how one becomes a person, overcoming the conflict between the individual and society, nature and freedom. Through this comparison considerations are made on the difference between scientific anthropology and philosophical anthropology regarding how we became ourselves. In this context some critical remarks on Di Martino's genealogy are outlined and in particular on the absolute primacy of language to understand human phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Statistical analyses of genomic data from diverse human populations have demonstrated that archaic hominins, such as Neanderthals and Denisovans, interbred or admixed with the ancestors of present-day humans. Central to these analyses are methods for inferring archaic ancestry along the genomes of present-day individuals (archaic local ancestry). Methods for archaic local ancestry inference rely on the availability of reference genomes from the ancestral archaic populations for accurate inference. However, several instances of archaic admixture lack reference archaic genomes, making it difficult to characterize these events. We present a statistical method that combines diverse population genetic summary statistics to infer archaic local ancestry without access to an archaic reference genome. We validate the accuracy and robustness of our method in simulations. When applied to genomes of European individuals, our method recovers segments that are substantially enriched for Neanderthal ancestry, even though our method did not have access to any Neanderthal reference genomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Dark Anthropology' and its complementary 'Anthropology of the Good' have become influential and debated notions in anthropology in recent years. I here parse distinctive features of these emphases, address their relation to theory and to ethnography, and consider the stakes involved in concretely applying their conceptual designations. I discuss the general shift in anthropology from grand theory to key concept, and the topical delimitation of theory that results. In larger purview, Dark Anthropology and the Anthropology of the Good both have long theoretical genealogies as well as practical contexts of political and social understanding, including vis‐à‐vis recent events in the U.S. and elsewhere. I suggest that considering the relationship between politico‐economically structured inequality and attempts to assert positive meaning and purpose is the most productive way to ethnographically apply their alternative conceptualisations. This brings to greater focus the thorny question of whose understanding of inequality or suffering, or of moral value and positive wellbeing, is being articulated—the sentiments of the people studied, or the concepts of the analyst? It seems vital to examine both analytic and indigenous views of dark times, and of the good, to refine our understanding of both, that is, in order to consider our complementary conceptualisations in relation to both sides of the emic/etic coin. This refines our understanding of local sensibilities and also of the appropriate limit points of our own conceptual associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The palate can be an informative region of the skeleton, especially with regard to the estimation of sex and ancestry. However, few standard definitions exist for both the region and the measurements that can be derived from it. To be able to compare results across studies, researchers must be confident that the data compared are complementary. This article seeks to establish both a standard definition for the dental arcade-palate region and to clarify terminology surrounding the axes of measurement. Existing literature in anthropology as well as clinical applications are examined to determine how the term "palate" is being used and what measurements are used to describe it. Across disciplines, especially between anthropological and clinical literature, the term "palate" refers to different regions. Therefore, the authors suggest differentiating between "hard palate," "dental arcade," and "palatal vault" to ensure that researchers are discussing comparable regions. Furthermore, there is a conflict in the literature with regard to the terms applied to specific axes of measurement. The medial-lateral axis has been referred to as both "width" and "breadth"; the anterior-posterior axis has been termed both "length" and "depth"; and the superior-inferior axis has been called both "depth" and "height." Additionally, the term "depth" has been used for measurements between teeth, meant to capture the curvature of the region. The conflicted state of the literature will lead, and likely has led, to misunderstandings in comparing studies and to misinterpretations of results. Standard definitions and practices are needed to ensure confidence in future comparative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]