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Abstract: Since 2013, Australian aid has been reduced and increasingly focused on delivering benefits to Australia. Motivated by these changes, this paper fills three gaps in the existing literature on public opinion about aid. It provides the only recent detailed study of Australians' opinions about aid. It studies specific policy questions in addition to the broader questions typical of international research. And it studies views on the purpose of aid, an area not previously researched. Although Australians are generally supportive of aid, most backed major aid cuts in 2015. However, most Australians think the purpose of Australian aid should be helping people in poor countries, not bringing benefits to Australia. There is a clear left–right divide in responses to all questions; however, some variables correlated with support for aid fail to explain variation in views about aid's purpose. The paper concludes by discussing ramifications for those who seek to change aid policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical review of the recent research on aid effectiveness. It argues that there is an enormous disjunction between research on aid effectiveness and current policies and practices: in particular, recent empirical research efforts have spawned a large body of work that is rife with controversies and insiders' drama, but sheds little light on important policy issues regarding allocation, design and delivery of foreign aid. The paper argues that a convergence of the two universes - research and policies - is essential both for a sophisticated understanding of the underlying issues and for formulating appropriate policies and practices for aid effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Clientelism is a central feature of politics in Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. Most voters vote in search of personalized or localized benefit, and most politicians focus on delivering benefits to their supporters at the expense of national governance. In this article, I explain how clientelism impedes development in both countries. I then describe underdevelopment's role in causing clientelism. I also explain the resulting trap: clientelism causes underdevelopment, and underdevelopment causes clientelism. Because of the trap, clientelism will shape the two countries' politics for the foreseeable future. However, the history of other countries gives cause to believe it can be overcome in the long‐run. In the second half of the paper, I explain how change may occur. I also outline implications for aid policy, looking at how clientelism constrains the impact aid can have, and explaining how donors can act to maximize their impact in a difficult environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the principal elements that underpin policy frameworks for supporting food security in protracted crisis contexts. It argues that maintaining the food entitlements of crisis-affected populations must extend beyond interventions to ensure immediate human survival. A‘policy gap’ exists in that capacities for formulating policy responses to tackle the different dimensions of food insecurity in complex, fluid crisis situations tend to be weak. As a result, standardised, short-term intervention designs are created that fall short of meeting the priority needs of affected populations in the short and long term and only partially exploit the range of policy options available. The paper discusses key attributes of agency frameworks that could support more effective policy processes to address longer term as well as immediate food security needs. Additionally, it points to some main challenges likely to be encountered in developing such frameworks and, with the participation of beneficiaries, translating them into effective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emergency water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) programming often fails to meet defined humanitarian or sectoral standards and the needs of those affected by crises. There have been calls to shift toward more resilient, durable and sustainable WASH interventions. Drawing on a mix of qualitative methods, this paper traces the nature and evolution of the factors affecting different kinds of WASH interventions in Lebanon. Factors contributing to a slow uptake of durable WASH solutions include Lebanon not being a signatory of the 1951 Refugee Convention, a ‘no camp’ policy adopted by the Government of Lebanon, aid agencies under pressure to cater for lifesaving WASH needs of the Syrian refugees, a lack of sufficient funds, Syrian refugee migration to Europe in 2014, limited Syrian refugee resettlement options, terrorism at the Lebanese border in 2014, as well as fears of nationalization of Syrian refugees – rooted in experiences from the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The paper demonstrates that the overall WASH response to Syrian refugees in Lebanon mirrors the interplay between aid agencies, the donor community and the Government of Lebanon. We argue that the Lebanese Government should have acted much earlier and devised a strategy flexible enough to turn a challenge into an opportunity by advocating for funds that allow for durable solutions and sustainable impact on the lives of the Syrian refugees and Lebanese hosting communities. We conclude by highlighting policy and practical lessons for refugee-hosting countries and donor agencies. HIGHLIGHT WASH interventions are used in nearly all emergency contexts to help reduce risks.; The unsustainability of emergency WASH interventions has led to attempts for more durable solutions.; In Lebanon, durable WASH interventions that benefitted both Syrian refugees and host communities were initiated by the end of 2014.; Factors for this shift policy shift mirrors the interplay between aid agencies, the donor community and the Government of Lebanon.;

There are currently two contrasting approaches towards aid policy in Africa: that followed by the West is well known for its conditionality and selectivity and focus on direct financial support, while the approach adopted by China eschews conditionality and concentrates on infrastructure building, The Chinese approach has been criticized for its failure to create direct employment and because, it is argued, its unconditionality hampers good governance in Africa. However, this paper argues that the West faces a dilemma in that governance and its improvements are endogenous to the economic development of a country. Making aid conditional upon governance therefore unduly penalizes countries at the bottom. The Chinese approach, in contrast, avoids this dilemma by directly targeting constraints to development; it may therefore be more effective in generating long-run growth, which may in turn foster good governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a theoretical framework for analyzing the efficient use of foreign aid (ODA) in attracting foreign direct investment, based on the variant of recent economic geography models. A salient result is that recipient countries with less trade openness should direct ODA towards social infrastructure, whereas it should be aimed toward developing economic infrastructure if the target country is a sufficiently open economy. The second result is that, in spite of optimal ODA policy, capital might outflow temporarily from less-developed countries at the beginning of trade liberalization. These results are consistent with empirical observations of 74 recipient countries for the time period 1991 - 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of the paper are to increase understanding about United States aid policies to Jordan and to other Arab countries and assess their impact on democratization and political reform during the last decade; examine US levels of aid funding to Jordan and to other/Arab countries during the last decade; conduct interviews with relevant policy-makers regarding future policy that will be followed for the allocation of US aid for the new 'Greater Middle Initiative. Finally to increase our understanding of US future aid and policy regarding the methods that will be followed to spend the new US aid that allocated for the new 'Greater Middle East initiative for democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the 1998–2000‘border’ war between Eritrea and Ethiopia and its continuing legacies from the perspective of food security.1 Focusing on the food crisis that hit both countries during the same period and was allowed to develop into a famine in southeast Ethiopia, it argues that this was linked with the war in more ways than hitherto recognised. Such connections can be appreciated only by taking a longer-term view of the decline of the rural economy of which this food crisis was part, factoring in the role played by this and other conflicts that have flared up in the region. An analysis of this kind might have helped donors and aid agencies to respond more effectively both to short-term humanitarian needs in the midst of an inter-state war and to the need for longer-term support for food security in a region beset by endemic conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Visegrad Countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, also called the V4) have formally agreed to gradually shift the focus of their development policy and aid allocation to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA). Yet, contrary to their official rhetoric, African countries continue to find low priority in aid policies. Development cooperation policy in the V4 is largely focused on the close neighbourhood and current political and business stakes triumph over the ‘needs and merits’ logic of aid allocation. The V4 policy also runs counter to the various international obligations for which the countries have signed up. Officially, a number of African states are classified as priority countries, but in practice, they serve merely as fig leaves masking a true disinterest. This article demonstrates that in most cases, the official message coming from the governments significantly diverges from reality. It also shows that many arguments traditionally used to explain the marginal position of SSA do not hold any longer and the current stance towards African countries is more the result of a lack of strategic vision and ad hoc formulation of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a setting of protracted refugee crises, donor responses increasingly have taken on experimental development approaches. One such aid experiment is that of the Jordan Compact, drafted in February 2016. This aimed to turn the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan into a development opportunity, by fostering job creation and harvesting skills of displaced populations. This brought with it attention from donors in the form of political interest and, more importantly, funding, to stimulate the local economy and labor markets. However, the implementation of this plan was problematic: It focused only on stimulating jobs for Syrians and Jordanians, with little attention given to existing labor market dynamics and other employed nationality groups. Using a qualitative approach informed by both desk research and key informant interviews, this article shows that the policies undertaken have formed a nationality-based prioritization strategy that sought to improve Syrian labor market access over that of other non-Jordanians. The Compact did little to address genuine job creation or social protection, focusing on boosting permit numbers while worsening non-Syrian migrant and refugee access to protection in formal work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: The term partnership, and the balance of ownership within it, significantly influence the direction of the development field and whether it will be able to address increasingly complicated global challenges such as climate change, peace and security and growing inequality. Purpose: The article explores the nature of government donor–recipient partnerships, the struggle over ownership, and the possibility of transitioning from top‐down aid policy to genuine development co‐operation. Approach and Methods: The discussion is based on the lead author's doctoral research and the authors' experiences of working with the Coady International Institute and the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative. Findings: The research revealed ample evidence that proclamations of more equitable partnerships or recipient ownership of aid policy are undermined by historical power dynamics and coherency to dominant development narratives. However, a closer examination also found some room to create change as policy is negotiated and interpreted in a multitude of smaller policy spaces, including influences from networks of civil society organizations (CSOs). The article looks at two CSOs that use their "downstairs" position to act as interlocutors with Southern partners. In some cases, they fostered more equitable partnerships and support South–South networks by applying an emancipatory learning approach and adapting aid modalities. This points to the potential for slow—and often reluctant—progress towards more equitable global partnerships and innovative practices. Policy Implications: The findings suggest that the asymmetrical nature of government donor–recipient partnerships can be addressed through a more nuanced learning approach and increased engagement with CSOs that can experiment with project modalities and support for CSO networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the wealth that comes from being the biggest oil producer in Africa, Nigeria has some of the worst development indicators in the world. From 2011 to mid‐2016, the DFID‐funded Facility for Oil Sector Transparency and Reform (FOSTER) programme's unique design aimed to reduce incentives for the capture of oil revenue by elites and international oil companies, restoring the potential of those revenues to accelerate economic and social development. This article asks what lessons FOSTER's successes and failures offer for improved "thinking and working politically" (TWP). It examines the outcomes from five "clusters" of interventions: three viewed by the FOSTER team as successes and two as failures. The article identifies factors for successful TWP‐based programming, including the need for local ownership rooted in staff with a combination of technical expertise, a deep knowledge of the local political context and excellent networking abilities. The research used a qualitative and inductive approach. Field research was undertaken with 44 semi‐structured qualitative interviews during one month of fieldwork in Abuja and Lagos. The research also included reviews of FOSTER's internal documentation and evaluation frameworks, as well as analysis of newspaper articles and grey literature on the oil sector in Nigeria. The project offers important lessons for politically informed programming about how interventions were implemented (process), what was actually done (content) and how the project responded to changes in context that created or blocked opportunities for reform (responsiveness). The article identifies factors for successful TWP‐based programming, including the need for local ownership rooted in staff with a combination of technical expertise, a deep knowledge of the local political context and excellent networking abilities. The findings have important implications for programme design. They demonstrate the value of built‐in flexibility that allows staff to choose and switch the partners they work with and the channels they work through. They also show that a key aspect of TWP‐based programming is implicit acceptance that some failure may be unavoidable, since this permits staff to balance risk against opportunities. Finally, a better understanding of FOSTER's failures reveals the challenges of a TWP‐based approach and the trade‐offs it demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the New Zealand government aid programme over the years of Murray McCully's tenure as New Zealand's foreign minister. The article uses quantitative and qualitative data to detail changes in New Zealand aid volume, sectoral and geographic foci, and quality. We argue that despite strong rhetoric from Minister McCully, change in some areas was surprisingly modest. Yet the minister had impacts in other areas, particularly on aid quality, foremost in the form of changes to the purpose of New Zealand aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use data from the 2013 and 2015 Australian Aid Stakeholder Surveys to gauge the extent of the changes to the Australian Government Aid Program since the 2013 federal election. The two surveys targeted the same set of stakeholders of the aid program, and both gathered data on a wide range of aspects of its functioning. As we assess the findings that emerged from the surveys, we situate our work amongst recent academic studies that have looked at the post-2013 aid changes in Australia. Our key findings are that the post-2013 changes to Australian aid have had wide-ranging impacts and have led to deteriorating overall aid quality. However, changes have not affected all aspects of the aid program equally, and some changes are starting to be reversed. In discussion, we examine what these developments mean for the future of Australian aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Strategic Governance and Corruption Analysis (SGACA) introduced in 2007 by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a tool for political-economy analysis of governance structures in aid-receiving countries. It suggests an explanation of the paradox that SGACA was generally seen as a strong analytical instrument, yet was discarded within one 4-year policy cycle. Drawing on the literature on policy innovations, it argues that there are three main causes of this demise: first, the collective-action problems involved in getting innovations implemented in the apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; second, the fact that the policy window opened for SGACA by the mid-2000s did not stay open throughout the implementation process; and third, the bureaucratic politics played out in the environment in which SGACA had been developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The combination of flawed penality, crushing poverty and a natural disaster that devastated Haiti’s already fragile criminal justice infrastructure made the country a fitting candidate for a new kind of international aid effort, which we call penal aid. This international aid effort uses rule of law theories and practices to develop credible criminal justice institutions and reform penal practice throughout the world. According to rule of law measures, detention indicates flawed justice and a weak state, whereas trial and transformative punishment promotes global security and poverty reduction. The rule of law is a method for punishing better, a mechanism of international aid, a measure of global security and a means for the recognition of law-abiding states. Rule of law reconstruction is about international state-crafting and remaking Haiti in the image of a global penal state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares Ghanaian and Zambian church mobilisation on HIV and AIDS. It analyses why long-term interest in HIV and AIDS has declined in Ghana but increased in Zambia, and why church involvement in promoting access to HIV/AIDS treatment has been less apparent in Ghana than in Zambia. The article uses three levels of analysis - society, state, and international - to explicate these different patterns. The analysis finds that continued HIV/AIDS stigma hampered Ghanaian church activities, while a decline in stigma opened up space for church-related HIV/AIDS responses in Zambia. The elite and professional nature of Ghana's churches promoted early HIV/ AIDS activities, but may have prevented these activities from responding to the needs of people with HIV or AIDS. Overlapping personal networks between civil society and state elites in Ghana urged early HIV/AIDS church-related actions, while state co-optation and civil-society divisions in Zambia limited early HIV/AIDS activities. As Zambian churches built ties to external actors, however, they gained autonomy in their HIV/AIDS responses. In contrast, the fact that Ghana was less incorporated into global HIV/AIDS responses (particularly, the global treatment movement) weakened the long-term interest in HIV and AIDS among the country's churches. The article is based on more than 50 semi-structured interviews with a range of participants affiliated with HIV/AIDS organisations (e.g. church, secular, government, donor) in Zambia and Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade ago, Rwanda embarked on a major land reform programme. The government envisaged a new land law, supported by a land policy, and claimed that the new tenure system would contribute to enhancing food production, social equity and the prevention of conflict. The Land Law was finally passed in the summer of 2005. The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has taken on significant responsibility for monitoring the reform programme. This article provides a contextualized reading of the new Law. It argues that its emphasis on the obligation to consolidate fragmented family plots and register them will exacerbate social tension, but that some of the potential for social strife may be reduced because the state will allow flexibility in how the Land Law is implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

About ten years back, recipients of aid were relabelled ‘partners’ in development. Five years later, the term ‘national ownership’ gained prominence in the international development debate. In this article the author examine these two concepts. First, he argues that there is a trade-off between partnership and ownership. Strong recipient government ownership means less partnership the way donors generally define partnership in their policy documents. This has implications for how the international donor community should view its role in national policy development—such as national poverty strategies (PRSP). Second, he argues that national ownership and the basis of partnership are conditioned by the incentives that underpin the organisations on both sides. The recipient side needs to squarely address the problem that its organisations maximise receipt of aid rather than results, while at the donor side the pressure to spend creates a correspondingly perverse incentive. He argues that results-based aid managed through semi-autonomous development funds is a way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]