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Black people represent less than 13% of the population in the United States, but over 15% of COVID-19 deaths, with a mortality rate two times higher than White people. The Black Church system has historically been in a unique position to serve Black communities, particularly during times of crisis. The deep-rooted connection of the Black Church system within Black communities was largely shaped by slavery and segregation. However, there have been questions about the relevance of the Black Church system today. The objective of this commentary is to describe the intersectionality of ministry and health that has been illuminated in a profound way during this pandemic. Those in leadership had to evaluate and disseminate COVID-19 information to congregants, recognizing mistrust of the medical and public health systems still permeates throughout Black communities. Moreover, the death of George Floyd sparked international outcry, which launched church leaders to respond to a second pandemic: systemic racism. Understanding ways the Black Church responded to COVID-19, and systemic racism, is significantly important to public health and medical communities as it addresses the relevance of this system and ways to appropriately support during another public health crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognized as a prominent social phenomenon in the aftermath of homicide and death after police contact (DAPC), the social construction of blame (SCB) underscores how race and class are the primary forces that shape the experience of loss for families, but also designates blame on the victim. In this sense, victimhood is socially constructed, leading to instances where blame is apportioned to victims for their demise, at times, not stemming from their actions but instead rooted in the perceived moral value of the deceased individual. Drawing from this work, the current qualitative study seeks to understand the effect of DAPC has on neighbourhoods and the perspectives of residents who live in and near the communities where DAPC occurs. Using data collected from 41 young adults from various ethnic‐racial backgrounds and numerous parts of Minnesota—including the Minneapolis metropolitan area and adjacent suburbs, participants shared their understanding of the factors contributing to the SCB in the aftermath of George Floyd's death. Findings revealed two factors that contributed to the social construction of blame: (1) Attributions of Cause (e.g., race‐coding) and (2) Designations of Blame as identified by the participants. This research underscores the intricate connection of societal factors, like race and place in shaping the construction of blame and victimhood after tragedies like George Floyd's death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Reasons for racial disparities in the utilization and outcomes of carotid interventions (carotid endarterectomy (CEA) and carotid artery stenting (CAS)) are not well understood, especially segregation of care associated with carotid intervention. We examined patterns of geographic and provider care segregation in carotid interventions and outcomes. Method We used de-identified Medicare datasets to identify CEA and CAS interventions between January 1, 2016 and December 31, 2019 using validated ICD-10 codes. For patients who underwent carotid intervention, we calculated (1) the proportion of White patients at the hospital, (2) the proportional difference in the proportion of White patients between hospital patients and the county, and (3) provider care segregation by the dissimilarity index for carotid intervention cases. We examined associations between measures of segregation and outcomes. Results Despite higher proportions of Black patients in counties with hospitals that provide carotid intervention, lower proportions of Black patients received intervention. The difference in the proportion of White patients comparing CEA patients to the county race distribution was 0.143 (SD 0.297) at the hospital level (for CAS, 0.174 (0.315)). The dissimilarity index for CEA providers was high, with mean (SD) 0.387 (0.274) averaged across all hospitals and higher among CAS providers at 0.472 (0.288). Black patients receiving CEA and CAS (compared with Whites) had reduced odds of discharge home. Better outcomes (inpatient mortality and 30-day mortality) were independently associated with higher proportion of White CAS patients. Conclusion In this national study with contemporary data on carotid intervention, we found evidence for segregation of care of both CEA and CAS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Individual‐level social determinant of health (SDOH) measures alone may insufficiently explain disparities in edentulism among seniors. Therefore, the authors examined the correlation of census tract‐level SDOH and residential racial segregation measures with edentulism in Californian adults aged ≥65 years old. Methods: Explanatory variables were obtained from Healthy Places Index (HPI), the National Cancer Institute and diversitydatakids.org. The edentulism outcome variable was obtained from CDC's PLACES small area estimates from the 2018 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System data. Pearson and Spearman rank correlations were estimated. Multiple linear regression and multi‐collinearity evaluations were performed. The Global Moran's I statistic assessed partial autocorrelation within census tracts. Results: Pearson and Spearman correlations were similar, supporting robustness. HPI, an area measure of advantage, strongly negatively correlated with edentulism prevalence [correlation coefficient: −0.87; 95% confidence interval (CI): −0.87, −0.86]. A change of 1.0 in HPI corresponded to an estimated decrease in edentulism prevalence of 5.9% (linear model adjusted R2 = 0.78). Racially segregated census tracts with Hispanics or Blacks alone were positively correlated with edentulism prevalence [0.60, 95% CI: 0.58, 0.62; and 0.33, 95% CI: 0.31, 0.35, respectively]. The converse was seen in census tracts with non‐Hispanic Whites alone [−0.57, 95% CI: −0.58, −0.55]. Global Moran's I statistic for edentulism (0.13) and HPI scores (0.19) were significant (both p <.001) indicating geospatial autocorrelation. Conclusions: Higher disadvantage and minority racial segregation within census tracts were positively correlated with edentulism prevalence. Future research and policy should consider possible interventions improving SDOH to reduce oral health inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Baltimore, Maryland, more than 55,000 homes—roughly 30 percent of all residential plots—are subject to ground rent, a legacy of British feudal property law. Under this landlord–tenant system, the homeowner makes payments to the ground leaseholder, who maintains rights to the land. During the early 2000s, many Baltimoreans fell behind on their ground rent due to recessionary headwinds and were "ejected" from their homes as leaseholders took ownership (as collateral). Maryland lawmakers responded by passing housing protections in 2007, but several laws were overturned by the courts (Corma 2017). Using census and ground rent administrative data, we map the geography of ground rent in Baltimore. Our results reveal that originally a tool of class dispossession, ground rent became racialized in the 1950s and 1960s and today overwhelmingly affects Black communities and low-income households. Drawing on work by critical Marxist geographers, work on the production of decline, anti-Blackness, and property relations theory, we rely on a critical quantitative framework to illustrate how people, place, power structures, and relationality produce the pernicious and predatory "ground rent machine." Telling the story of ground rent—a largely underexplored topic—illustrates how local racialized property regimes shape the geography of urban segregation and urban inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Re-membering Blackness Digital Archive at the University of Scranton shares the university's racial story as part of a campus-wide initiative devoted to reconciliation and collective memory. By bringing together archival records on Black history in a thematic digital collection, the project presents a corrective lens through which the university community transformed its understanding of the historical Black experience on campus and considered how this history reverberates in the present. The initiative contributes to a growing collection of institutional research projects on African American history and the legacies of slavery and racism in higher education. This article considers the metaphor of archives as memory within critical archival literature, and it examines the relationship between archives and collective memory in the context of the University of Scranton's initiative to recover Black memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black men are disproportionately affected by firearm assaults in the United States, and these disparities are rooted in structural and social inequities. The objective of this scoping review of research was to identify risk and protective factors for firearm assault injuries among Black men at all levels of the social-ecological framework. The search was conducted in 2021. The initial search generated 1,122 articles. Studies were eligible if they (a) included an analysis of modifiable risk or protective factors for firearm assaults among Black men; (b) reported an estimate of correlation, association, or effect between risk or protective factors and firearm assault injuries, firearm violence, and/or firearm homicides; and (c) were published peer-reviewed articles. In all, 19 articles were identified for review. Risk factors identified at each ecological level include the following: (1) Individual: firearm possession/weapon use and criminal legal system interaction; (2) Relationships: gang membership and exposure to other people who have experienced a firearm assault; (3) Community: indicators for socioeconomic status and racial residential segregation; and (4) Societal: historical racist policy. Individual-level substance use had mixed results. Few (26%) studies examined protective factors at any ecological level, but community-level factors like neighborhood tree cover were identified. Future research needs to examine risk and protective factors at the societal level and multiple ecological levels simultaneously leading to more effective multi-level interventions that will guide policy formation. A greater diversity of study designs, research methods, and theoretical frameworks is needed to better understand factors associated with firearm assault among Black men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's racial history is largely siloed and compartmentalized, separating minority group experiences as if they were neat rows of isolated, discernable categories. Resisting binary narratives, this article reframes history by focusing on the largely unknown lives of the Chinese immigrants and African American communities in the segregated south. An examination of the intimate histories between the two marginalized groups illuminates how structures of the central white power enforced racial projects that pit Asians and African Americans against each other, laying roots to the tensions we see continuing to play out today. Through my documentary film, Blurring the Color Line, which follows my grandmother's family growing up in a Black neighborhood, I dive into the obscure but illuminating space of in-betweenness to disrupt hegemonic productions of knowledge and to reveal nuanced stories of how cross-pollinating communities moved amongst and against one another in order to survive and thrive. Stories of conformity and co-mingling between two disempowered communities beg us to question how the language of skin informs social placement and how silenced histories speak deeper truths about the processes and consequences of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ACCORDING TO PERCY CLAUD, NAT TURNER WAS LYNCHED. BY THE time he gave his account to historian Henry Irving Tragle in 1969, Claud, an African American farmer, had lived for [...]

This article draws on ethnographic observations from a Black trail ride event in Houston to examine how African Americans negotiate identities and spaces through embodied memories and mobility. Movement and mobility have always influenced racialised belonging through the geopolitics of borders and boundaries, which are inextricably tied to collective meanings of "blackness." Everyday negotiations of blackness require Black Americans to reckon with the historical and contemporary implications of limited mobility and their place in U.S. society. Engaging with Lefebvre's notion of "the right to the city," this article reflects on how Black trail riders challenge dominant constructions of space and belonging through collective movement and memory. By analysing a specific ethnographic moment during the trail ride, when Black participants moved from a place bounded by property lines to the space of city streets, the article explores the intersections of race, geography, and mobility. It considers how embodied memories and public reclamations of the past by Black communities pose a threat to established spatial and racial hierarchies. The article contributes to theoretical discourses on geopolitics, borders, and boundaries by centering the experiences and agency of Black trail riders in reimagining and navigating racialised landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alice Walker and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie are renowned female writers from different backgrounds, countries and as such, different ideologies. They share a lot in common as their novels revolve around women, their struggles, challenges and experiences in life. Alice Walker concentrates on African-American women while Adichie focuses on the experiences of Africans, especially women who left the shores of Africa to the western world, their struggles, challenges encountered for being black and being a woman which Bell Hooks regards as "double tragedy". This study is a comparative analysis of the self discovery in their novels: Now is the time to open your Heart by Alice Walker and Americanah by Chimamanda Adichie. It examines how the female protagonists: Kate and Ifemelu re-discover themselves and carve out a niche for themselves despite the challenges they face in their various journey in life. This study attempts to disabuse the minds of those who believe that women should be regarded as objects to be played with; rather they are subjects as could be ascertained from the lives of the characters, especially, the protagonists. Effort will be made to examine their pitiable experience which ranges from racism, segregation, humiliation and exploitation. Womanist and Post-colonial theories have been employed in this study to ostensibly facilitate a link between the experiences of Africans in Diaspora and the American system of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Essay1 considers whether courts should have awarded monetary remedies in housing desegregation cases. By examining the relief awarded in public housing desegregation cases brought in United States federal courts between 1966 and 1994, this Essay reveals the limitations of the almost exclusive reliance on forward-looking integration relief as a remedy. The Essay argues that there is a "missing half" of remedies that courts never awarded: compensatory damages for the loss of wealth and opportunity caused by housing segregation. Forward-looking remedies that promised integration have often gone unfulfilled. Understanding these "missing" damages is crucial given recent Supreme Court rulings on race-conscious programs, as well as political and cultural debates about how to provide a remedy for the harms done by structural racism. The Essay encourages a greater focus on the role of monetary relief as compensation for racial harm going forward, while also urging that commentators and advocates move beyond calcified debates about integration versus equalization (or "place-based" approaches) as a remedy for housing segregation. As a legal and policy matter, redress for housing segregation should include a spectrum of remedies including individual compensatory damages, community-based compensation, and forward-looking injunctive relief. The Essay also has implications for the current discussions in the United States about how and whether to provide reparations for Black Americans. The Essay suggests that repair should include individual payments, given what we learn from the mixed success of injunctive relief remedies in litigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues for just action policies to redress racial segregation and inequality created under the Color of Law. Topics discussed include U.S. government program to move the white working class and middle class populations out of urban areas into single family homes in all-white suburbs from which African Americans would be prohibited from living, discrimination in property tax system and credit scoring system, and the need to improve conditions in low-income neighborhoods.

Black women in the United States have the highest incidence of hypertensive disorders of pregnancy (HDP) and are disproportionately burdened by its adverse sequalae, compared with women of all racial and ethnic groups. Segregation, a key driver of structural racism for Black families, can provide information critical to understanding these disparities. We examined the association between racial and economic segregation at 2 points and incident HDP using intergenerationally linked birth records of 45,204 Black California-born primiparous mothers (born 1982–1997) and their infants (born 1997–2011), with HDP ascertained from hospital discharge records. Women's early childhood and adulthood neighborhoods were categorized as deprived, mixed, or privileged based on the Index of Concentration at the Extremes (a measure of concentrated racial and economic segregation), yielding 9 life-course trajectories. Women living in deprived neighborhoods at both time points experienced the highest odds of HDP (from mixed effect logistic regression, unadjusted odds ratio = 1.26, 95% confidence interval: 1.13, 1.40) compared with women living in privileged neighborhoods at both time points. All trajectories involving residence in a deprived neighborhood in early childhood or adulthood were associated with increased odds of HDP, whereas mixed-privileged and privileged-mixed trajectories were not. Future studies should assess the causal nature of these associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ethical complexity of inclusion, exclusion, and protection in TPC, drawing upon a historical technical document, The Green Book, which helped Black American travelers in the 1930-60s locate safe leisure spaces in a segregated society. We examine The Green Book through the antiracist thinker Kendi to understand some of the ethical limits of the binary of inclusion/exclusion and identify necessary forms of protection for historically- and multiply-marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differential police conduct may be attributed both to residential racial segregation and more general discriminatory attitudes and policies. We draw upon ethnographic and other studies of everyday policing to propose that police, in the context of racially segregated neighborhoods, intensively surveil individuals who are "out of place" in terms of their race and the local geographical context in which they are found. We then use statistical evidence from the New York City Police Department to compare stops in different neighborhoods. We find that the NYPD indeed carries out "stops" that differentially target African Americans and Hispanics present in predominantly white precincts, with the degree of surveillance increasing as precincts become more white, and as stops become more generic and less about specific, identifiable crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the 15th of November 2022, during a question and answer session in Parliament, the President of South Africa was asked how the impact of apartheid planning was being addressed in the country. In response, he stated that the 'country does not have good town planners and transformation is slow.' This statement had the professional community up in arms, since many in the professional community remain unemployed. However, the statement reiterates the findings of numerous policies passed over the last 25 years, including JIPSA, LGTAS, ASGISA and NDP, which all emphasised the scarcity of professionals. In light of this, the article seeks to unpack the scarcity of town planning professionals using the definitions given by the Local Government Sector Education and Training Authority (LGSETA), as well as from a young planner's perspective. The study utilised a purposeful sampling technique which identified town planners via LinkedIn and conducted 105 online structured interviews. The interviews confirmed the scarcity in the profession, but not in the labour force. Rather, the scarcity is created through skills gaps, vague policies, lack of professional registration, and BBEE policies. As a result, the town planning capacity in the country is fragile due to the complex environment within which it operates. The current study provides insight into the lack of town planning professionals in South Africa and suggests recommendations to reduce this dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1972, Glenn Anderson collaborated with New York University colleague Frank Bowe to publish an American Annals of the Deaf article titled "Racism Within the Deaf Community" (Anderson & Bowe, 1972). It was written, in part, due to the influence of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, which affected both the Black Deaf and Black hearing communities, as well as in response to Anderson's experiences with a Deaf club in Detroit. Given that 52 years have passed since the article was published, this updated version, coauthored with Gallaudet University colleague Lindsay Dunn, addresses the following issues, among others: racial inequity in the educational and employment attainment of Black Deaf persons, their personal experiences with institutional and systemic racism, and their perspectives on what must be done to progress toward dismantling institutional and systemic racism in the Deaf community today and tomorrow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: In light of empirical findings suggesting no substantive main effects of an incarcerated person's (IP's) race or ethnicity on the odds of placement in restrictive housing (RH) for rule violations, we investigated whether these effects are dependent on offense severity and context, including characteristics of facilities that could theoretically increase stakeholder reliance on biased stereotypes and also prison staff members' perceptions of danger and order in a facility. Methods: Multilevel analyses of race and ethnicity effects on RH decisions, both at the time of the incident (pre-trial) and after the rule infraction hearing, were conducted for all persons admitted to Ohio's prisons between 2007 and 2016 and found guilty of prison rule violations (N1 = 81,673; N2 = 33). Results: We found no significant main effects of an IP's race or ethnicity on the odds of RH placement for rule infractions, either at the time of the incident or as punishment after a hearing, once the types of violations were controlled. Upon further investigation, we found that African American and Latinx IPs were more likely to receive RH for certain insubordination-related violations, which may invoke greater punitive discretion. Race effects were also stronger in prisons with tighter security, where officers generally relied less on IPs' acknowledgements of their formal authority for rule enforcement, and in facilities for men. Conclusions: Variance in the magnitude of racial and ethnic disparities in the use of RH for rule violations makes sense across prison settings and, as opposed to general race and ethnicity effects, should guide our understanding of the sources of these disparities with the goal of reducing their impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French/Ojibwa lawyer, activist, and Office of Indian Affairs employee, Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin (1863–1952), often receives mention in scholarly works on the Society of American Indians (SAI). Very few, however, have examined her contributions in detail. Only one article focusing exclusively on Baldwin has ever been published. Cathleen D. Cahill’s flattering portrait depicts Baldwin as a devoted suffragette and leading SAI figure who, in her roles as cofounder and treasurer, promoted the cause of Indian rights and her own Ojibwa values concerning women’s equality. Cahill explains Baldwin’s sudden exit from the SAI as a result of attacks by male, anti-Indian Office “radicals” who condemned her as disloyal for holding a government post, such as Carlos Montezuma (Yavapai) and Philip Gordon (Ojibwa). Closer inspection of the SAI’s conference proceedings and epistolary record reveals a very different story. In providing the first full account of Baldwin’s involvement in intertribal activism, this essay counters Cahill’s inaccurate interpretation of Baldwin’s withdrawal from the society, and, more importantly, examines Baldwin’s underreported, yet openly racist campaign among key SAI members to ban African Americans from the Indian Service. Baldwin’s incendiary statements on race offers a point of departure for further study of how the Society of American Indians viewed African Americans during the Progressive era’s intense segregation and prevailing social Darwinist theories of race.

African Americans suffer disproportionately from cancer compared to their White counterparts. Racism may be an important determinant, but the literature on its association with cancer screening is limited. We examine associations between racism and cancer screening among a sample of African Americans. Guided by the Public Health Critical Race Praxis and the Behavioral Model of Health Services Use, we conducted a multilevel, cross-sectional study using cancer risk assessment data collected from 405 callers to the 2-1-1 Texas helpline. We merged these data with contextual data from the U.S. Census Bureau. We assessed perceived racial discrimination using the Experiences of Discrimination Scale and racial residential segregation using the Location Quotient for Racial Residential Segregation. We used multilevel regression models to test hypothesized associations between each indicator of racism and four cancer screening adherence outcomes (Pap test, mammography, colorectal cancer screening [CRCS], and any cancer screening). Participants were 18–83 years old (mean = 45 years). Most (81%) were non-adherent to at least one recommended screening. Approximately 42% reported experiencing discrimination and 73% lived in a segregated neighborhood. Discrimination was non-significantly related to lower odds of mammography (aOR = 0.68; 95%CI: 0.38-1.22), CRCS (aOR = 0.79; 95%CI: 0.41-1.52), and any cancer screening adherence (aOR = 0.88; 95%CI: 0.59-1.32). Segregation was related to greater odds of mammography (non-significant; aOR = 1.43; 95%CI: 0.76-2.68) and CRCS (significant; aOR = 2.80; 95%CI: 1.21-6.46) but not associated with any cancer screening. Neither indicator of racism was associated with Pap test screening adherence. Racism has a nuanced association with cancer screening among low-income, medically underserved African Americans. Specifically, discrimination appears to be associated with lower odds of screening, while segregation may be associated with higher odds of screening in certain situations. Future research is needed to better explicate relations between indicators of racism and cancer screening among African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three decades from 1940 through 1970 mark a turning point in the spatial scale of Black–White residential segregation in the United States compared with earlier years. We decompose metropolitan segregation into three components: segregation within the city, within the suburbs, and between the city and its suburbs. We then show that extreme levels of segregation were well established in most cities by 1940, and they changed only modestly by 1970. In this period, changes in segregation were greater at the metropolitan scale, driven by racially selective population growth in the suburbs. We also examine major sources of rising segregation, including region, metropolitan total, and Black population sizes, and indicators of redlining in the central cities based on risk maps prepared by the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) in the late 1930s. In addition to overall regional differences, segregation between the city and suburbs and within suburbia increased more in metropolitan areas with larger Black populations, but this relationship was found only in the North. In contrast to some recent theorizing, there is no association between preparation of an HOLC risk map or the share of city neighborhoods that were redlined and subsequent change in any component of segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Civil Rights Movement is long past, yet segregation persists. The wider society is still replete with overwhelmingly white neighborhoods, restaurants, schools, universities, workplaces, churches and other associations, courthouses, and cemeteries, a situation that reinforces a normative sensibility in settings in which black people are typically absent, not expected, or marginalized when present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the impact of the summer camp hosted by the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee during the 1950s-1960s, including the idea of the summer camp as a 'safe space' to nurture young activists, the merger of Camp Koinonia, an interracial camp, with Highlander and the struggles of the camp against racism.

Residents at Smithwood Hall, a racially integrated women's dormitory at Indiana University threw objects from their windows on April 8, 1960. This did little to drive away the students who [...]

The author reflects on the problem on segregation occurring throughout the U.S. The author argues that racial separation remains a feature of collective life in cities and rural areas in blue and red states in the country. Topics discussed include the case of Georgia's Congressman Tom Watson who organize white and African American farmers into the Populist Party toward the end of the 19th century, and the efforts of Southern politicians to develop a community and solidarity between white and African American people following Reconstruction.

In the United States, Black youth tend to grow up in remarkably less resourced neighborhoods than White youth. This study investigates whether and to what extent Black youth are moreover exposed to less resourced activity spaces beyond the home. We draw on GPS data from a large sample of urban youth in the Columbus, Ohio–based Adolescent Health and Development in Context study (2014–2016) to examine to what extent Black youth experience nontrivial, disproportionate levels of exposure to more disadvantaged and segregated contexts in their daily routines com­pared with sim­i­larly res­i­den­tially situated White youth. Specifically, we esti­mate Black–White differences in nonhome exposure to concentrated disadvantage, racial seg­re­ga­tion, col­lec­tive effi­cacy, and vio­lent crime. We find that Black youths’ activity spaces have substantially higher rates of racial segregation and violent crime than those of White youth, and sub­stan­tially lower lev­els of col­lec­tive effi­cacy—even after account­ing for a host of indi­vid­ual- and home neigh­bor­hood–level char­ac­ter­is­tics. We find more mod­est evi­dence of dif­fer­ences in expo­sure to socio­eco­nomic dis­ad­van­tage. These find­ings have impor­tant impli­ca­tions for neigh­bor­hood-cen­tered inter­ven­tions focused on youth well-being and the con­tex­tual effects and seg­re­ga­tion lit­er­a­tures more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Municipal incorporation is positively related to the change in Black-White segregation across southern counties.• Holding all else constant, new city formation increases Black-White county-level segregation by 2 percent.• Possible effects on a proposed municipality's neighbors may be a key issue to consider during the approval process. Over 400 municipalities have been created since 1990, the majority of which are in the American South. Though municipal incorporation can bring positive changes to a locality, such as higher home values and economic growth, the creation of new cities leads to more fragmented political geographies resulting in negative outcomes like inefficient resource and land use. Recent studies of newly incorporated municipalities (NIMs) find that these newly created cities tend to be either majority White or majority non-White or BIPOC. This type of Tieboutian residential sorting has been linked to increased levels of racial segregation in some areas of the US with recent evidence showing that parts of the country remain highly segregated, especially between Black Americans and White Americans. The present study seeks to quantitatively examine the relationship between municipal incorporation and change in Black-White racial segregation in the South between 1990 and 2010. Using both a first difference regression model and a spatial first different regression model, we find evidence that municipal incorporation is positively related to the change in Black-White racial segregation across southern counties. A discussion of the results is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I develop W. E. B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness to demonstrate the limitations of Kant’s and Rawls’s models of self-respect. I argue that neither Kant nor Rawls can explain what self-respect and resistance to oppression warrants under the conditions of violent and systematic racial exclusion. I defend Du Bois’s proposal of voluntary black self-segregation during the Jim Crow era and explain why Du Bois believes that the black American community has a moral right to assert its self-respect by mitigating its exposure to racial violence and animus in a white-controlled polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I draw on two decades of experience as a civil rights advocate to reflect on the denial of housing to African Americans in post-slavery America. I do so as Founder and President of the civil rights organization, ERASE Racism. I undertake historical research and share insights from my own experience to create and reflect upon six lessons related to understanding the systematic discrimination and segregation of African Americans. The lessons encompass: (1) the role of the federal government, (2) the role of municipal governments, (3) White supremacy ideation and actions, (4) legislative advocacy and legal actions, (5) modern ideological and political forces, and (6) indelible impressions. These lessons are offered in hopes that they will inform the work of other social justice advocates, including attorneys, to finally end structural racism in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the role of the press in Alabama during the "massive resistance" to the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education ruling of 1954 on school integration, and the extent to which newspaper editorials relied on social and legal rationales for segregation based on the High Court's earlier Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896. All three of Plessy's rationales for institutionalizing segregation—states' rights, a dual system of "social rights" based on race, and the doctrine of "separate but equal"—were widely adopted by the press. This contrasted with the approach of "natural law" preservationists who relied on "pure racial ideology" in fighting integration. A content analysis of Birmingham News editorials from 1960 to 1964 found support for our thesis that "mainstream" segregationist newspapers were more likely to use "pragmatic" rationales based on "constitutional" arguments rather than "natural law" arguments to defend segregation. This approach was seen as more effective in persuading the public outside the South on the merits of the "southern way of life." Thus, Birmingham News editors consistently supported "political equality" of races to the dismay of staunch segregationist leaders in Alabama such as Governors John Patterson and George Wallace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Residential segregation is one of the fundamental features of health disparities in the United States. Yet little research has examined how living in segregated metropolitan areas is related to cognitive function and cognitive decline with age. We examined the association between segregation at the metropolitan statistical area (MSA) level and trajectories of age-related cognitive function. Method Using data from Black and White older adults in the REasons for Geographic and Racial Differences in Stroke study (n = 18,913), we employed linear growth curve models to examine how living in racially segregated MSAs at baseline, measured by the degree of non-Hispanic Black (NHB) isolation and NHB dissimilarity, was associated with trajectories of age-related cognitive function and how the associations varied by race and education. Results Living in MSAs with greater levels of isolation was associated with lower cognitive function (b = −0.093, p <.05) but was not associated with rates of change in cognitive decline with age. No effects of living in isolated MSAs were found for those with at least a high school education, but older adults with less than a high school education had lower cognitive function in MSAs with greater isolation (b = −0.274, p <.05). The degree of dissimilarity was not associated with cognitive function. The association between segregation and cognitive function did not vary by race. Discussion Metropolitan segregation was associated with lower cognitive function among older adults, especially for those with lower education living in racially isolated MSAs. This suggests complex associations between individual socioeconomic status, place, and cognitive health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social demographers and historians have devoted extensive research to patterns of racial segregation that emerged under Jim Crow and during the post-Civil Rights era but have paid less attention to the role of slavery in shaping the residential distribution of Black populations in the United States. One guiding assumption has been that slavery rendered racial segregation to be both unnecessary and impractical. In this study, I argue that apart from the master–slave relationship, slavery relentlessly produced racial segregation during the antebellum period through the residential isolation of slaves and free people of color. To explain this pattern, I draw on racial threat theory to test hypotheses regarding interracial economic competition and fear of slave mobilization using data from the 1850 Census, as well as an architectural survey of antebellum sites. Findings suggest that the residential segregation of free people of color increased with their local prevalence, whereas the segregation of slaves increased with the prevalence of the slave population. These patterns continue to hold after controlling for interracial competition over land or jobs and past slave rebellions or conspiracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In African American fiction, racial segregation is usually understood in terms of an exclusionary spatial dynamic. Rights to space are vehemently disputed, and setting assumes the power to regulate the movement of racialized bodies. This essay, by contrast, approaches mid-twentieth-century (de)segregation fiction through its sonic manifestations. Frank London Brown's Trumbull Park (1959) has been hailed as the fullest literary account we possess of involvement in a desegregation campaign, yet the overwhelming aural patterns of (de)segregation in Brown's novel have never been explored. As theorized in this essay, an aural pattern of (de)segregation involves a dynamic of sound impacted by racially restrictive spatial practices. The essay argues that the intertwining of these two strands—the aural and the spatial—is essential to a more expansive understanding of Brown's literary work, African American (de)segregation fiction, and, more generally, the audible archive of segregation-era expressive culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RECOUNTING HIS EXPERIENCES AS A PART OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS struggles in Birmingham, Alabama, James Roberson described the intense emotion he felt when he rode a city bus in defiance [...]

African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is systematic, rooted in history, and important as an identity marker and expressive resource for its speakers. In these respects, it resembles other vernacular or nonstandard varieties, like Cockney or Appalachian English. But like them, AAVE can trigger discrimination in the workplace, housing market, and schools. Understanding what shapes the relative use of AAVE vs. Standard American English (SAE) is important for policy and scientific reasons. This work presents, to our knowledge, the first experimental estimates of the effects of moving into lower-poverty neighborhoods on AAVE use. We use data on non-Hispanic African-American youth (n = 629) from a large-scale, randomized residential mobility experiment called Moving to Opportunity (MTO), which enrolled a sample of mostly minority families originally living in distressed public housing. Audio recordings of the youth were transcribed and coded for the use of five grammatical and five phonological AAVE features to construct a measure of the proportion of possible instances, or tokens, in which speakers use AAVE rather than SAE speech features. Random assignment to receive a housing voucher to move into a lower-poverty area (the intention-to-treat effect) led youth to live in neighborhoods (census tracts) with an 11 percentage point lower poverty rate on average over the next 10-15 y and reduced the share of AAVE tokens by ∼3 percentage points compared with the MTO control group youth. The MTO effect on AAVE use equals approximately half of the difference in AAVE frequency observed between youth whose parents have a high school diploma and those whose parents do not.