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The paper aims to discover the relations between repression and the occurrence of innovative forms of protests (hereinafter: IFP) during the All-women's Strike in Poland (2020-2021). The Authors identified two most essential features of IFP, namely the use of the Internet and avoidance of physical violence. IFP were significant for these manifestations, considering pandemic circumstances and strict restrictions on public assembly. The following questions were asked during the research: 1) What was the content of the IFP? 2) Who is the target of IFP? The study draws on process tracing to determine whether repression by law enforcement caused a public reaction against those measures. Moreover, qualitative content analysis was used to determine the content published in public domain posts on Instagram. The period examined is 20 October 2020 (tightening abortion law by the Constitutional Court) to 8 February 2021 (when the last post was published). The purposeful selection of cases included 450 posts by the most engaged Polish female celebrities. The paper provides knowledge of how specific repression triggered certain types of IFP and who was the target of these protests. The authors also explain the use of IFP during the All-women's Strike in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A few years before the recomposed Court rejected abortion rights in Dobbs, it sustained several healthcare providers' challenge to Louisiana abortion restrictions in June Medical. History will remember that 5-4 decision mostly as one of the last major cases to interpret and apply the Casey framework. But in the little-noticed background of the June Medical litigation, a significant dispute over sealed court records boiled over. On one side, plaintiff physicians sought anonymity and confidentiality in light of potential threats to their physical safety and patient privacy. On the other side, Louisiana asserted the public's longstanding right to access court records and its own right to include information from June Medical companion cases in its Supreme Court briefing. Ultimately, the Fifth Circuit agreed with Louisiana, vacating the sealing order. June Medical evokes a larger dispute simmering in federal and state courts over public access to litigation information. Modern commerce and contemporary life generate an unprecedented volume of data. American civil discovery provides litigants with tools to discover and collect much of it. And courts have long recognized the public's First Amendment and common law rights to inspect and copy public court files. Moreover, the internet and advent of electronic filing have transformed once obscure paper court files into easily accessible databases. Proponents of expanded sealing and secrecy contend that this status quo threatens litigants' privacy and intellectual property. Proponents of more transparency posit that public access to the evidence underlying court action is essential to the integrity and proper functioning of the judiciary, as well as to public health and safety. This Article examines a largely unexplored angle of this debate: How should courts treat the unique privacy interests of litigants asserting substantive due process claims in the context of the public's right to access litigation information? Part II explains the public's court-access rights. Part III first considers whether forced identity revelation might infringe substantive due process rights. After concluding that infringement is possible, but recognizing that courts will often avoid the constitutional privacy questions posed by these scenarios, Part III goes on to consider the use and effects of subconstitutional privacy and access principles in rights cases where parties seek to proceed pseudonymously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In June 2022, the Supreme Court of the United States overturned Roe v. Wade. The European Court of Human Rights is also expected to decide on several abortion cases. In this paper, the interpretative approaches of both courts are compared. Whereas the U.S. Supreme Court in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decided on an originalist approach to the Constitution, the highest European court has always regarded the European Convention on Human Rights as a living instrument. As a result, domestic laws regulating the interruption of pregnancy are seen by the Strasbourg court as interferences with a fundamental right, the right to respect for private life. Although member states of the Council of Europe enjoy a wide margin of appreciation with regard to the circumstances in which abortion will be permitted, its highest court put forward the state's positive obligation to secure pregnant women's right to effective respect for their physical and psychological integrity in several landmark judgments. In this way, it ensures the existence of effective mechanisms in countries with a poor record of implementing the right to a lawful abortion. Albeit at a minimum, the Strasbourg court offers protection, whereas the U.S. Supreme Court no longer does. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the development and the sociopolitical background of legislation pertaining to abortion in Finland from the nineteenth century to the current day. The first Abortion Act came to force in 1950. Before that, abortions were handled under criminal law. The 1950 law was restrictive and allowed abortions in very limited circumstances only. Its main aim was to reduce the number of abortions and especially illegal abortions. It was not very successful in reaching these goals, but, significantly, it moved abortions from the realm of the criminal law to the hands of medical professionals. The birth of the welfare state and the prenatal attitudes of 1930s and 1940s Europe played their part in shaping the law. By late 1960s, with the rise of the women's rights movement and other changes in society, there was pressure to change the outdated law. The new 1970 Abortion Act was broader and allowed abortions for limited social reasons too but left very limited, if any, room for a woman's right to choose. After a citizen's initiative in 2020, the year 2023 will see a significant amendment to the 1970 law; during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, an abortion can be performed on the woman's request alone. However, there is still a long way to go in terms of women's rights and abortion laws in Finland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that abortion access is an important subject for bioethics scholarship and reflects on the relationship between legal frameworks and access to care. The author uses the example of the United Kingdom to examine the benefits and limitations of abortion- permissive legal frameworks in terms of access. These are legal frameworks that enable the provision of abortion but subject to restrictions. An abortion-permissive regime—first in Great Britain and then in Northern Ireland—has gone some way to improving access to care over time. However, aspects of the regime (that lead to its description as permissive rather than supportive of abortion) have the potential to endanger abortion access in the future and so legal reform is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the Supreme Court of the United States' (SCOTUS) arguments in the majority decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, and I will show how some of those arguments are flawed. Primarily, I will show that the right to bodily autonomy is a well-established right, both in the courts and in societal practices, and that the right to an abortion should be understood as an example of the right to bodily autonomy or bodily integrity. Second, I will examine the justices' arguments that viability is not a reasonable place to restrict abortion access, in contrast to both Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey , and will offer arguments that defend viability as a valid point to limit abortion access. Third, I will highlight some politicians' goals to enact a federal ban on abortion, and show how the attempt to pass Personhood Amendments is a pathway for doing so. The upshot of this essay to is show how the SCOTUS decision is flawed, and how granting personhood to "potential life" has consequences that extend beyond abortion access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Oceania region is home to some of the world's most restrictive abortion laws, and there is evidence of Pacific Island women's reproductive oppression across several aspects of their reproductive lives, including in relation to contraceptive decision‐making, birthing, and fertility. In this paper we analyse documents from court cases in the Pacific Islands regarding the illegal procurement of abortion. We undertook inductive thematic analysis of documents from eighteen illegal abortion court cases from Pacific Island countries. Using the lens of reproductive justice, we discuss the methods of abortion, the reported context of these abortions, and the ways in which these women and abortion were constructed in judges' summing up, judgements, or sentencing. Our analysis of these cases reveals layers of sexual and reproductive oppression experienced by these women that are related to colonialism, women's socioeconomic disadvantage, gendered violence, limited reproductive control, and the punitive consequences related to not performing gender appropriately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Information & Media is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Derecho Penal is the property of Cuadernos de Derecho Penal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a 2018 referendum, the Irish electorate voted in favour of repealing Ireland's quasi-total legal ban on abortion. The referendum campaign saw important public discussions regarding gender roles in twenty-first century Ireland. While the constitutional ban on abortion was condemned by abortion rights advocates for marginalising women's agency, the legislation which replaced it has not escaped criticism either. Therefore, questions surrounding the conceptualisation of women's agency in the 2018 referendum are still relevant today. Adopting a multimodal critical discourse analysis approach, this paper analyses signage from the weeks before the vote to examine the discursive construction of women's agency in the linguistic landscape of the referendum campaign. I argue that many mainstream campaign organisations – including those arguing for liberalisation of abortion laws – were complicit in the discursive diminishment of women's agency, suggesting that the campaign did not necessarily challenge prevailing ideologies of gender and agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we apply the reproductive justice framework to discuss how gendered racism disadvantages pregnant and parenting young Black women aging out of foster care. Specifically, we highlight the reversal of Roe v Wade as reflective of the United States' long legacy of efforts to control Black women's reproduction. We then discuss the structural factors contributing to the reproductive injustices of young Black women aging out of care, including a lack of access to sexual and reproductive health education, barriers to educational attainment, and foster care-based relational and placement deficits. We conclude with research, practice, and policy enhancements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. FDA has permanently removed the in-person prescribing requirements that previously safeguarded the use of mifepristone/misoprostol medical abortions, allowing prescribing through telemedicine or on-line ordering and distribution through the mail and pharmacies, without standard pre-abortion testing. This will increase the risk of complications due to failure to adequately determine the gestational age or rule out ectopic pregnancy by ultrasound or physical exam, failure to perform labs to document whether RhoGAM is indicated, and failure to obtain appropriate informed consent to prevent unwanted abortions, among other concerns. The FDA justified this action by referencing flawed studies with significantly undercounted complications. The details of these study deficiencies are examined in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 was commenced on 01/01/2019 in Ireland. The Act provides for legal termination of pregnancy under defined circumstances including for any reason at < 12 weeks gestation; and where two doctors agree there is 'a condition affecting the foetus that is likely to lead to the death of the foetus either before, or within 28 days of, birth'. As such, abortion for congenital anomaly (CA) can occur at a number of time points, depending on the adjudged severity. Infants born with CAs frequently require significant medical intervention and account for a high proportion of admissions to paediatric intensive care units (PICUs). The purpose of this paper was to evaluate the number of infants with CAs admitted to an Irish PICU in the period before and after the implementation of the Act. All PICU admissions < 1 month of age to a single Irish paediatric hospital between 2012 and 2021 were analysed. CAs were recorded, and the periods before and after the commencement of the Act compared. We found a difference in admissions involving CAs, particularly those related to congenital heart disease involving single ventricle anatomy. It is plausible that this difference was as a result of improved access to abortion services following the implementation of the Act. This article explores the legal conditions related to the abortion of a foetus with a CA in Ireland, and the possible impact of the Independent Review of the Operation of the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming at contributing to the debate about the effectiveness of constitutional courts in enhancing the protection of women's rights, this paper focuses on the case law of the Italian Constitutional Court. After an introduction on the role, functions, and composition of the Court, three foci will be put on the Court's case law: (1) on the abolition of the gender-based discrimination in the adultery law, which caused also the abolition of the crime itself, (2) on the legislation introducing gender quotas for increasing women's political representation, (3) on the legislation on abortion and reproductive rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses how the current sub-classification of pregnancies in Indian abortion laws, which is a selective privilege, conflicts with the autonomy of individuals over their own bodies. The MTP Act of 1971 was enacted at a time when most countries lacked comparable legislation. As a result of the preference for male foetuses over female foetuses in India, female foeticide and pre-natal determination of sex were criminal offences at the time, making it a significant breakthrough. Regarding abortion, the paper examines the extent and rationale for State intervention as parens patriae to protect the health and wellbeing of both the mother and the embryo at the national and international level. The global situation appears to be dire. According to a UN Report, 98% of countries permit abortion to save a woman's life. This is a very encouraging statistic. In actuality, a woman's existence in the twenty-first century is limited to her limbs and body. This is supported by the fact that only 34% of countries permit abortion solely on the request of the woman in cases of unintended pregnancy. In the context of eugenic model versus woman's autonomy, the recent issue of Poland, where a predominantly archaic Catholic mindset was conceptualised in actuality and where the most recent court ruling held that abortions for foetal abnormalities violate its Constitution, has been discussed. The paper examines European jurisprudence on abortion laws and the effect of COVID-19 on women's access to healthcare in India's rural and urban areas. The suggestions have been summed up in the current Indian laws and the need for all nations to move towards upholding womanhood and the autonomy of her privacy, rights, and decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Plura: Journal for the Study of Religion / Revista de Estudos de Religião is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Historia das Religioes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The right to abortion is one of the most prominent reproductive rights and hence has been a topic of great discussion, deliberation, and debate all across the globe. This has also been due to its varying nature and degree of acceptance in differing legal frameworks and jurisdictions. While it is one of the most intimate decisions and choices that a woman ought to have the authority to make, its jurisprudence, in tandem with an inalienable facet of privacy, that is, decisional privacy, has shaped the law and policy of various common law countries, including India and the United States. In this regard, the legislative approach in both countries is dynamic, and the judicial outlook has had different scales of balance, tilting towards either the 'compelling state interest' to protect a fetus or the decisional autonomy, reproductive rights, and privacy of the woman bearing the child. However, the triad of law, politics, and society, with shades of religion, have shaped the mechanisms that govern such rights in both these nations. And this paper presents a comparative perspective on the abortion laws and policies vis-à-vis privacy of the individual in India and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socjolingwistyka is the property of Instytut Jezyka Polskiego PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In June 2022, the United States Supreme Court decision Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization overturned Roe v. Wade, removing almost 50 years of precedent and enabling the imposition of a wide range of state‐level restrictions on abortion access. Historical data from the United States and internationally demonstrate that the removal of safe abortion options will increase complications and the health risks to pregnant patients. Because the emergency department is a critical access point for reproductive health care, emergency clinicians must be prepared for the policy, clinical, educational, and legal implications of this change. The goal of this paper, therefore, is to describe the impact of the reversal of Roe v. Wade on health equity and reproductive justice, the provision of emergency care education and training, and the specific legal and reproductive consequences for emergency clinicians. Finally, we conclude with specific recommended policy and advocacy responses for emergency medicine clinicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a case for the decriminalisation of abortion in Britain in light of the increasing investigations into people experiencing pregnancy loss and prosecutions of those suspected of illegal abortion. This growing enforcement of the criminal abortion offences has coincided with the legal change to allow the home use of abortion pills through telemedicine, and comes in the context of global backlash against abortion rights. Framing abortion as a necessary healthcare service and human right, this paper demonstrates the harms caused by criminalisation and highlights how the law exacerbates socio-economic and other vulnerabilities. It is later illegal abortions that tend to be prosecuted, and while there are complex reasons as to why someone might require an abortion, the law prohibits abortion beyond 24 weeks except for narrow medical reasons, creating crisis situations for those that find themselves without legal access. Decriminalisation is necessary to move away from this culture of suspicion, hostility, and stigma that has been built around abortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by the broader movement to expand access and autonomy in reproductive health and rights, this Paper analyzes the legal implications of reintroducing menstrual regulation in the United States. "Menstrual regulation" (MR) is the process of inducing uterine bleeding following delayed menses without confirming pregnancy status. MR is distinct from abortion because there is no confirmation of pregnancy--a critical element in the medical and legal definitions of abortion, its regulation, and its practice. MR has been used in abortionrestrictive contexts, including in the United States prior to Roe v. Wade, and internationally, such as in Bangladesh. This therapy is most readily and safely accomplished through medication (specifically, misoprostol and mifepristone or misoprostol alone). Though these medications are used for medical abortion in the United States today, they are not currently used for MR, which is rarely, if ever, offered as an alternative. Similarly, while there are many laws and regulations governing abortion and contraception, there are none that address MR specifically. This begs the question, if MR were to be offered as a distinct therapy, what laws would apply for patients and providers? This Paper aims to increase awareness of what MR is, why it is not currently an option in the fertility control spectrum, why it should be, and what the legal implications would be if MR were introduced under the existing U.S. legal framework for reproductive health and rights. Part I sets the stage with more detailed information on how MR works. Part II explores how MR fits in the existing legal frameworks for contraception and abortion. Given that MR is used after intercourse but without confirming pregnancy, this process lies somewhere between pregnancy prevention (contraception1) and pregnancy termination (abortion2). The analysis of how MR may be categorized legally is informed by a review of the intrauterine device (IUD) and emergency contraception (EC), for which there were similar categorization debates that are now resolved. Part III assesses the specific legal implications of MR for user and provider if it were to be introduced today, including issues such as off-label prescriptions and insurance coverage. Finally, Part IV offers concluding remarks and initial recommendations. Through my analysis, I demonstrate that MR does not fit neatly into the existing legal dichotomy of contraception or abortion, and a third legal regime may best accommodate this therapy. Absent such a third option, contraception is the more appropriate category. In the few instances courts have considered MR, however, some dicta has categorized MR as an abortion. That there are very few cases on the subject, and the lack of consensus suggests the debate can and should be revisited. Currently, several studies are underway to explore interest in a "missed period pill"--another framing of MR--and thus this Paper seeks to update existing literature3 and contribute to the discussion among reproductive health advocates and lawyers exploring this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of supply-side abortion restrictions on aggregate abortion and birth rates in the USA. Specifically, I exploit state and time variation in the implementation of the first targeted regulation of abortion provider (TRAP) law in a state to identify the effects of the laws. I find that TRAP laws are associated with a reduction in the abortion rate of approximately 5% the year the first law is implemented, and an average reduction of 11–14% in subsequent years. There is also evidence that TRAP laws increased birth rates by 2–3%, which accounts for approximately 80–100% of the observed decline in abortion rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abortion continues to be a hotly debated topic in the United States, despite the majority of the populace endorsing it as a legal right. The June 2022 ruling from the Supreme Court turned the legal question about abortion back to the states, which will drastically reduce abortion services in the country and confine abortion access mainly to the coasts. The intersection between abortion and a pregnancy achieved using assisted reproductive technology is one that lacks understanding. While presumed to be rare, as data is not collected in the US about abortions, this intersection exists but is understudied. This paper illuminates the little that we know to date about this intersection as well as where our knowledge is profoundly lacking. Creating a better sense of understanding will enable clinics to counsel patients appropriately when the intersection arises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Circumvention tourism is a form of medical tourism that occurs when individuals travel abroad to receive treatments that are a prohibited in their home county but permitted in a destination country. This paper explores this question: Should individuals be punished by their home countries for engaging in circumvention tourism? Guido Pennings, Richard Huxtable, and I. Glenn Cohen have all argued for what I call "formalist accounts" of circumvention tourism. That is, they try to show that certain types of circumvention tourism should or should not be punished in principle. Against them, I show that questions about circumvention tourism's punishability cannot be answered in the abstract. Whether individuals should be punished depends too much on the prima facie morality of the treatments being performed and the prohibitions being circumvented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the history of Bill 53, the Freedom of Informed Choice (Abortions) Act. A private member's bill introduced in the Saskatchewan Legislative Assembly in 1985, Bill 53 would have imposed additional consent requirements on women seeking abortions. After concerns about its constitutionality were raised, the Bill was referred to the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal, which found it fell outside provincial jurisdiction. This paper explores the connection between Bill 53 and its more well-known cousins, Morgentaler and Borowski, and examines judicial and political decision-making in the early Charter era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization sent shockwaves across the nation, overturning years of precedent and marking a pivotal moment as Roe v. Wade receded from current legal standing. This consequential abortion case immediately ignited controversy, prompting states to swiftly enact laws prohibiting abortion. Beyond the immediate implications for the health and safety of those seeking abortions, the new legal landscape poses additional risks. Since the era when abortion was last illegal, rapid technological advancements have transformed the American societal landscape, resulting in daily surveillance of its citizens. The convergence of technological progress, societal dependence on technology, and the absence of robust data privacy laws presents a distinctive challenge to reproductive rights. This paper delves into the technological landscape preceding Roe, explores significant developments since 1970, and examines the potential ramifications for reproductive freedom. The unique risks arising from data collection and easy access to information are particularly pronounced in states with recently implemented anti-abortion legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past two decades anti-abortionists in the Global North have been aggressively instrumentalising disability in order to undermine women's social autonomy, asserting, falsely, there is an insuperable conflict between disability rights and reproductive rights. The utilisation of disability in struggles over abortion access is not new, it has a history dating back to the interwar era. Indeed, decades before anti-abortionists' campaign, feminists invoked disability to expand access to safe abortion. This paper examines the feminist eugenics in the first organisation dedicated to liberalising restrictive abortion laws, the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA), established in England in 1936. ALRA played a vital role in the passage of the Abortion Act 1967 (or the Act) that greatly expanded the grounds for legal abortion, a hugely important gain for women in Britain and beyond seeking legal, safe abortions. In addition, the Act permitted eugenic abortion, which also had transnational effects: within a decade, jurisdictions in numerous Commonwealth countries passed abortion laws that incorporated the Act's eugenics clause, sometimes verbatim. This essay analyses ALRA's role in codifying eugenics in the Abortion Act 1967 and argues that from the outset, ALRA was simultaneously a feminist and eugenist association. Initially, ALRA prioritized their feminist commitment to 'voluntary motherhood' in their campaign whereas starting in the 1940s, they subordinated feminism to negative eugenics, a shift that was simultaneously strategic and a reflection of genuine concern to prevent the birth of children with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we engage in a critical exploration of the strategic use of weaponised and glorified media representations of children and (re)production in anti-gender and pro-family movements. We argue that this strategy aims to portray the heteronormative family as the “natural” aim, the normal (normative) condition of living, and the only acceptable social engagement in society. We analyse these semantic representations through three theoretical lenses: anti-social queer theory, children’s rights theory, and intersectional feminism. These inform and share the critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2013) of media documentation of two recent events in Italy: the pro-family conference “The Wind of Change: Europe and the Global Pro-Family Movement”, which took place in Verona in March 2019; and the reactionary far-right and ultra-Catholic campaigns in response to the updated guidelines for the application of the Abortion Law 194, in regard to the administration of the abortion pill (RU486) in August 2020. We review three recurrent concepts in the rhetoric of the anti-gender and pro-family movements discussed in the analysed media articles: the Child; reproductive futurism; and the glorification of hetero-normative modes of socialisation, discussed here as “positive sociality”. In exploring the ideological discourses presented in relation to these concepts, we adopt Bersani’s (1995) critique of heteronormative practices as a starting point. Findings highlight the modality in which anti-gender and pro-family movements utilise these three ideological concepts as weapons to define non-normative sociality as a threat to the traditional (and reproductive) family as well as the (white) nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland has one of the strictest abortion laws in Europe, and anti-abortion discourse shapes the debate and social attitudes towards the issue. The paper aims to reconstruct the way in which this discourse, as exemplified in the Polish right-wing press, constructs negative views about abortion and to identify the legitimation mechanisms it employs to sustain its interpretations. Based on our findings, resulting from a content analysis of articles from two right-wing weekly magazines, we distinguish three interrelated frames organising Polish anti-abortion discourse, centred on 'defending the unborn', 'protecting women', and 'preserving culture and nation'. While the first two have occurred in the liberal contexts of Anglophone countries, with one replacing the other, in Polish anti-abortion discourse they co-exist. The construction of abortion as a threat to culture and nation is specific to Poland. We argue that by blending together community-related and individualistic arguments, Polish anti-abortion discourse adapts to wider societal changes observable in the country, thereby sustaining its power to define debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the complexity of contemporary struggles for collective health in Colombia, by analysing the efforts of different actors to inscribe abortion as a matter of public health and as a human right. In 2006 the Colombian Constitutional Court (Sentence C 355 of 2006) partially decriminalised abortion in specific circumstances. Such a change in regulation was the result of the strategic coordination of international organisations, researchers and women's social movements. These groups produced a powerful network of international regulation and epidemiological data about abortion's mortality and burden of disease in order to move the discussion from the moral field to public health and international law. Despite the significance of the sentence in terms of civil rights, ten years after the regulation there is no clarity about its impact. Conservative sectors within the government have limited the operation of the regulation, through eliciting convoluted rules for hospitals and care providers. On the other hand, data about safe abortions are weak and precarious. Recently groups opposed of abortion have exploited such weakness to undermine the impact of the decriminalisation and to criticise the justification of legalising abortion as a matter of public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia has seen a number of efforts at reform of abortion laws in recent years. Some jurisdictions have decriminalised abortion entirely, and other states have made efforts to reform abortion law without complete decriminalisation. At the other end of the spectrum, Queensland in 2018 listed abortion as a criminal offence. This article uses the framework of questions in the Queensland Law Reform Commission consultation paper to reprise the need for abortion law reform in Queensland specifically, and Australia generally. While answering the Queensland Law Reform Commission questions, we frame our inquiry around empowering women's self-determination to make decisions about their reproductive health as a hallmark of their equality as citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies and contests the thesis it takes to be the central premise of Giubilini and Minerva, 'Why should the baby live?', namely that rights, subjecthood and personhood have as a necessary condition that the undergoing of a harm be experienced. That thesis entails the repugnant or absurd conclusion that we do not have the right not to be killed in our sleep. The conclusion can be avoided by adding some premise or qualification about actual capacities for experience of harm, but nothing in the Giubilini and Minerva article shows that such capacities do not exist, as actual and not merely potential, in the newly born human infant (and indeed in the unborn human child/foetus). The present paper reviews an earlier philosophical attempt to deploy an awareness criterion of personhood, and proposes objections to some other aspects of the article under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented which offers articles about the legal and medical debates regarding the case Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization alongside the impact of the decision on entrenching racial, gender, and class inequalities.

This article discusses the early influence of Michel Foucault's work on classical antiquity, particularly his lectures and writings from the 1970s. It highlights Foucault's visits to the University at Buffalo during this time and the courses he taught on various topics such as Nietzsche, Sade, Balzac, and ancient Greek literature. The article also mentions Foucault's election to the Collège de France and his visit to the New York Correctional Facility in Attica. It concludes by mentioning the later engagement with Foucault's work in the pages of Arethusa, a journal focused on classical studies. [Extracted from the article]

We examine the effect of a U.S. Supreme Court decision regarding abortion laws on Americans' preferences for political candidates. The decision was leaked in advance of the official announcement, and we track the evolution of political preferences from before to after the leak and, eventually, to after the formal announcement. The abortion issue was already very important to voters before the leak, but the Court's decision did not simply make it more important for everyone. We find that the decision decreased the importance weight of abortion for Republicans, while increasing it for independents/nonvoters. Further, the decision increased Republican support for candidates who want to ban abortions although this effect is diminished for candidates that oppose exceptions for rape, incest, or the mother's health. Nonaffiliated voters move sharply away from candidates who want to ban abortions without exceptions. The decision also resulted in a lasting polarization along gender lines whereby men became more likely to vote for a candidate that supports a ban on abortion, while women are less likely to support candidates that ban abortions. This paper was accepted by David Simchi-Levi, marketing. Supplemental Material: The data files are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2023.4802. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)