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Recognizing emotional expressions across different people and discriminating between them are important social skills. We examined their development using a novel free-sorting task in which children (aged 5 to 10) and adults sorted 20 faces (posing sadness, anger, fear, and disgust) into piles such that all faces in each pile were feeling the same. Participants could make as many or few piles (emotion categories) as they liked and then labeled each pile. There were no age-related changes in the number of piles made. Children made more confusion errors (two emotions in the same pile) than adults, a pattern that decreased with age. Errors were not random, but disproportionately involved placing fearful faces into piles labeled sad and disgusted faces into piles labeled angry-especially among children who did not produce fear and disgust labels, respectively. Our findings are consistent with differentiation and constructivist models of the development of emotion perception. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

First impressions of traits are formed rapidly and nonconsciously, suggesting an automatic process. We examined whether first impressions of trustworthiness are mandatory, another component of automaticity in face processing. In Experiment 1a, participants rated faces displaying subtle happy, subtle angry, and neutral expressions on trustworthiness. Happy faces were rated as more trustworthy than neutral faces; angry faces were rated as less trustworthy. In Experiment 1b, participants learned eight identities, half showing subtle happy and half showing subtle angry expressions. They then rated neutral images of these same identities (plus four novel neutral faces) on trustworthiness. Multilevel modeling analyses showed that identities previously shown with subtle expressions of happiness were rated as more trustworthy than novel identities. There was no effect of previously seen subtle angry expressions on ratings of trustworthiness. Mandatory first impressions based on subtle facial expressions were also reflected in two ratings designed to assess real-world outcomes. Participants indicated that they were more likely to vote for identities that had posed happy expressions and more likely to loan them money. These findings demonstrate that first impressions of trustworthiness based on previously seen subtle happy, but not angry, expressions are mandatory and are likely to have behavioral consequences.

Despite the profound behavioral consequences that first impressions of trustworthiness have on adult populations, few studies have examined how adults’ first impressions of trustworthiness influence behavioral outcomes for children. Using a novel task design, we examined adults’ perceptions of children’s behavior in ambiguous situations. After a brief presentation of a child’s face (high trust or low trust), participants viewed the child’s face embedded within an ambiguous scene involving two children (Scene Task) or read a vignette about a misbehavior done by that child (Misbehavior Task). In the Scene Task, participants described what they believed to be happening in each scene; in the Misbehavior Task, participants indicated whether the behavior was done on purpose or by accident. In both tasks, participants also rated the behavior of the target child and indicated whether that child would be a good friend. In Experiment 1, young adults (n = 61) and older adults (n = 57) viewed unaltered face images. In Experiment 2, young adults (N = 59) completed the same tasks while viewing images of child faces morphed toward high-trust and low-trust averages. In both experiments, ambiguous scenes and misbehaviors were interpreted more positively when the target child had a high-trust face versus a low-trust face, with comparable patterns of results for the two age groups. Collectively, our results demonstrate that a child’s facial trustworthiness biases how adults interpret children’s behavior—a heuristic that may have lasting behavioral consequences for children through a self-fulfilling prophecy.