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This article develops sociological knowledge on daughterhood through an analysis of how separation shapes the emotional and moral dynamics of transnational daughterhood. Building on Finch, we look at daughtering as a set of concrete social practices that constitute kinship and carry the symbolic dimension of displaying the family-like character of relationships. Within this framework, we analyse how Latin American women living in Barcelona discuss their transnational family lives and filial responsibilities. We see family as finite, evolving in the past, present and future, and develop a threefold understanding of filial love as an institution imbued with formal expectations, a strong and complex emotion, and reciprocal embodied caring. We consider persisting physical separation in migration as a circumstance that demands not only practical solutions but also ongoing moral labour that sustains transnational bonds and notions of being a ‘good enough’ daughter.

Young EU citizens are encouraged to enhance their ‘employability’ by taking advantage of intra-EU mobility, but, for many, moving to another EU country can instead generate disadvantages in the labour market. Drawing on a qualitative study on the experiences of university-educated young Nordics and southern Europeans working in precarious jobs in Brussels, we examine how their access to income support in the context of mobility shapes their access to financial independence. We argue that the variation in European welfare models regarding young peoples’ social entitlements impacts this access in multiple and complex ways. The article advances a tripartite approach that looks at the regulation and enforcement of conditionality of social entitlements on the levels of EU, their country of origin and their country of destination. The analysis shows how, in Belgium, precarious EU migrant citizens are denied access to income support due to the interplay between general welfare conditionality for all claimants and recently reinforced conditionality affecting EU migrant citizens in particular. In these situations, the de-familialising Nordic welfare models showed an aptitude for shielding their young citizens. The young southern Europeans, on the other hand, often had no access to income support in any country, which forced them to choose between family dependency and unfiltered exposure to precarity.

The chapter examines the ways in which eldercare managers (e.g. head nurses, home care supervisors, ward managers) in Finland can justify the increasing recruitment of foreign-born workers to lower-level eldercare jobs that are decreasingly attractive to Finnish-born workers. The question we ask is, how can eldercare managers discursively cope with the potential criticism according to which the prevailing recruitment and employment tendencies exploit actors in structurally disadvantaged labor market positions? Our analysis demonstrates how eldercare managers can maintain affectively appealing impressions of their own actions by constructing foreign-born workers as subjects who are inherently interested in eldercare work, and less interested in wages and working conditions. When eldercare managers’ self-presentations depend on these win-win narratives, foreign-born workers’ abilities to mobilize counter-narratives at their workplace are highly limited. The chapter examines the ways in which eldercare managers (e.g. head nurses, home care supervisors and ward managers) in Finland can justify the increasing recruitment of foreign-born workers to lower-level eldercare jobs that are decreasingly attractive to Finnish-born workers. The question asked is: How can eldercare managers discursively cope with the potential criticism according to which the prevailing recruitment and employment tendencies exploit actors in structurally disadvantaged labor market positions? Our analysis demonstrates how eldercare managers can maintain affectively appealing impressions of their own actions by constructing foreign-born workers as subjects who are inherently interested in eldercare work and less interested in wages and working conditions. When eldercare managers’ self-presentations depend on these win-win narratives, foreign-born workers’ abilities to mobilize counter-narratives at their workplace are highly limited.

Globally spreading neoliberal doctrines regarding the need to ‘flexibilise’ the allegedly bureaucratic welfare states have been shown to contribute to the ‘flexibilisation’ of care work, involving austerity measures and reliance on migrant labour. Focusing on public eldercare in Finland, this chapter adds to the literature a close intersectional examination of the exploitative ‘coping management’ that the neoliberal discourse underpins. This management style fails to challenge inadequate resources and instead extorts nurses, treating them as disposable routine workers. We argue that coping management is expressed through ‘flexibility talk’ that emphasises personal characteristics rather than formal skills, and that there is an inherent affinity between ‘flexibility talk’ and ‘migrant flexibility talk’. We maintain that the re-articulation of care work as work requiring ‘flexibility’ and therefore particularly fitting for migrants has problematic gendered and racialised implications in the workplace. Our analysis draws on interviews with managers in public eldercare and observations from eldercare units in Finland. We show how the practices and discourses of flexibilisation help care managers to reconcile the practical and ethical dilemmas they face in ways that appear morally and locally sustainable to them. We have observed that care managers do not currently recognise migrant nurses as stakeholders worthy of equal recognition.

PurposeRecent scholarship reveals the imagery of the professional as the “ideal citizen”. The linkage between professionalism and citizenship is here approached from the perspective of democratic social justice in order to examine the persistence of gendered inequalities in the health care system. The paper aims to examine the ideas framing professionalism, both in sociological theory and historically, asking what gendered hierarchies mean in modern health care systems, and why and how they persist in the conditions of liberal democracy.Design/methodology/approachThe question is approached through both sociological literature and an analysis of historical framings of professionalism; the Finnish health care system is employed as a case. The reason for keeping the discussion close to a specific case is that different professional fields, countries and historic contexts differ from each other in democratically relevant respects.FindingsTraditional sociological theory assumed that professional privilege was based on essentially neutral expertise that benefits democracy only if protected from bureaucracy and politics. The recent theoretical turn reframes professional knowledge as socially defined, but the destabilisation of professional knowledge claims is not without problems. The paper refers to the persisting tensions between changing governance and gendered hierarchies in health care and argues for new approaches that suggest ways through which professional expertise can be democratically represented in politics.Originality/valueThe interdisciplinary framework uses political theory on social justice to examine how health care politics frame professionalism.

The market for professional services is increasingly international but comparisons have not been made between different professions nor on how state policies affect opportunities for mobility. This article considers three professions: engineers, physicians and psychologists and explores the similarities and differences in international labour market demand for occupations. It examines how state policies in four countries, Canada, Finland, France and the UK, aim to promote and control professional labour mobility and migration, and the differences across the three professions. Engineering is an international profession and the extent to which states encourage inward migration differs. Medicine is highly regulated in all four countries but inward migration of physicians varies depending on national policy. Psychologists are less mobile, and the extent of state sponsorship and regulation varies across countries. In all three professions, international organizations are a force encouraging global standards. The conclusion is that state policies reflect state interests and have a strong influence on patterns of mobility.

Cross-national comparison is an important tool for health care research, but too often those who use this method fail to consider important inter-national differences in the social organisation of health care and in the relationship between health care practices and social experience. In this article we make the case for a context-sensitive and reflexive analysis of health care that allows researchers to understand the important ways that health care systems and practices are situated in time and place. Our approach--decentred comparative research--addresses the often unacknowledged ethnocentrism of traditional comparative research. Decentred cross-national research is a method that draws on the socially situated and distributed expertise of an international research team to develop key concepts and research questions. We used the decentred method to fashion a multilevel framework that used the meso level of organisation (i.e., health care organisations, professional groups and other concrete organisations) as an analytical starting point in our international study of maternity care in eight countries. Our method departs from traditional comparative health systems research that is most often conducted at the macro level. Our approach will help researchers develop new and socially robust knowledge about health care.

In lay terms, childbirth is regarded as a purely biological event: what is more natural than birth and death? On the other hand, social scientists have long understood that ‘natural’ events are socially structured. In the case of birth, sociologists have examined the social and cultural shaping of its timing, outcome, and the organization of care throughout the perinatal period. Continuing in this tradition, we examine the peculiar social design of birth in the United States of America, contrasting this design with the ways birth is organised in Europe. We begin by showing how several key characteristics of the US health care system – including its inherent social inequality, its high level of medicalisation, and the substantial influence of private medical practice and insurance companies – influence the organization of maternity care there. We then explore how cultural characteristics of American society – its emphasis on individuality, the influence of moral conservatism in US politics, and the ease with which ordinary people take court action (the so-called ‘litigation culture’) – shape the delivery of care at birth. We conclude with a consideration of the implications of US maternity care exceptionalism for comparative sociological analysis.