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This article presents an overview of lithic material from lateral pits of Early Neolithic dwelling units (Linear Pottery Culture or Rubane) in the Aisne Valley. The corpus of 17500 objects comes from 12 sites and about 90 houses dating to the later phase of the Rubane of the Seine (5100 - 4950 BCE). These sites have been excavated by a team of researchers from the UMR Trajectoires (CNRS-Paris I) from 1970 to the present day. The sites are hamlets typical for the period, with house plans made up of five parallel rows of posts with the internal space divided up by tierces. The Rubane period lasts only for a short period in the region and dates of very few houses overlap, making it easy to attribute the artefacts found in the lateral pits to specific domestic units. Our aim is to decipher the composition of the lithic assemblages of the LPC houses and to document the activities using the flint tools. We have been able to draw up the main characteristics of the LPC lithic industry from the technological study of the lithic material. The assemblages show a mix of several manufacturing and consumption chains. Different varieties of flint are present in all the houses, but regional materials are preferred for blade debitage (Campanian and Bartonian flint between 20 and 50 km south of the area). The Aisne valley is divided into three from east to west in terms of different materials are selected and used. In the easternmost sector, communities were mainly supplied with Turonian flint from the Ardennes to the east. This type of flint is hardly used in the central part of the valley, whereas it is massively used for expedient production in the western sector. Turonian flint blocks from the alluvium were knapped to provide the blanks for the splintered pieces. Blade debitage is predominant at all sites, and all houses show evidence of the blade debitage process. It is possible, however, that some houses, notably at Cuiry-lès-Chaudardes, may have been supplied with Campanian flint laminar products by other houses. The lithic assemblages from the pits show recurrent lack of evidence of certain steps in the blade debitage process as only some artefacts that were progressively discarded in the pits. In order to characterize the activities evidenced by the flint tools found in the lateral pits, 366 artefacts from 7 LPC houses were analysed for microwear. This study showed that part of the technical system is not found according to the tools and traces of use recorded and entire technical sections remain absent or are very little present, although they are documented from the point of view of production. The tools within each of the pits clearly show that they were grouped together according to very different activities such as subsistence and crafts even if most activities are documented in most houses. Hunting, harvesting, crafting of hides and plants, and working with hard and soft materials are activities shared by all of the houses analyzed.The composition of the tool assemblages is stable for this period in this region and we can therefore assume that this assemblage and the recurrence of dominant tools are typical of the activities that take place in and around the domestic unit. We have pinpointed two main locations. Tool finds indicate that the activities took place inside or near to the house, for example, hide processing (especially finishing activities). The same is true for drills, burins, splintered pieces or retouched blades and flakes, which indicate a whole range of activities in or near the house. Other tools refer to activities that cannot take place in or near the housing unit such as arrows and sickle blades used for hunting and harvesting.The remains of wild fauna found in the lateral pits pits: deer and wild boar and more rarely aurochs show that hunting did not take place in the hamlet and even in its immediate vicinity.The preponderance of blade debitage in the LPC lithic industry could be the technical response to the fact that most tools were hafted. The lack of tools that show evidence of different processing activities indicates that most of these activities actually took place near or beyond the domestic space and that the domestic unit, stricto sensu, was in fact the place where tools were maintained and repaired., Cet article présente la synthèse des études du mobilier lithique issu des fosses latérales qui bordent les parois des unités d'habitation du Néolithique ancien Rubané dans la vallée de l'Aisne. La séquence chronologique correspond à l'étape récente du Rubané de la Seine (5100-4950 cal. BP) et le corpus pris en compte rassemble 17 500 objets répartis dans 12 sites et environ 90 maisons. La problématique vise à décrypter la nature des assemblages lithiques des maisons rubanées et à documenter les activités représentées par les outils en silex. L'approche technologique permet de dresser les principales caractéristiques de l'industrie lithique rubanée. Le mobilier des fosses latérales correspond à un assemblage qui mixe différentes chaînes opératoires de fabrication et de consommation. Différents matériaux sont présents dans toutes les maisons, mais on observe une utilisation préférentielle pour les matériaux régionaux (20 à 50 km) pour le débitage des lames. L'échelle de la vallée de l'Aisne, il existe une tripartition d'est en ouest avec des différences importantes dans la sélection et le traitement des matières premières. L'échelle du site, il est possible que certaines maisons, notamment à Cuiry-lès-Chaudardes, aient pu être alimentées en produits laminaires par d'autres maisons. Néanmoins, la composition des assemblages lithiques des fosses montre des absences récurrentes de certaines étapes de la chaîne opératoire du débitage des lames et qu'il ne s'agit pas de rejets primaires, mais plutôt que les fosses sont le réceptacle d'objets progressivement rejetés. Afin de caractériser les activités dont témoignent les outils en silex présents dans les fosses latérales, 366 pièces en silex issues de 7 fosses latérales ont fait l'objet d'une analyse tracéologique. Le principal résultat est qu'une partie du système technique n'est pas retrouvée d'après les outils et les traces d'utilisation recensés. Des pans techniques entiers demeurent absents ou très peu présents alors qu'ils sont documentés du point de vue des productions. La prépondérance du débitage laminaire dans l'industrie lithique rubanée pourrait être la réponse technique à un outillage composite, c'est-à-dire emmanché. Les lacunes observées dans les différentes chaînes opératoires des activités recensées par les outils peuvent s'interpréter en postulant que la plupart de ces activités ont lieu en fait en marge ou au-delà de l'espace domestique au sens large et que l'unité domestique, stricto sensu, soit en fait le lieu d'entretien et de réparation des outils.

This study explores the technical diversity of blade production in the village of Vaux-et-Borset located in Hesbaye (Belgium), where two settlements have been excavated. The first dates to the Linear Pottery Culture and the second is dated to the Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain culture. The Linear Pottery Culture settlement comprises of five houses and an enclosure. Stratigraphic observations, combined with the different orientations of the farmsteads suggest two or three occupation phases. The Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain village also comprises of five houses. This paper will focus on the flint industry from these settlements or more precisely on the blades, the study of which underlines a large technical diversity. The objective is to propose a new interpretation of these lithic industries aimed at defining technical traditions, based on the identification of technical processes acquired through learning. By studying both Linear Pottery culture and Blicquian productions, based on 755 Linear Pottery blades and 1186 Bliquian blades, we aim to understand the relationship between continuity and innovation in these two cultural groups from the unprecedented perspective of the transmission of technical expertise. Linear Pottery knappers and Blicquian knappers from Vaux-et-Borset do not select the same siliceous materials to produce their blades, as the former has clearly oriented their selection towards local raw materials, whereas the proportion of exogenous flint blades in Blicquian contexts is extremely high and is largely preferred in several housing units. The large supply of exogenous raw materials to the Blicquian settlement does not seem to be for the manufacture of tools for a particular technical activity, but was used for the village's contemporary needs, on the same basis as local materials. The productions are similar with the manufacture of small blades (7-10 cm) with a trapezoidal section. Furthermore, all raw materials seem to have been knapped locally, raising the question of the identity of the knappers, which is highlighted by their technical diversity and expressed by the differential treatment of the striking platforms and the preparations made for the detachment of the blades. Some blades have been knapped on a flat striking platform, some on a facetted one and the preparations for the detachment seem to have been done with a punch or a stone. Within the various stages and operations of blade production, theprocessing of striking platforms seems to constitute a technical action relaying a strong identity. Furthermore, it isnecessary to underline the technical homogeneity within the Linear Pottery context, whereas in the Blicquian contextthe three raw materials are processed according to three different technical modalities. There is also a difference in theskills. Several knappers know specific arrangements to obtain more regular trapezoidal section blades, with a technicalprocess that requires a good skill level. This underlines that it is the ideas and the technical know-how that distinguishthe knapper groups. However, this distinction does not explain the technical variability observed in the processing ofstriking platforms and in the preparation for the detachment of the blades. The observed differences do not lead to theproduction of blanks for specific tools, nor are they justified by the intrinsic qualities of the raw materials. For an equivalentproduction context, we therefore propose that this technical variability reflects different ways of doing used byknappers in the settlements. This study distinguishes three main and two minor ways. Knappers of the Linear Potteryculture use local raw materials and the same way to manufacture blades. Only rare artefacts attest to the implementationof a different procedure, probably introduced during one of the site later phases. Blicquian knappers use diverse waysof doing. There are two main technical traditions, the first carries on the traditions of the Linear Pottery culture, thesecond, involving exogenous flints, uses another method. Two new ways of doing that are absent from Linear Potterycontexts have also been observed. There is therefore a certain technical continuity between the Linear Pottery cultureand the Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain culture, which attests to the transmission of knowledge through the generations.This transmission indicates the coexistence of at least two learning networks among Early Neolithic knappers.Moreover, the Linear Pottery knappers of Vaux-et-Borset almost all seem to come from the same learning network,unlike the four technical groups distinguished among the Blicquian knappers. This diversity of technical practices andtechnical traditions used by the Blicquians is discussed. As the data currently stands, it seems that this may result fromboth the mobility of neighbouring populations and the syncretism of certain traditions., Cette étude explore la diversité technique de la production laminaire dans les villages rubané et Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain de Vaux-et-Borset (Hesbaye, Belgique). Cette diversité technique est essentiellement définie par un traitement différentiel des plans de frappe et des préparations au détachement des lames. Or, les différences relevées ne conduisent pas à la production de supports pour un outillage spécifique. Elles ne se justifient pas non plus par les qualités intrinsèques des matières premières. À contexte de production équivalent, nous proposons dès lors que cette variabilité technique reflète différentes manières de faire parmi les tailleurs du village de Vaux-et-Borset. La reconnaissance d’une véritable continuité de certaines manières de faire entre le Rubané et la culture Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain atteste de leur transmission dans le temps. Cette transmission signe la coexistence d’au moins deux filières d’apprentissage chez les tailleurs au Néolithique ancien. Par ailleurs, les tailleurs rubanés du village de Vaux-et-Borset semblent presque tous issus du même réseau d’apprentissage contrairement aux quatre groupes distingués chez les tailleurs blicquiens. La diversité des pratiques techniques et des traditions techniques au cours du Blicquien est discutée. En l’état actuel des données, il semble qu’elle puisse à la fois résulter de la mobilité de populations avoisinantes et du syncrétisme de certaines traditions.

As a result of recent work in northern France, ’ slot pits’ have become an important research issue. These pits are large, deep and narrow, with a V or Y-shaped section. They are often isolated features, containing few artefacts. Although the pits have been interpreted in many ways, three hypotheses can be retained : craft pits, ritual pits or hunting traps. The latter hypothesis is often put forward, in the Champagne-Ardenne region, to explain the recurrent presence in the pits of articulated wild animal skeletons, as well as the absence of contemporary settlements close to the hundred or so pits that have already been recorded. This hypothesis implies an arrangement of the pits in groups. However, in Champagne-Ardennes there are few examples of such groups and most of the pits are isolated features. This article describes three slot-pit groups which were recently discovered in the Marne département (Champagne-Ardenne, France) during preventive archaeological excavations. The first site is the ’ Champ de Manoeuvre’ at Bétheny, to the north of Reims. During an archaeological evaluation on this site, at some distance from any river, a group of at least ten slot pits was discovered. These features do not display any pattern and their orientation varies. Nevertheless, the group lines up on a broad southwest/ north-east axis. Two of them were investigated : they are quite large, narrow and deep, with many stratified layers visible in section. Two kinds of fill could be distinguished : a silty, homogeneous upper level and a lower part with alternating chalk and silt layers. There were no artefacts apart from a few pottery sherds discovered on the surface, dating the final fill between the Bronze Age and the later Iron Age. Not far from this site, further north in Bétheny at ’ Les Écavés’, archaeological evaluation work uncovered another group of at least ten slot pits, located on the plateau slope. These pits are also large and deep, with V or Y cross-sections. Two or three kinds of fill were identified in the five excavated pits : a silty and homogeneous upper part, and a lower part alternating chalk and silts. A brown silty layer occasionally fills the base of the pit. The spatial organisation of these features is remarkable. Although the pits are 50 metres apart and vary in orientation, they are all on the same contour line. This west-east axis is followed for at least 500 metres. In other words, the line of pits blocks the slope, with large spaces between each pit. Thus, one can imagine a system of traps on the slope, to catch wild animals passing through the area. However the sampled pits produced no finds to confirm this function. More archaeological evidence is required to confirm the hypothesis. While these two groups of slot pits are difficult to date, similar features from Champagne-Ardenne suggest that they are Neolithic, or Bronze Age in date. Although further excavation is necessary, the current evidence from Bétheny does seem compatible with the hunting hypothesis. At Saint-Martin-sur-le-Pré ’ Rue des Castors’, near Châlons-en-Champagne, another group of slot pits was uncovered during preventive excavations. The seven features have narrow V or Y shaped sections and deep, stratified fills. Once again, the fills can be divided into two or three parts. Early Neolithic artefacts were found in five pits. Finds include pottery sherds, wild and domestic fauna, with cervid bones in anatomical connection in one pit, as well as flint artefacts and seeds. One slot pit, located near a longhouse, had been reused as a refuse pit. Two radiocarbon dates were obtained. The cervid bones date to the Early Neolithic, so they are contemporary with the Linear Pottery settlement on the site. Cereal seeds from another slot pit in the group date to the Middle Neolithic. These results imply that the slot pits were dug during the Early Neolithic occupation, and remained partially open during the Middle Neolithic. At this site, the hunting hypothesis can be rejected, not only because of the danger of people and domestic animals from the settlement falling into the pits, but also because of the low probability of wild animals approaching this close to the village. The layout of the slot pits on the northern edge of the village, forming an arc of a circle, could be interpreted as an unusual defensive system. This discovery echoes others sites in the Rhineland and Belgium, where similar pits have been found in Linear Pottery settlements. Comparison of the three sites shows similarity in pit morphology, but flagrant differences in spatial organisation. The slot-pit group at Saint-Martin-sur-le-Pré presents some atypical characteristics that are uncommon in Champagne-Ardennes, in particular the association with a contemporary settlement. These three examples show that the debate on the function of slot pits function is still open, and that their function may well have varied over time., Les recherches récentes dans le Nord de la France ont permis l’émergence d’une problématique sur les «fosses à profil en V-Y » . Ces fosses profondes, étroites, souvent vides de mobilier, font l’objet de diverses interprétations, dont l’hypothèse cynégétique qui est souvent avancée en raison de l’isolement de ces fosses par rapport à tout habitat contemporain. Néanmoins, en Champagne-Ardenne, les exemples de batteries de fosses à profil en V-Y sont peu courants, puisque la plupart de ces fosses sont retrouvées isolées. Cet article présente trois groupes de fosses à profil en V-Y qui ont récemment été mis au jour dans la Marne. Le premier est localisé au «Champ de Manoeuvre » à Bétheny, au nord de Reims. Sur ce site, loin des cours d’eau, un groupe d’au moins dix fosses à profil en V-Y a été mis au jour lors d’un diagnostic archéologique préventif. Les fosses sont assez massives, étroites et profondes, avec de multiples comblements stratifiés. Elles ne livrent pas de mobilier datant, si ce n’est quelques tessons protohistoriques en surface qui datent leur comblement final. Un peu plus au nord, lors d’un diagnostic préventif aux «Écavés » à Bétheny, un autre dispositif d’au moins dix fosses a été mis au jour sur une pente assez marquée. Les fosses sont massives et profondes, avec des profils en V-Y caractéristiques. L’organisation spatiale est remarquable puisque les fosses, assez éloignées les unes des autres, s’alignent sur un axe situé sur une même courbe de niveau, que l’on peut suivre sur au moins 500 m de longueur. Elles ne livrent, au diagnostic, aucun mobilier datant. La datation de ces deux ensembles reste difficile, mais, par comparaison avec d’autres fosses du même type, on peut les présumer néolithiques ou protohistoriques. Dans l’attente de fouilles complémentaires, ces deux dispositifs montrent des caractères compatibles avec une interprétation cynégétique. À Saint-Martin-sur-le-Pré, un autre groupe de fosses à profil en V-Y a été mis au jour lors d’une fouille archéologique préventive. Les sept fosses présentent des profils étroits en V ou en Y, assez profonds, avec des comblements stratifiés. Elles livrent du mobilier attribué au Néolithique ancien : céramique, faune, dont des os de cervidés en connexion anatomique, industrie lithique et graines. Deux datations radiocarbones ont été réalisées. Elles démontrent que ces fosses sont contemporaines d’un village du Néolithique ancien situé à proximité immédiate et étaient encore partiellement ouvertes au Néolithique moyen. Pour ce site, l’hypothèse cynégétique est loin de prédominer. Il est tout à fait possible que la batterie de fosses à profil en V-Y, formant un arc de cercle, constitue un dispositif défensif au sens large, qui serait totalement atypique. Cette découverte renvoie à d’autres sites rhénans et belges, où des fosses similaires ont été mises au jour au sein d’habitats enclos du Rubané. Les comparaisons entre nos trois sites montrent des similitudes certaines dans la morphologie des fosses, mais des différences flagrantes dans leur organisation spatiale. La batterie de Saint-Martin-surle-Pré possède des caractères tout à fait atypiques par rapport à ce qui est actuellement connu en Champagne-Ardenne, notamment la présence d’un habitat présumé contemporain. Ces trois exemples montrent que le débat sur la fonction de ces fosses particulières reste encore largement ouvert et qu’il est possible que cette fonction ait pu évoluer au fil du temps., Garmond Nicolas, Binder Sophie, Poupon Frédéric. Pièges de chasse ou dispositifs défensifs ? Trois exemples de batteries de fosses à profil en V-Y du Néolithique et de la Protohistoire dans la Marne. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 111, n°1, 2014. pp. 53-73.

“Chemical and physical characterization and provenance study of oolitic hematites found both in early Neo-lithic sites of Hesbaye (Province of Liège, Belgium) and Neolithic sites from the Dendre River springs (Hainaut province, Belgium)”.Oolitic ironstones (OIS) are red raw materials producing a strong red pigment that are frequently encountered on LBK (Linearbandkeramic culture or Linienbandkeramische Kultur) sites from the Hesbaye (Liège province, Belgium), the Maastricht region (Limburg province, The Netherlands) and the Dendre springs area (Hainaut province, Belgium). Macroscopical, mesoscopical and microscopical investigations show a genetic relationship between all of the studied sam-ples. The latter consist mainly of Clinton-type OIS with fine-grained hematitic ooids and a red clayey-sandy matrix, rarely enclosing carbonates within the cement or in the fossils. The observed variation inside the geological outcrops results from differences in the proportions of the detrital matrix and the carbonate content in comparison with the richness in hematitic ooids. The geochemical analyses carried out with HH-XRF and PIXE, also show strong analogies between all of the studied archaeological objects discovered in both of the studied areas. The diffractometric analysis resulted in poor information except for the mineralogical composition of the major phases. We do not observe differences between the pioneer sites and the older occupation sites. Furthermore, no significant differences were observed between the OIS from one village to another. A comparison of geological samples from Belgium and Germany allowed to link archaeological samples to Lower Famennian OIS of the southern border of the Namur Synclinorium. The latter spots are most probably located between the towns of Loyable and Amay, along the Meuse river valley. We may therefore conclude that the early Neolithic people looked at the same spots (in a geographic area of about three kilometers along the Meuse river axis). Moreover, they have selected their primary raw materials using the richness in iron ooids and the scarcity in quartz and calcite as main selection criteria. This study is still in progress, now taking into account other types of (non-oolitic) red rocks from LBK sites in the Hesbaye area, The Netherlands and Lorraine, in order to trace the geographical and geological provenances of the raw materials. So far, we can already suggest that the sources are local to regional for the red sandstones and of German origin for the non-oolitic hematitic ores.

When the first Neolithic communities settled there, the region at the confluence of the Seine and Yonne Rivers bordered several cultural zones. The pottery found in this region of the southeast Paris Basin enabled a reconstruction of the varied processes of colonization or influences that played a role in the genesis of the Late Linear Pottery Culture of the Paris Basin (5100 to 4900) and the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain group (4900 to 4700). After studying around one thousand vases recovered from eighteen settlements, Katia Meunier proposes a regional sequence based on their technical, morphological and decorative aspects. This approach takes into account the variations and evolution of pottery styles, particularly the significant transformations undergone by the productions between the Linear Pottery Culture and the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain group. This pioneering study offers new directions for understanding the Neolithization processes in northern France. Comparisons with several already established sequences in the Paris Basin thus reveal a certain homogeneity of several aspects of the pottery across a very large geographic zone, reflecting the strong unity of Early Neolithic cultures. Nevertheless, significant regional variations are seen in the predominant development of certain decors, and this from the start of the Seine-Yonne sequence. Revealing affinities between several extra-regional cultural groups, they show that there may have been several colonization routes, as well as diverse relationships between the communities settled in the Paris Basin and those of neighboring regions at the beginning of the 5th millennium BC., À l’époque de l’installation des premières communautés néolithiques, la région située à la confluence de la Seine et de l’Yonne se trouvait aux confins de plusieurs aires culturelles. Les céramiques retrouvées dans cette zone sud-est du Bassin parisien permettent de retranscrire des processus variés de colonisation ou d’influences, qui ont joué un rôle dans la genèse du Rubané récent du Bassin parisien (– 5100 à – 4900) et du groupe de Villeneuve-Saint-Germain (– 4900 à – 4700). En s’appuyant sur l’étude d’un millier de vases recueillis dans dix-huit habitats différents, Katia Meunier propose une séquence régionale fondée sur leurs aspects techniques, morphologiques et décoratifs. Cette approche rend compte des variations et de l’évolution des styles céramiques, en particulier des profondes transformations qui marquent les productions entre le Rubané et le groupe de Villeneuve-Saint-Germain. Cette étude pionnière offre de nouvelles pistes pour comprendre les processus de néolithisation du nord de la France. Les comparaisons avec plusieurs séquences déjà établies pour le Bassin parisien révèlent ainsi une certaine homogénéité des multiples aspects de la céramique à travers une aire géographique très large, traduisant la forte unité des cultures du Néolithique ancien. Néanmoins, de fortes variations régionales s’expriment dans le développement privilégié de certains décors, et ce dès le début de la séquence Seine-Yonne. Dévoilant des affinités avec plusieurs groupes culturels extrarégionaux, elles indiquent de multiples voies de colonisation possibles, ainsi qu'une grande diversité relationnelle entre les communautés implantées dans le Bassin parisien et celles des régions voisines au début du cinquième millénaire avant notre ère.

International audience; This article follows two publications highlighting the role of the bone industry in the relations between the Danube cultures in the Paris Basin—the Linear Pottery Culture (LBK) and the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain (end of VIth/beginning of Vth mill. BC)—and the Mediterranean cultures—Cardial/Epicardial (VIth mill. upto the beginning of the Vth mill. BC). The novelties detected within this industry in upper Alsace and the Paris Basin as compared with the familiar LBK industry in the region between Bad-Wurtemberg and the Paris Basin had then been interpreted as resulting from a cultural syncretism with the Cardial tradition (Cardial or Epicardial) originating in the Mediterranean (Sidéra 2008, 2010).

The study of the Linear Pottery (Rubané) and Villeneuve-Saint-Germain (VSG) bone industry highlights a highly dynamic period, during which two episodes of innovations follow one another in time, resulting in the formation of, first, the Rubané récent du Bassin parisien (RRBP) and, second, of the VSG. In the RRBP, there is a massive influx of elements belonging to the Cadial material culture, which which graft themselves on the traditional Rubané base. The elements endure in the VSG, and are supplemented by new elements, whose origin is yet unidentified. The Rubané final du Bassin parisien (RFBP) seems to stand as an intermediate chronological episode, during which the novelties introduced in the RRBP develop. It is argued here these Paris Basin bone material cultures formed as the result of a continuous evolution of the Rubané, due to a diversity of social interaction between groups., L'étude de l'industrie osseuse du Rubané et du Villeneuve-Saint-Germain (VSG) fait ressortir deux épisodes d'innovations, qui se succèdent dans le temps pour former le Rubané récent du Bassin parisien (RRBP) puis le VSG. Dans le RRBP, des éléments de la culture matérielle cardiale arrivent en masse pour se mélanger au substrat traditionnel Rubané. Ces éléments se pérennisent dans le VSG, où s'ajoutent de nouveaux éléments d'origine non identifiée. Le Rubané final du Bassin parisien (RFBP) apparaît comme un épisode chronologique intermédiaire où se développent les nouveautés introduites dans le RRBP. Il est possible de montrer ici que les formations successives de ces cultures matérielles osseuses du Bassin parisien reposent sur une évolution constante du fond Rubané, due à la pluralité des interactions sociales entre groupes.

L'analyse technologique et fonctionnelle de poinçons en os de la nécropole Rubanée de Vendenheim conduit à montrer que des caractères chronologiques prégnants et fins se manifestent dans cet outillage. Cela à cause de la période très dynamique qu'ils représentent, grosso modo, la fin du Rubané. Par une ironie du sort, les poinçons les plus communs deviendraient datants, sauf exception, quelle que soit la nature du mobilier qui les accompagne. Ils seraient alors représentatifs des tombes parmi les plus récentes du cimetière (st 20 -peut-être-, 90, 94, 133, 148 et 151). Ajoutons en dernier lieu, que certaines de ces structures (90, 94, 133 et 148) comportent en correspondance, à l'exception de la tombe 20, un matériel de pierre poli évolué ou très évolué, qui donne ainsi un terminus antequem ou un ordre d'équivalence chronologique à leur dépôt.Un cas intéressant de reconstitution d'un poinçon à partir de deux fragments issus de deux outils distincts est pour l'instant unique. Cette mise en scène est-elle un cas isolé ou relève-t-elle de comportements codés ? C'est seulement en multipliant les approches techno-typologiques des industries funéraires que nous serons capables d'en apprécier le contenu.

The analysis of the funerary bone assemblages of Cerny then Rubané led to perceive a votive valuation of hunting, presents only as sign at the end of Rubané and more explicit in Cerny. The objects related to hunting, weapons and artifacts made from the bones of wild animals, could form attributes which materialize the identity of a social group. So, a durable social institution appears to manifest itself in the background of the use of a funerary code composed by attributes related with hunting. In Cerny, some assemblages are elaborated according to a treelike contruction. The material is a succession of symbols which makes sense. It is distributed by differential portion according to every grave. So, the "hunter" appears as a votive status meant by specific functional attributes. Inside the hunter's votive status, and according to the number and to the quality of the attributes, individual statutes could be differentiated. At least, all the individuals are not “ hunters ”. Is there a correspondence between institution, votive statutes and a practical reality ? According to the data of the fauna of the RRBP, the existence of a social order which governs the place of the hunting in settlements seems credible. The votive institution has so an echo in the daily ; the use of the attributes related to hunting in the funeral is in correspondence with a concrete social phenomenon, even if it emphasizes hunting. The ostentation is however given by transfer at a moment in the chronology where the practice of hunting loses of its material and social importance : from the extreme end of Rubané. The ostentatious recycling in the abstraction of a material and social practice finishes showing that, even practical or votive, hunting possesses a strong symbolic charge and a power of social differentiation. This continues within the Neolithic time. An essential point, concerning the ideology, was also clarified. If the hunting or its symbolism corresponds to the expression of a social institution, the symbols which represent this institution recovers from a variable charge and from an ideology. So, the stage setting of the attributes connected to hunting differs rather considerably according to periods and cultures. Whereas in Rubané, a demonstration of a specific social and cultural identity could be implemented through the use of hunting products, an apology of war would be expressed in Cerny. In Michelsberg and in Chasséen, the weakness of the documentation does not allow to pronounce, but while the institution seems to continue, the ideological charge of the symbols is probably still different.; L'analyse du mobilier osseux funéraire du Cerny, puis du Rubané, a conduit à percevoir une valorisation votive de la chasse, présente seulement comme signe à la fin du Rubané et plus explicite dans le Cerny. Armes et objets funéraires fabriqués à partir des ossements d'animaux sauvages, pourraient tre des attributs chargés de matérialiser l'identité d'un groupe social et de différencier des personnnes selon différents statuts sociaux individuels. Aussi, pourrait-on voir, à l'arrire-plan de l'emploi d'un code composé d'attributs issus de produits de la chasse et d'armes, une institution sociale d'un type bien particulier se manifester. Cette institution qui pourrait traverser les étapes chronologiques, pourrait aussi tre investie d'une charge idéologique changeante en fonction des cultures qui l'emploient.

The analysis of the funerary bone assemblages of Cerny then Rubané led to perceive a votive valuation of hunting, presents only as sign at the end of Rubané and more explicit in Cerny. The objects related to hunting, weapons and artifacts made from the bones of wild animals, could form attributes which materialize the identity of a social group. So, a durable social institution appears to manifest itself in the background of the use of a funerary code composed by attributes related with hunting. In Cerny, some assemblages are elaborated according to a treelike contruction. The material is a succession of symbols which makes sense. It is distributed by differential portion according to every grave. So, the "hunter" appears as a votive status meant by specific functional attributes. Inside the hunter's votive status, and according to the number and to the quality of the attributes, individual statutes could be differentiated. At least, all the individuals are not “ hunters ”. Is there a correspondence between institution, votive statutes and a practical reality ? According to the data of the fauna of the RRBP, the existence of a social order which governs the place of the hunting in settlements seems credible. The votive institution has so an echo in the daily ; the use of the attributes related to hunting in the funeral is in correspondence with a concrete social phenomenon, even if it emphasizes hunting. The ostentation is however given by transfer at a moment in the chronology where the practice of hunting loses of its material and social importance : from the extreme end of Rubané. The ostentatious recycling in the abstraction of a material and social practice finishes showing that, even practical or votive, hunting possesses a strong symbolic charge and a power of social differentiation. This continues within the Neolithic time. An essential point, concerning the ideology, was also clarified. If the hunting or its symbolism corresponds to the expression of a social institution, the symbols which represent this institution recovers from a variable charge and from an ideology. So, the stage setting of the attributes connected to hunting differs rather considerably according to periods and cultures. Whereas in Rubané, a demonstration of a specific social and cultural identity could be implemented through the use of hunting products, an apology of war would be expressed in Cerny. In Michelsberg and in Chasséen, the weakness of the documentation does not allow to pronounce, but while the institution seems to continue, the ideological charge of the symbols is probably still different.; L'analyse du mobilier osseux funéraire du Cerny, puis du Rubané, a conduit à percevoir une valorisation votive de la chasse, présente seulement comme signe à la fin du Rubané et plus explicite dans le Cerny. Armes et objets funéraires fabriqués à partir des ossements d'animaux sauvages, pourraient tre des attributs chargés de matérialiser l'identité d'un groupe social et de différencier des personnnes selon différents statuts sociaux individuels. Aussi, pourrait-on voir, à l'arrire-plan de l'emploi d'un code composé d'attributs issus de produits de la chasse et d'armes, une institution sociale d'un type bien particulier se manifester. Cette institution qui pourrait traverser les étapes chronologiques, pourrait aussi tre investie d'une charge idéologique changeante en fonction des cultures qui l'emploient.

Comparison between settlements and toumbs bone artifacts from the Linear Pottery Culture, Villeneuve-Saint-Germain and Cerny. It is shown that the new types of bone artifacts in the toumbs are used yet from a long time in daily life. This points the problem of innovation introducing in toumbs, where traditional goods are prefered., Comparaison des objets en matière osseuse présents dans les habitats et déposés dans les sépultures du Rubané, du Villeneuve-Saint-Germain et du Cerny. Il est montré dans cet article que les types d'objets en os nouveaux déposés dans les tombes sont déjà et depuis longtemps fabriqués dans les habitats. L'innovation tarde à parvenir dans le milieu sépulcral où sont préférés des objets traditionnels.

53 bone tools from buildings pits of the Linear Pottery Culture (RRBP) are presented. The tools are representative of the paris Basin LBK Culture. Chronological differences between the assemblages composition are shown., 53 outils en os provenant des fosses de bâtiments rubanés (RRBP) de l'Aisne, sont présentés. Les outils sont représentatifs du Rubané récent du Bassin parisien. Il est montré des différences chronologiques dans la composition des assemblages des bâtiments.

Functional studies of bone and stone tools from two Linear Poettery Culture sites show that it might be a strong functional and operatory complementarity between both types of tool. They could act alternatively in leather making., L'étude fonctionnelle des outils en os croisée à celle des outils en silex de deux sites rubanés montre qu'il pourrait exister une complémentarité opératoire et fonctionnelle forte entre ces deux outillages, qui agissent en relais notamment dans la transformation des peaux.