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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The research problem addressed in this study concerns the activities of social enterprises (SEs) within the framework of the social market economy (SME) in Poland during the crises triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Research objectives: The article aims to verify the hypothesis that SEs situated within the SME can mitigate the negative effects of crises by undertaking additional actions for recipients during the pandemic and Ukrainian refugees. Research design and methods: An interdisciplinary research model helped examine the stated problem. It synthesizes both the concepts of SME and SE. Moreover, part of the research was a nationwide quantitative study using the CAWI method supported by the CATI method and Dilman’s prompting method (mixed mode). Results: During the pandemic in Poland, 56% of SEs took additional actions for recipients, even though the situation worsened for 41% of them. During the war in Ukraine, 68% of SEs took action for refugees, while the situation worsened for 29% of SEs. Conclusions: Social enterprises experiencing the consequences of crises are also able to minimize their effects. Simultaneously, to an equal extent, they support environmental issues and sustainable development.

Introduction. The legal aspects of state regulation of economic relations are of high relevance for the Russian Federation due to the development of modern crisis situations. At present, it is necessary to study the general parameters of the interaction between law and economics, on the basis of which it is possible to develop specific recommendations for improving Russian legislation. Empirical analysis. The author presents general factors that have a serious (in the long term) impact on the Russian economy: gradual decarbonization; the emergence of the concept of sustainable development, establishing a link between GDP growth (gross domestic product) and concern for future generations; universal digitalization affecting all spheres of public life. Methods and concepts. The confrontation between the two global currents of libertarianism and Keynesianism has a serious impact on the limits of state intervention in economic relations. At the same time, the gradual convergence leads to the development of such concepts as the social market economy and libertarian paternalism, each of them involving a transition to indirect influence and taking into account social factors in creating a competitive environment. The absence of a direct consolidation of the foundations of the economic system in the Constitution of Russia implies the development of synthetic principles that need further constitutionalization. Theoretical analysis. In the Russian Federation, the further strengthening of the direct role of the state in the country’s economy has institutionalgrounds – a large bureaucratic apparatus and a significant public sector in the economic system. At the same time, legal support for various forms of deregulation (self-regulation, co-regulation, quasi-regulation, etc.) has been formed. The declared "regulatory guillotine", in isolation from the general directions of administrative reform, is unlikely to have a significant long-term effect. Results. The process of deconcentration of power (with deregulation being one of the aspects) in the Russian Federation cannot be considered complete. Deregulation is not the only form of deconcentration and reduction of the administrative burden on businesses.

The growing demand of the Ukrainian society to “reboot” the state actualizes the rethinking of the sources and content of the theory of the social state for the scientific justification of the post-war recovery, transformation of the economy and the socio-humanitarian space of Ukraine. The article aims to reveal the genesis of the theoretical concept of the social state and its economic interpretation based on the assessment and generalization of the assets of socio-economic thought in this area. Chronological boundaries cover the period from the birth of the ideas of a socially oriented state (XV–XVI centuries) to forming a coherent theory in the second half of the XX century. The methods of hermeneutics, comparative analysis and structural-logical synthesis are used. The results. The idea of a socially oriented state was born in the late Middle Ages. The supreme power’s social justice and economic efficiency were determined by the ability to ensure the public good. John Locke substantiated the concept of private property as a necessary prerequisite for civil society and the contractual interpretation of the powers of the state. The idea of building a state that regulates public life was established in the 18th century. F. Prokopovich defined the principle of public good as the basis for creating a “regular state”. The ruler’s power should be limited by law and aimed at ensuring the people’s education, security and welfare. Lorenz von Stein combined legal regulation and social orientation through the term “social state”. Representatives of the social direction in economic theory specified the regulation mechanisms of social and economic relations. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries a view of the state as a corporate union was formed. In the 20th century, the theory of the minimal state gained popularity as the opposite of statism. At the same time, implementing the concepts of the social state and the social market economy based on neoliberalism became the basis of the booming post-war reconstruction of Germany, the revival of Western Europe and the development of European economic integration. Conclusions. The synthesized concept of the social state results from a long process of development of scientific thought regarding interpreting the unity of the state, law and economy. The rule of law is the institutional basis and a prerequisite for building a social state. The economic basis of the welfare state is a socially oriented market economy. This direction is attractive for Ukraine when choosing a vector and defining the main features of the future institutional model of the economy.

Although the legitimacy of an economic system is often dependent on citizen support, psychological research has paid little attention to attitudes toward economic systems. In the present study, we examined the link between two system-justifying ideologies, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany. Drawing on system justification theory, we hypothesized that RWA would be positively and SDO negatively associated with support for the social market economy because the social component of the German economic system conflicts with beliefs inherent in SDO favoring a group-based hierarchy. Based on a quota sample of German adults (N = 886), we found support for the predicted associations of both system-justifying ideologies with economic system support, except that RWA was negatively associated with support for the welfare component of the social market economy. However, the positive relationship of RWA with support for the social market economy only emerged after SDO was statistically controlled, suggesting a suppressor situation. These findings demonstrate that system-justifying ideologies bear different relations to pro-market attitudes depending on the type of economic regime. Implications for system justification theory are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The research problem addressed in this study concerns the activities of social enterprises (SEs) within the framework of the social market economy (SME) in Poland during the crises triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Research objectives: The article aims to verify the hypothesis that SEs situated within the SME can mitigate the negative effects of crises by undertaking additional actions for recipients during the pandemic and Ukrainian refugees. Research design and methods: An interdisciplinary research model helped examine the stated problem. It synthesizes both the concepts of SME and SE. Moreover, part of the research was a nationwide quantitative study using the CAWI method supported by the CATI method and Dilman's prompting method (mixed mode). Results: During the pandemic in Poland, 56% of SEs took additional actions for recipients, even though the situation worsened for 41% of them. During the war in Ukraine, 68% of SEs took action for refugees, while the situation worsened for 29% of SEs. Conclusions: Social enterprises experiencing the consequences of crises are also able to minimize their effects. Simultaneously, to an equal extent, they support environmental issues and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that the Union maintains a double standard on working conditions in relation to the criteria established at international level, which allows to tolerate situations of labour exploitation as 'unserious', 'proportionated' or 'normal' phenomena. By analysing the gaps in the protection of the right to fair and just working conditions, the idea that an upward convergence of workers' rights would be supported (and required) by the general duty to protect human dignity and to ensure fair competition in the Single Market is advanced. The relationship between these fundamental principles in the implementation of the right to fair and just working conditions is examined through the notion of 'social market economy'. The aim is to illustrate what kind of measures could (or should) be taken to integrate the protection of human rights and market efficiency, and whether in practice there seems to be an articulation between these fundamental principles or, on the contrary, an insurmountable contradiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following a summary of the changes in the Hungarian political and labour law systems, this study reviews the changes in the regulation of the important collective labour law provisions codified in connection with the new social system. This paper shows how the joint presence of the trade union and the works council at the employer level causes functional confusion and problems of conflict of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that the Minimum Wages Directive reveals a shift in the Union's political-economic approach to the social competition in the Single Market, which introduces a creeping extension of the Treaty's scope and a potential enlargement of the Union's competences on social matters. While representing a timid starting point for the right to a minimum wage protection, it recognises that the dumping wages phenomena are partly triggered by an (unresolved) structural legal vacuum. By analysing the instrumental function of the fair remuneration towards human dignity, the idea of the right to fair and just working conditions as an open scoped right is advanced; the thesis of a general Union competence on working conditions is finally proposed. The aim is to illustrate what limits and perspectives the European upward social convergence is currently facing, and to what extent the Union is not necessarily a mere reflection of market completion interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article was to present the possibilities offered by the ordoliberal theory that predispose it to determine a socio-economic order which makes it possible to tackle the dysfunctions and crises that afflict today's economy and all human civilisation, especially in the ecological dimension. The analysis is based on critical study of the professional literature on the subject in question, which includes both publications on ordoliberal thought and texts which identify the threats present in the modern world. The ordoliberal theory of economic governance shows the potential for its development to include environmental issues, as well as its application as an intellectual basis for socio-economic policies capable of helping to solve contemporary problems. This article represents one of the first attempts to complement the ordoliberal theory of economic order and the concept of the Social Market Economy with ecological aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) is the property of International Institute of Innovation Science-Education-Development in Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper asks whether Walter Eucken, the founder of German ordoliberalism, should be considered to be a proponent of authoritarian liberalism. That term originally refers to a proposal for economic liberalization advanced by Carl Schmitt in 1932. Authoritarian liberalism also could be taken to mean that Eucken favors the rule of law and economic freedoms, but rejects democratic decision making. Both possible meanings are considered. We show that Eucken is not a representative of authoritarian liberalism in either sense of the term. While Eucken and Schmitt offer similar descriptions of the entanglement of state and economy in Weimar Germany, their proposed solutions are rather different. With regard to the second meaning, we argue that Eucken's critique of democracy refers to two universally recognized problems of democratic decision making, namely interest group influence and the tyranny of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's integration history is closely linked to economic challenges, particularly hardship. Over the course of more than 70 years, the economy has played a central role in both the narratives of the integration project (as a source of legitimisation) and its various episodes, from the Schuman Declaration to the Green Deal Industrial Plan. This article evaluates the importance of the internal market's promise of 'prosperity' and describes some of the main responses to economic hardship, both failures and successes. Based on these, it concludes with a list of internal and external factors that always seem to be part of the way that further European integration offers answers in times of economic hardship. Given the crucial need to protect the internal market, the role of the EU is to look for (and beyond) what is necessary to supplement and to empower (but not to replace) the role of the member states. If opposing views are channelled towards a synthesis that strengthens the common good and integrates the interests of all stakeholders, economic hardship could ultimately strengthen the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social market economy emphasizes that while protecting competition and maximizing market mechanisms, the government should intervene appropriately to ensure social justice. The establishment of German long - term care services reflects the state’s emphasis on social justice. Since the system not only includes redistribution in the form of insurance benefits but also involves the provision of social services, market participation inevitably needs to be considered. The balance between social justice and market efficiency has been reflected in establishing the Pflege - Versicherungsgesetz. With the changes in society, the system continues to evolve, bringing a gradual skew in the balance between social justice and market efficiency. The rising proportion of personal burden coupled with the increasing trends toward marketization of professional care institutions have increased social inequality. Therefore, market efficiency has been placed in a more crucial position in the long-term care system, thereby weakening social justice to a certain extent. China should further improve institutional construction, financial sustainability, and service supply to balance social equity and market efficiency better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of the role of government in the school of German Ordoliberalism in order to be considered as an alternative to the neoliberal capitalist system after the global crisis of 2008 and influencing the development model of West Germany after World War II and its effects on the model of EU governance and some other countries are important. The purpose of this article is to review, evaluate and critique the analysis" of works produced and translated into Persian in this field. some suggestions were made as follows: citing sources and first-hand thinkers of this school, distinguishing between similar concepts, correcting in-text references and equations Making specialized reforms, using valid analysis methods, paying attention to the foundations of ontology, anthropology, arithmetic, and ethics and its effect on the role of the government in this school and its critique from an Islamic perspective, and finally paying attention to different dimensions of the role of the state in this school, including the role of the economic constitution, social policy, and finally the presentation of an analytical model of concepts related to the role of the state and the relations and interactions between them.

The social market economy is a conceptual category transposed to the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, within which it is defined as a principle. It constitutes an appropriate foundation for the construction and functioning of the system of public economic law. It is a starting point for actions of the state and its bodies and defines the range of influence on the economy, as well as directs state activity in the economy. The premises for the participation and influence of the state on the economy which, according to the assumptions, should be both market-oriented and responsive to social needs, result from the principle of a social market economy. The objective so outlined should be pursued through the rules of public economic law and the legal constructions and institutions introduced in this normative area. They must remain, in terms of their content and nature, in close connection with the essence of the principle in question and its constituent elements.

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social market economy is a conceptual category transposed to the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, within which it is defined as a principle. It constitutes an appropriate foundation for the construction and functioning of the system of public economic law. It is a starting point for actions of the state and its bodies and defines the range of influence on the economy, as well as directs state activity in the economy. The premises for the participation and influence of the state on the economy which, according to the assumptions, should be both market-oriented and responsive to social needs, result from the principle of a social market economy. The objective so outlined should be pursued through the rules of public economic law and the legal constructions and institutions introduced in this normative area. They must remain, in terms of their content and nature, in close connection with the essence of the principle in question and its constituent elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes economic policy debates and parties' policy positions during the 2021 Bundestag election campaign, with an emphasis on shifting conceptions of the economic role of the state. Focusing on fiscal and labor market policy, it argues that the election campaign and the commitments of the new Ampel coalition reflect increasing support for more robust state involvement in the economy. It argues further that these shifts in elite discourse demonstrate a continuing rethinking of Germany's economic model and the need to rebalance the relationship between public authority and the decentralized model of social organization and policy responsibility central to German liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education & Law Review / Revista de Educación y Derecho is the property of Revista de Educacion y Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Walter Eucken (1891–1950), the founder of German ordoliberalism, is best known for his work on economic policy. According to the orthodox view, giving policy advice involves not only technical expertise but also judgments of value. Against this background, the present article investigates Eucken's stance on the principle of value freedom, that is, the claim that positive and normative statements should be kept separate. While Eucken defended the notion of scientific objectivity in his earlier writings, he later distanced himself from the principle of value freedom as formulated by Max Weber. This article maintains that a closer reading of Eucken and Weber reveals the similarity of their positions. Thus, Eucken should be seen as a proponent of the principle of value freedom. At the same time, his treatment of the subject suggests that his (implicit) model of policymaking is incomplete because it does not specify the ultimate source of value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first post-war years, the policy of the Western occupying powers towards Germany was aimed at preventing the economic revival of their former formidable competitor. As a result of these efforts, West Germany rebuilt its economy to the pre-war level later than Great Britain or France. The undoubted shift in the economic development of West Germany began in mid-1948. The impetus for the rapid growth of industrial production was the monetary reform carried out by the Western occupying powers, as well as the inflow of funds under the Marshall Plan. The monetary reform carried out in June 1948 favoured the strengthening of the financial market and was an incentive to invest. The influx of capital under the Marshall Plan had a similar impact on the West Germany’s economy during this period. The western zones of Germany played a special role in this plan. The United States, striving to strengthen its position in these zones as much as possible and use them as a strategic base (aimed, inter alia, against the communist bloc), provided West Germany with a sum of loans and subsidies significantly exceeding the amount of aid provided to other Western European countries. An extremely serious burden for the Western occupation zones was the influx of refugees from neighbouring areas (a total of about 10 million people) and the need to maintain the occupation troops, which directly led to a huge deficit in food resources. Agricultural production fell and ranged only from 66% to 75% of the pre-war production level.

Copyright of Revista Inciso is the property of Universidad La Gran Colombia, Seccional Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HAK İŞ International Journal of Labor & Society is the property of HAK-IS International Joumal of Labour & Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores how 'social market economy' became a quasi‐constitutional principle of the EU, highlighting the crucial role played in this process by the European Parliament. Based on multiple archival sources, we show that social market economy came to function as a limited repertoire: While it was advocated for various reasons by different actors, increasingly including social‐democrats, it nevertheless also solidified certain ways of conceiving the EU and its economic model. So doing, this article not only illuminates the role of the EP in the definition of a constitutionalized economic model for the EU; it also challenges the view of Europeanization as the progressive convergence around national preexisting models. Finally, two paradoxes emerge from the analysis: while supporters of the discourse of social market economy aimed at promoting the European social dimension and at addressing the EU democratic deficit, the adoption of this principle may have actually contributed to the subordination of both the 'social' and the 'political' to the 'economic'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Business, Economics & Ethics / Zeitschrift für Wirtschafts und Unternehmensethik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A decade after the game-changing cases of Viking and Laval where the European Court of Justice (ECJ) decided in favour of the freedom to provide services and establishment over the right to collective action, the Commission launched the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR), which could be key in reversing the damages that these cases caused to social protection in the EU. Viking and Laval symbolised the imbalances be-tween the (mostly) national social systems and the EU-wide internal market. These cases and the following jurisprudence added to the relative weakness of the EU’s social dimen-sion—which is seen as insufficient to counterbalance the hollowing out of the national social systems—proved the necessity of bringing ‘the social’ to the core of the EU, giving sense to the objective set in Article 3 TEU of the EU being a social market economy. A true social market economy is compelled to address the issue of asymmetry between the ‘social’ and the ‘market’ that is so inherent to the EU, which requires, at the very least, to put in place a coordinated approach to social protection between the Member States. The EPSR represents a renewed consensus that social progress is central to the European project. This article discusses the possibilities that the EPSR offers to redress the imbalances in EU law by challenging the primacy given to the internal market over other EU policies. The role of the EPSR is discussed from the perspective of the latent impact of this instrument in contributing to the policy objective of fighting poverty and social exclusion.

This article investigates how neoliberal globalization has been mediated through audiovisual narratives since the 2000s. It identifies a cluster of films, produced by and circulating on German public television, which use the generic conventions of the popular crime genre to constitute a sub-genre—the televisual economic crime drama. Using a content and textual analysis that focuses on the backdrop of historical context and genre norms, the article examines key tropes to assess the critical potential of this sub-genre. The analysis demonstrates that both the containment theme of "a few bad apples" and a systemic critique can structure these narratives of neoliberalism. At its best, the televisual economic crime drama argues that alternatives to neoliberalism are possible by referencing Germany's history of the social market economy and by featuring characters as well as images of active citizenship, solidarity, and collective action in the workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-war economic policy of West Germany (FRG) is largely associated with the so-called economic miracle (German: Wirtschaftswunder) and therefore its causes are the subject of many different analyzes. They include the correlation between the rate of economic growth in Germany and the development and transport potential of transport, including rail and road-car transport. This position prompted the author to try to search for long-term interdependencies and thus verify the thesis using the analysis of time series (1950–1989) available for West Germany and using original econometric methods in this field, e.g. unit root test to determine the stationarity and the Engle-Granger cointegration test. In addition to the introduction, the article consists of three parts and conclusions. The broadest one includes the description of the assumptions and stages of the research procedure and its results, both on the empirical and methodological level. It is based on synthetic theoretical foundations presented on the basis of a review of international literature on the subject and review of the essence of the German economic miracle and the main trends in changes in the field of economic growth and transport development in Germany after World War II. The research presented in this way fits into the principles of the new economic history paradigm, which is still not very popular in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the profitability of public companies in the Federal Republic of Germany has been measured since the 1950s and under which conditions corporations were considered successful. For this purpose, textbooks and arguments of leading business economists, speeches and publications of managing directors and companies' annual reports are surveyed, in order to identify trends and policy changes. The paper demonstrates that the introduction of shareholder value approaches, based on financial market data, in the 1990s led to a fundamental change in management practices, connected to innovative financial accounting techniques. Since then, companies' profitability has been assessed in relation to benchmarks derived from financial market data. Financial markets thus became increasingly relevant for decisionmaking processes in the real economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to the introduction, the article consists of three parts and conclusions. The broadest one includes the description of the assumptions and stages of the research procedure and its results, both on the empirical and methodological level. It is based on synthetic theoretical foundations presented on the basis of a review of international literature on the subject and review of the essence of the German economic miracle and the main trends in changes in the field of economic growth and transport development in Germany after World War II. The research presented in this way fits into the principles of the new economic history paradigm, which is still not very popular in Europe.

Copyright of Business Administration Quarterly / Kwartalnik Nauk o Przedsiebiorstwie is the property of SGH Warsaw School of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

1980’lerden itibaren dünya üzerinde hâkim iktisat ideolojisi neo-liberal iktisattır. Keynesyen iktisat sonrasında yaygınlaşan ve devletin ekonomideki ağırlığının azaltılması düşüncesine dayanan bu akımın geçerliliği 2008 yılında yaşanan küresel finansal krizle birlikte değişmeye başlamış, buna ilaveten ülkelerde izlenen iktisat politikaları da önemli ölçüde değişim göstermiştir. Türkiye de dâhil olmak üzere birçok ülke, 2008 sonrasında gelenekselin dışında politikalar izleyerek küresel finans krizinin etkilerini bertaraf etmeye çalışmışlardır. Bu politikaların başında sosyal piyasa ekonomisi gelmektedir. 2008 küresel finans krizinin ülkelerin izledikleri iktisat politikalarında sosyal piyasa ekonomisi lehine bir değişime neden olup olmadığı sorusu, incelemeye değer bir husustur. Bu amaçla çalışmada 2008 küresel finans krizi sonrasında Türkiye’nin izlediği politikalarda sosyal piyasa ekonomisi yönünde bir yakınsama olup olmadığı hususu değerlendirilmeye çalışılmıştır. “Temel Bileşenler Analizi” aracılığıyla 2003, 2008 ve 2013 yılları için oluşturduğumuz sosyal piyasa ekonomisi endeks değerleri, Türkiye’de izlenen ekonomi politikalarının sosyal piyasa ekonomisine yakınsamadığı, aksine 2003 yılından sonra sosyal piyasa ekonomisinden bir nebze de olsa uzaklaşıldığını göstermiştir.

The European financial and economic crisis made Germany a leader trying to introduce the principles of order to the Economic and Monetary Union in line with the ideas of German governance policy (Ordnungspolitik), which is explained by ordoliberalism. However, there is strong relativism visible in constructing European reality, resulting from the fact that the adopted ordoliberal assumptions do not fit into the macroeconomic, diversified space of the eurozone, and, what is more, cannot be implemented during the recession, because their effectiveness is determined by the long-term perspective and national identity. Moreover, the role of the leader does not comply with the principles of Ordnungspolitik. On the other hand, the partnership with France, which is necessary to maintain stability of the eurozone, causes a move away from the conceptual assumptions of ordoliberalism. The aim of the article is to draw attention to Germany’s ambivalence in solving the economic problems of EMU, as well as to show ambivalent attitude of other Member States towards Germany.

'Since the introduction of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, public authorities in the European Union (EU) operate within a social market economy. This socioeconomic model inherently contains an initial promise that social objectives – in addition to economic objectives – have an important role to play in creating this context. Whilst aiming to contribute to social objectives and, thus, shape their part of this economy, public authorities are frequently faced with the possibilities and the often emphasised limitations of public economic law, which most prominently includes EU public procurement law, EU state aid law and EU competition law. This contribution considers the legal tensions that can arise when these authorities aim to pursue social objectives within the remit of these fields of law. Based on the areas of sustainability and employment, it argues that public economic law contains various suitable instruments for the pursuit of these objectives, but also that differences still exist between how a balance is struck between the ‘economic’ and the ‘social’, thereby creating obstacles for public authorities and their social agenda.'

The term ‘social market economy’ was introduced in the Treaty on European Union in order to emphasise that social and economic objectives of the European Union are both important, and have to be reconciled with each other. This contribution describes how social objectives have been developed in EU law since the establishment of the European Economic Community. The Court of Justice of the European Union has interpreted Treaty provisions to give them maximum effect for the realization of these objectives. However, tensions with the economic objectives exist when economic freedoms are confronted with social rights. This contribution examines how the CJEU balances these interests, and how this relates to the social market economy. There are also areas where economic rights have no counterpart at the EU level, but where they interact with social policies of Member States. Here too, the concept of social market economy is relevant. After a discussion of these various dimensions of the term social market economy, the subsequent articles of this Special Issue are introduced.

This article discusses the contributions of this Special Issue on the relationship between social and economic values and rights. It shows that the contributions are illustrative of the various ways in which the social market economy concept is, and could be, approached. In preparation for this Special Issue, several meetings and a work conference were organised, in which drafts of the contributions were discussed. However, this did not result in a uniform concept or uniform approaches. This diversity in viewpoints mirrors the different ways in which the concept of the social market economy can be perceived. There is no single, uniform approach, but a richness in diversity, hopefully deepening a common understanding of what the social market economy is. We expect that the contributions of this Special Issue are thus a valuable contribution to the debate on the meaning of the social market economy concept in the European Union. In this concluding article I compare the different approaches brought forward in the contributions, identify differences and similarities, and in this way show how the concept of the social market economy is useful to develop the various disciplines further. This interpretation is the sole responsibility of the author.

Can European law legitimately influence or contain the socio-economic orientations of the Member States towards one particular model, and to what extent should it allow or even stimulate a diversity in socio-economic outcomes? This is a fundamental question that lies at the heart of the European Union’s (EU) economic integration project. Many have argued that the concept of the ‘social market economy’ could or should provide for normative guidance. This contribution reflects on the historical and current potential of the concept to provide such guidance. It proposes that the EU internal markets socio-economic diversity should be cherished and accommodated in the legal framework of the EU through a dialogue of mutual responsiveness.

Social occupational pension schemes, i.e. compulsory pension schemes that are the result of collective bargaining, fulfil an important social function. At the same time, they seem to conflict with some fundamental single market tenets, such as the European Union (EU) Single Market’s four fundamental freedoms and competition law principles. In this respect, occupational pension schemes in the Member States seem to embody the inherent tensions contained within the EU’s social market economy: a clash between market and social values. This article examines the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and EU legislation on occupational pensions, in order to examine whether one of the two values can be identified as dominant. Specifically, it will answer the question whether EU law and CJEU case law can be said to support social occupational pensions, or whether internal market objectives prevail.