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The latest historiographical trends are revealing how the end of colonialism has influenced the political and social configuration of former metropolitan centres. In particular, the return of former colonial settlers has raised a series of issues that have resonated in European political debates and societies. In Italy, these processes were shaped by a peculiar decolonization process, coinciding with the equally tortuous transition from fascism to the Republic. Drawing on recent historiography on the return of colonial settlers, and expanding the chronological span and methodological scope of previous works through original archival sources, my intervention aims to reconstruct how imperial nostalgia became a political resource exploited by both repatriate associations and conservative political factions. Although similar to contemporaneous cases, in Italy colonial commemorative practices had peculiarities linked to the role of Catholicism and to the fact that far right and even neo-fascist movements exploited the demands of repatriates for their own political benefit. This article thus broadens the historiographical understanding concerning the decline of Italy's empire and deepens the analysis of its lasting impacts on the politics and society of Republican Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our current era of crisis and neo-fascist revanches (see Lawtoo 2019) is rife with desires-driven mimesis, and more specifically, mimetic resentment or conflictual copycat behaviour. Traditionally conceptualised in relation to ressentiment, mimetic resentment (see Nietzsche [1887]2006; Girard [1961]1965, [1977]1992, and [1978]1987) is seldom analysed as a somatechnical phenomenon that meshes the corporeal and the technological (Sullivan 2005; Pugliese and Stryker 2009; Sullivan and Murray 2011), involving pre-personal and affective micropolitics, as well as social and environmental macropolitical characteristics. This article therefore seeks to map out resentment's contemporary somatechnics by attending to its violence-engendering micropolitics in addition to the macrolevels of the permacrisis times it is said to be operating in. The burgeoning environmental crisis that is currently unfolding against the backdrop of these permacrisis times furthermore indicates that such a mapping exercise must consider both the micro- and macropolitical nuances of how zoē/bios classifications and resultant gaps between non/human actors are created and sustained. Finding such a nuanced eco-focused framework in Deleuzoguattarian philosophy (see Deleuze [1969]1990; Deleuze and Guattari [1980]2005; Guattari [1989]2000 and [1992]2002), as well as contemporary critical new materialist thought (see Cooper 2008; Braidotti 2013; Haraway 2016; and Yusoff 2018), we first examine these permacrisis times before presenting a critical cartography (Braidotti [1994]2011; Deleuze and Guattari [1980]2005) of the contours of mimetic resentment's violent micro- and macropolitical somatechnics, to then explore several eco-focused Deleuzoguattarian and critical new materialist pathways that could lead us out of the spiralling vortex of violence that characterises this time of planetary trouble. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adorno, 1930’larda ABD’de kilise ve radyoda vaaz veren bir ajitatör olan Martin Luther Thomas’a yönelik olarak sosyo-psikolojik bir çözümle gerçekleştirmiştir. Bu çalışmada, Zafer Partisi Genel Başkanı Ümit Özdağ’ın 26 Ağustos 2021 ve 6 Haziran 2023 tarihleri arasında ortaya koyduğu söylemler, yeni faşizm kavramı bağlamında, Adorno’nun önerdiği sosyo-psikolojik metodolojiyle çözümlenmiştir. Özdağ’ın tweet’leri, canlı yayın konuşmaları, çektirdiği kısa filmler ve parti manifestosu araştırmaya dâhil edilmiştir. Çalışmada, Özdağ’ın retoriğini hangi psikolojik tekniklerle kurduğunu göstermek ve bunları ideolojik bağlamda tartışmak amaçlanmıştır. Otuzu aşkın psikolojik temelli teknik belirleyen Adorno, geliştirdiği analiz çerçevesi doğrultusunda çeşitli stratejilerle iş gören ajitatif konuşmayı dört ana temaya ayırmıştır: “Kişisel unsur, Thomas’ın yöntemi, din aracı ve ideolojik tuzak”. Bu çalışmada, Özdağ’ın özgül siyasal belagatı, Adorno’nun ilk iki başlığı altında ve 10 tekniği bağlamında incelenmiştir: “Yalnız kurt, duyguları salıverme, zulmedilen günahsız, yorulmazlık, yüce küçük adam, bir bilseniz, kirli çamaşır¸ tüyleri ürpertme, an meselesi ve yanılgının kesinliği”. Çalışmanın sonucunda Özdağ’ın samimiyet, cesaret, coşku gibi belirli kişilik özelliklerini öne çıkararak irrasyonel unsurlardan yararlanan bir siyaset yapma biçimini benimsemeye ve içerikten ziyade yöntemin kendisini amaç olarak belirlemeye eğilimli olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Yeni faşizm bağlamında ise etnik çoğulculuk ve farklılık hakkı yaklaşımlarıyla ilişkili söylemleri, sığınmacılara yönelik izlediği siyasetin temel savunusu olarak öne sürdüğü ortaya konmuştur.

This essay examines the positions taken in foreign policy by the periodical «La Voce della Fogna», founded by the leader of the radical right youth Marco Tarchi and an expression of the most heterodox youth current that arose within the Italian Social Movement in the aftermath of the 1968 protests. The aim is to understand what were the original features expressed by the magazine compared to the line of the MSI leadership. The first part focuses on the analysis of the political and cultural context that has arisen in the MSI since its foundation through the use of historiography on the subject. The second is dedicated to the study of the positions taken by the periodical on the main international political issues, proceeding by macro areas.

Fascism has been a persistent topic in Italian public discourse since the founding of the Republic. This essay provides an analysis of the ways in which the narratives of fascism have developed within the Italian Social Movement (MSI), a party established by veterans and those nostalgic for fascism. Whether revolutionary or conservative, imperialistic or nationalist, 'Manchesterian' or inclined towards socialization, the depiction of fascism celebrated and narrated by the MSI is far from unambiguous. Using local press and archival documentation, this analysis will focus on specific narrative canons at key historical moments: the party's birth and the subsequent development of a right-wing ideological profile between the 1950s and 1960s; the 1970s, scrutinized in light of the reception of the debates among professional historians' on the regime; and the 1980s, examined within the context of the weakening anti-fascist paradigm and the crisis of the bipolar global balance. The aim is to trace how this historical discourse addressed the need to consolidate a community through nostalgia or the pursuit of other political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the recent attacks on democracy by a re-invigorated populist neo-fascism there is a pressing need to articulate a middle ground position in debates between the public sphere paradigm and its critiques. This requires an engagement with tensions between consensus and conflict, rationality and emotion, and the system and the lifeworld. Furthermore, there is also a need to scrutinize the role of hybrid media system in promoting populist neo-fascist discourses and actors, but also assert its normative task to combat it. Whereas conflict and power cannot be eradicated from the political, conflict is also a destructive force which requires a set of agreed upon ethico-political principles in order for a radical democracy to function. It is also argued that emotions need to be part of the democratic fight-back, but it is also suggested that a critical realist disposition combining epistemic relativism with judgmental rationality will be crucial to counter the relativism on steroids practiced by neo-fascist actors. Finally, the hybrid media system needs to be reconnected with the lifeworld, citizen interests and democratic values through a new regulatory framework, and the tradition of public journalism could provide inspiration for a democratic fightback from within the media system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes some theoretical elements that shed light on the understanding of the nature of the state and the category "state-form", which seek to identify in the "value-form" the element that unifies the economic and political moments of capitalist society that warn that, within the polycrisis of capital, an intensification of the state can be found to respond to the untimely rhythm of capital in its dynamics of accumulation, with the growth of its violence, particularly recognized by the rise of neo-fascism. Three parts constitute the article. The first presents the characteristics of the dimensions that make up the polycrisis, to make clear its relationship with the capitalist state--state-form--which encourages the increase in violence. The second part deals with the understanding of the state in the capitalist production process, based on the triad "value-form", "state-form", and "empireform". The third part presents elements to understand the phenomenon of growing violence, with the generalization of political movements characterized as neo-fascist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Italy was one of the first European countries to tolerate the existence of a fascist party, the democratic governments of its immediate postwar engaged in a genuine and important reflection on the means to counter the re-emergence of fascism. Thus Italy too, like its European counterparts, sought to conceive of itself as a militant democracy. This article aims to illuminate its efforts and its approach, and also to cast light on the evident limits and contradictions. Looking at the Italian case while observing how other European countries tackled the re-emergence of fascism in the same period will make clear the intrinsic difficulties of turning a democracy into a militant one only a short time after the fall of an authoritarian regime and in the aftermath of an inevitably problematic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an article published in The Wiener Library Bulletin in 1951, the historian and former partisan Giorgio Vaccarino broached the subject of the “fascist literature” circulating in Italy. Three years later, the anti-fascist literary scholar Giuseppe Tramarollo revisited the question in La Voce Repubblicana, declaring the dissemination of texts with a clear fascist matrix to be a threat to Italian democracy. This essay seeks to shed light on this circulation, which has long been underestimated by historiography and was downplayed by the post-1945 fascist milieu, which sought to portray itself as being excluded from the political arena. Without wishing to overstate the importance of fascist literature in the post-war period, this article aims to describe its characteristics while also highlighting the tolerance of the authorities and the complicity of the publishing market, which, by ignoring political or moral considerations, offered a platform to many fascist personalities.

The article analyses the problem of the current state of philosophy in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. It is argued that contemporary philosophers are faced with the question: «How is philosophy possible after Bucha?». It is argued that, on the one hand, this questioning and situation is in many ways similar to similar discourses on «philosophy after Auschwitz» and «philosophy after the Gulag», and on the other hand, it shows a number of ideological and moral flaws in modern society and politics that made this question possible. Another consequence is the failure to learn the lessons of history, which leads to the emergence and growth of new totalitarian leaders who are ready to start wars to achieve their goals, which in the future threaten to escalate to the level of a new World War or the use of nuclear arsenals. Thus, there are grounds to state that not only international organisations such as the UN and the Red Cross are unable to resist authoritarianism and totalitarianism, but also that the worldview and value positions on which their activities are based are ineffective. Particular attention is paid to the theological aspects of this problem, the peculiarities of its formulation and solution by contemporary theologians. The authors analyse the criticism by Ukrainian intellectuals-philosophers of the prejudices of the Western philosophical establishment, touch upon the doctrine of the «Russian world» as a civil religion with its corresponding dogmas, and finally offer some philosophical conclusions that, in the authors’ opinion, formulate, if not new imperatives, as they somewhat pretentiously call them, then at least new significant accents that Ukraine brings to the world philosophical sphere. Thus, Ukrainian scholars of the social sciences and humanities face a crucial task, not just to reflect or comprehend the reality of life «under the bombs», but to formulate new imperatives that can become the basis for a new post-war philosophy, politics and culture.

Nostalgia is a complex emotion produced by the individual and collective processes of remembering. Svetlana Boym distinguishes between reflective nostalgia, regarding the personal reactions to the passing of time, and restorative nostalgia, which acts on the collective level in response to the need to look at the past, that is presented in rigid and immutable forms and is considered a constitutive value of the present. Restorative nostalgia feeds nationalistic revivals and processes of historical revisionism and proselytism around hate speeches, based on retrotopies that, in the face of the insecurities and the crisis movements of the present time, paint a more flourishing past, in which life was easier, sheltered from the problems brought by globalization and the greater permeability of national borders. The popularity and consensus obtained in Italy, Sweden, and other European countries by nationalist parties, as well as the rhetoric of patriotism expressed by Vladimir Putin in support of his war action in Ukraine, are the most striking manifestations of a culture of identity closure, of fear, suspicion and opposition that has recently found expression also in the no vax and conspiracy movements. Hence the need for pedagogical reflection and educational interventions that know how to act on the mechanisms of presentisation of the past and identity closure, to educate to openness and not to be afraid of fragility and weaknesses.

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Nation Project: Brazil in 2035" is a 96-page document published in 2022 by the Sagres Institute. It is a collective work that addresses 37 themes considered strategic for the country. Each theme is presented based on "critical uncertainty," "focused mini-scenario, "objectives," "guidelines," and "obstacles". The document systematizes and expresses the political thinking of sectors within the Armed Forces, the upper middle class, bureaucracy, and the market that supported the Bolsonaro government. The study raises questions about the potential effects of the implementation of the project, discussing its consequences for social rights, the environment, and marginalized populations. The project is approached from the perspective of the ethnography of bureaucratic documents and historical criticism. The argument put forth is that the middle class, situated in the bureaucracy of the State and the market and authoring this future plan, is formulating an ideology that combines neo-fascism and neoliberalism. This ideology aims to unite, pursue enemies, deepen the newest form of dependence, and exploit the Brazilian economy for the benefit of international big capital and the associated bourgeoisie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Cognitio - Revista de Filosofia is the property of Cognitio - Revista de Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on the theme of "how (most) philosophers have been struck by blindness in the age of the 'great reset' and failed humanity." I have been able to trace only a few philosophers or intellectuals who have seen through the fog of dis- and misinformation to grasp the iatrocratic and corporatocratic aims of private global organisations, namely to reduce the numbers of, and enslave the rest of humanity by various lethal and otherwise destructive means. The paper initially concentrates on the question of what a philosopher is, followed by a discussion of the contributions of four exemplary philosophers who have had the perspicacity and courage to grasp the true nature of forced global events since the start of the "pandemic." It further focuses on some criticism against their position(s), where necessary providing evidence to either support or invalidate the positions concerned. Evidence is adduced for the claim that those who submitted to Draconian rules and unjustified injections did not think through the manner in which this happened, nor did the necessary prior research concerning the vaunted safety of the "vaccines" or the probable ultimate goal of forces driving the neo-fascist transformation of contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the so-called 'anti-woke' culture war is deconstructed through the notions of metapolitics in fascist discourses – linked to the Gramscian 'hegemonisation' and 'the war of position' – as well as the Schmittian friend/enemy distinction coupled with theories of deviance and moral panics. The appropriation of the neo-fascist culture war discourse by the mainstream right in the UK is analysed discursively, combining political discourse analysis, the discourse-historical approach and discourse-conceptual analysis. The anti-woke culture war by the British conservative party as well as rightwing media will serve to analyse how social justice struggles like anti-racism, anti-sexism and pro-LGBTQ rights are being abnormalised and positioned as extreme deviant political positions. Linked to this, so-called 'cancel culture' is strategically deployed by dominant groups to neutralise contestations against racist, sexist and anti-LGBTQ views. Finally, freedom of speech and the right to offend is weaponised to protect racist and discriminatory language and to position these idea's as valid opinions worthy of democratic debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In many parts of the world, journalists tend to see themselves as playing an important role for the betterment of democracy. But what happens when newsmakers are faced with the question of whether to report, and how to report, on ultra-right actors? Whereas on one side, journalists are supposed to report on anything that is relevant, on the other, by reporting on it, they risk amplifying its significance. This dilemma becomes more complex when journalists deal with players who inhabit a grey zone in between legitimacy and deviance, as the ultra-right actors studied here. Although the kind of questions that newsmakers face might be similar to those they encounter when covering far-right populists or even terrorists, the fact that the ultra-right (at least in a country like Italy) has been historically tolerated as part of the normal political dialectic, raises additional concerns. Thus, the fundamental question is how reporters approach those who are known for their fascistic ideologies, yet who at the same time may be organized in political parties or cultural organizations, thus recognized by the state and somehow normalized in the public sphere. The empirical contribution is based upon data from in-depth interviews with 23 Italian journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the activity of Chile’s unique neo-fascist movement from the early 1970s until 1990. Whereas Jaime Guzmán and his ideological group (the gremialistas) believed that the military dictatorship should conclude with the creation of a protected parliamentary democracy, the so-called hardliners thought that the dictatorship’s mission was to institute a fascist-corporatist regime in Chile. First, the article shows that while Guzmán became the regime’s chief ideologue, the hardliners operated as outsiders and harshly opposed both the regime’s neoliberal model and the 1980 Constitution. Second, it examines the hardliners ’campaigns against the constitutional process, and delves into their links with Spanish neofascist elements. It argues that, ironically, these campaigns helped Guzmán propagate the 1980 Constitution as a moderate position between two statist ideological extremes. On the other hand, their intransigence hindered the efforts to unify Chile’s right-wing sectors into a single electoral front ahead of the 1988 constitutional referendum and 1989 elections, thus going against their intentions to control the constitutional process after 1988. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article contributes to the empirical literature on militant democracy and successor party bans by comparing post-1945 West Germany and Italy. These countries shared a right-authoritarian past but their tolerance of right-authoritarian parties differed. Looking for reasons behind the ban of the Sozialistische Reichspartei Deutschlands and the survival of the Movimento sociale italiano, this study tests five conditions: (1) ambiguity towards – if not open approval of – violence; (2) absence of effective alternatives to proscription; (3) securitization; (4) veto player agreement; (5) veto player incentives. We find that securitization is a necessary condition for proscription, whereas approval of violence is not. While neither the presence of effective alternatives nor veto player incentives relate to ban outcomes in a consistent pattern, veto player support remains crucial. Given the findings from this comparative study, we conclude that successor party bans should not belong to a separate category of militant democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoliberal restructuring of the global economy as a response to the crisis of capitalist accumulation has led inevitably to the reform of higher education on the global scale. The neoliberal assaults on higher education pushed for vigorous marketization and corporatization of colleges and universities. In the Philippine context, the impact of neoliberal reform of education transpired primarily in the enactment of the K+12 reform. Such reform aligned Philippine basic education to the international division of labor. But under the Duterte regime, the neoliberal reform of the Philippine educational system coincided with the neo-fascist character of the state. It is the main thesis of this paper that the neo-fascist assault against higher education serves as a guarantee to push for unhampered neoliberal restructuring of Philippine education. In the face of this challenge, this paper will propose the development and practice of anti-fascist pedagogy among educators and education workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study carries out a critical review by dialectically rehearsing the relationship between international capital, neo-fascism and its repercussions in Brazil, in general, and in public health, in particular. In this sense, this study is divided into three sections. The first section deals with the role of the capital crisis as a trigger for fascism in a Marxist tradition. The second section addresses how neo-fascism emerges as a response to capitalist dynamics in the neoliberal phase of capitalism. And the third section presents some relations between the associated bourgeoisie and its interests in defunding the Unified Health System and taking advantage of the Covid-19 pandemic to take over the government genocidal project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1970s, a group of far-right activists launched a geo-political magazine named Confidentiel and published in Paris. Far from being a domestic project, the magazine was also launched in Spain, Italy and Argentina, thanks to the wide transnational network of which its founders formed a part. Although the magazine was relatively short-lived and enjoyed a modest circulation (despite its transnational reach), its history illuminates the trajectories of some key nodes of the neo-fascist transnational network after the fall of Franco's regime in Spain, where distinct generations of far-right activists had found a safe sanctuary. By exploring the personal trajectories of its founders and examining material published in the magazine, this article argues that members of the neo-fascist transnational network developed Confidentiel as part of a survival strategy and used it to maintain a stable presence in Europe after the mid-1970s, as well as to revitalize the network itself. Our analysis of Confidentiel shows that its founders' choice to rely on cultural tools to revitalize their network was crucially influenced by the Nouvelle Droite 's meta-political turn, which allows us to place the magazine within the European right-wing milieu. The magazine echoed neo-fascism's Pan-European vocation and the call for an independent, sovereign Europe. Nonetheless, its main goal was not to develop comprehensive and innovative geo-political analysis: as the vagueness of its political elaboration reflects. Instead Confidentiel was mainly a survival tool. The existence of several editorial seats across Europe and Latin America justified the network's movements and relations, significantly allowing them to support their allies by using the magazine to counter negative propaganda. In this sense, Confidentiel helps illuminate fascism's transnational dynamism and activism after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Euroscepticism is frequently presented as a key ideological feature of far right parties, however, this definition masks important variations between them. This paper argues that far right positions on Europe are characterized by long-standing ambivalence rather than straightforward opposition. While far right parties frequently oppose the EU, ideological flexibility, the malleability of European integration and the protean nature of Europe also lead them to display support towards certain aspects of it and towards Europe as a civilization. The argument is illustrated through a qualitative analysis of the party literature of the Movimento Sociale Italiano and the Front National. The analysis shows that these parties conceived of Europe as an identity, a space of liberty, an endangered heritage and a construction where national interests must be defended. In each theme, they offered ambivalent readings of Europe, oscillating between opposition and support depending on how Europe and the EU were defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lutas Sociais is the property of Nucleo de Estudos de Ideolgias e Lutas Sociais (NEILS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Robinson concurs with Amin’s centering of the problem of extreme concentration of capital and the centralization of power worldwide. However, he critiques Amin’s “tenacious nation-state/interstate framework,” arguing for an approach that transcends state-centrism to identify class and social dynamics that have enabled both the rise of the fascist right and create openings for emancipatory left formations.

This paper assesses the contribution of Karl Polanyi, a theorist largely ignored in fascism scholarship, toward understanding fascism's interwar rise and present-day implications. In exploring Polanyi's work in The Great Transformation and lesser-known and unpublished writings, a sophisticated and largely original conception of fascism emerges, rooted in the idea of 'anti-individualism' as its foundational trait. Polanyi accounts for fascism's philosophical content, ideological plasticity, political function and societal form, intervening in debates over how to define fascism, its ambiguity with the populist far-right, and on its both economically reactionary and socially revolutionary qualities. Polanyi's analysis suggests an enduring vulnerability on the part of liberal capitalism to fascist currents as (1) a solution to the instability of the market economy (and broader incompatibility between capitalism and democracy) at the systemic level, and (2) to the crisis of the individual subject on a social and moral level. I end by considering how Polanyi's theory might be applied to locate current neo-fascist movements and elucidate the sociological problems underpinning their existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the erosion of the essentiality of social security and the deepening of its dismantling in the context of capital crisis and the strengthening of the far right in Brazil. It brings partial results of the research "the Brazilian State and the paradoxes of the implementation of social security in Brazil", which is carried out under a dialectical materialist perspective, referenced in the review of specialized literature and analysis of data and documents. The results reveal the neo-fascist and ultra-neoliberal character of the Bolsonaro government; the progress of the process of corrosion of essentiality and delivery of social security to capitals; highlight measures of adjustment to EC 103/2019, during the covid-19 pandemic, which limit access to rights, reorient the purpose and weaken the INSS, institute the insurance policy under marketing guidelines, forge the unification of pension systems and transfer of management of unscheduled benefits to the private sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to develop the argument that the strength of scientific denialism (negationism) and the normalization of death in the conduct of the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil were possible in recent years insofar as it has been attributed to the president of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, by diverse social interests and agents, the role of leadership and authority responsible for the purification of politics, the economy and the nation. His strategy of "to make live and to let die" found active or passive support in a significant part of Brazilian society because Bolsonaro is able to establish himself in this pole of purification and restoration of a supposedly lost-regime of truth. The research encompasses diverse textual productions and official and informal statements by the social agents in question. To analyze them, social theories, especially in sociology, were used in order to identify the agents, ideologies and discursive that produce meanings about life and death. As a result, it is possible to affirm that the government's objective of making the virus circulate, outlined as an implicit and explicit goal since the beginning of the pandemic, demanded a normalization of preventable deaths, which only the neo-fascist language, which is capable of producing an alternative meaning of life more authentic and purer, it has been able to achieve so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the rise of the political right and far-right in Hungarian political culture. It highlights the contribution that world-systems analysis can bring to an historical sociological understanding of the concept of political culture, with a particular focus on contemporary Hungary. Many commentators are asking: how it can be that 30 years of democratic transition has led to the dominance in Hungary of a politics of intolerance, illiberalism and ethno-Nationalism, as manifested in both the current government, Fidesz, and the neo-fascist party, Jobbik. This paper argues that the correct way to frame the question is to ask: why, given the legacy of authoritarian social and political movements that have shaped Hungary’s modern history, should a stable, liberal, political culture emerge after communism? Instead what the paper shows is that the goals of classical liberalism and a liberal political culture have long been destroyed by three factors: capitalism; the nation-state; and the persistence of traditional and sometimes irrational forms of social hierarchy, prejudice and authority. Hungary’s current Orbánisation reflects an on-going tension between liberal and illiberal tendencies, the latter being part of the foundations of the modern world-system. Rather than viewing Hungary as a dangerous exception to be quarantined by the European Union, it should be recognised that the political right in Hungary is linked to broader trends across the world-system that foster intolerance and other anti-enlightenment and socially divisive tendencies. Political cultures polarised by decades of neoliberal reforms and in which there is no meaningful socialist alternative have reduced Hungary’s elite political debates to the choice of either neoliberalism or ethnonationalism, neither of which is likely to generate socially progressive solutions to its current problems.

This article aims to investigate the way in which converts contribute to the redefinition of Shi'ism in Italy and to show how that contribution is reshaping Shi'ism in the peninsula. In order to do so, it first provides an overview of the conversion trajectories that undeniably impact converts' relationship with the new religion, with Italian society, and with born Shi'is. It then presents two principal factors that affect converts' approach to Shi'ism. The first is Iran's interest in presenting Shi'ism as a universally compelling religion. The second is the fact that Italian traditionalist intellectuals are attracted to Shi'ism, whose values converge with the ideals of the Italian political far right. We shall see how the synergy between these two factors facilitates the attenuation, or even removal, of the folk and sectarian aspects of Shi'ism in Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author analyses the Fascists' ability, after the end of the war, to present a memory of the recent past which achieved its aims at least among a significant number of Italians. The success of the Fascist memoirist literature was helped by its tendency to replicate arguments made in post-war courts by people charged with collaborationism. Another important factor was the political authorities' decision to bring the period of the purges to a premature end. This turning point in Italy's transition neutered the initial verdicts and legitimized the Fascists' version of events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Neoliberalism and neo-fascism are two inseparable expressions of the same current configuration of the capitalist system. The above mentioned is what the author tries to demonstrate in the subjective sphere with the help of conceptual resources mainly from the Marxist and Freudian-Lacanian theories. The demonstration withstands three moments: 1) the elucidation of the neoliberal modalities of exacerbation, psychologization and universalization of capitalist functioning; 2) the interpretation of neo-fascism as an aesthetic, segregationist, and unifying strategy at the service of neoliberalism; 3) the analysis of neoliberal and neo-fascist forms of conceiving and relating segregation and discrimination, exclusion and exploitation, difference and inequality, development and underdevelopment, property and deprivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propen-sity to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the relationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organisationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on different arenas of engagement

Global capitalism is approaching a general crisis of capitalist rule. It is urgent to renovate a popular revolutionary project and refound the state if we are to combat the onslaught of the neo-fascist right. Amin's call for a new Internationale is a timely move in that direction, notwithstanding the many challenges of organizing such an Internationale. Developing an umbrella program must engage political and theoretical debate on the nature of the new global capitalism, learn from the failures of Syriza in Greece and the Pink Tide in Latin America, and reconceive the three-way relationship between states, parties, and social movements. The downward mobility and destabilization of working classes in the former First World and the destruction of the old labor aristocracies provides the recruiting grounds for 21st century fascism but also new opportunities for transnational North-South solidarities. A new Internationale must identify and prioritize the class antagonisms within and across countries and regions over core-periphery or Global North-South contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]