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We aimed at investigating the expression of Long non-coding RNA (LncRNA) PGM5-AS1 and its facilitating effects on proliferation and invasion of colorectal cancer by sponging miR-100-5p.qRT-PCR was performed to detect the expressions of PGM5-AS1 and SMAD4 in human colorectal cancer tissues and cells. CCK-8 assay was performed to evaluate the SW403 cells proliferation and transwell assay was performed to evaluate the SW403 cells migration. The correlation between miR-100-5p and PGM5-AS1 was detected by statistical analysis. Bioinformatics prediction and Luciferase assay were performed to explore the interaction and binding site of PGM5-AS1 and miR-100-5p, miR-100-5p and SMAD4, respectively.We found that both PGM5-AS1 and SMAD4 were downregulated in human colorectal cancer tissues and cells. qRT-PCR and CCK-8 assay showed that PGM5-AS1 expression is associated with the proliferation of colorectal cancer cells. Transwell assay showed that PGM5-AS1 regulated the migration ability of colorectal cancer cells. The bioinformatics prediction and Luciferase assay demonstrated that by sponging miR-100-5p, PGM5-AS1 can serve as a molecular sponge to further regulate the expression of SMAD4.In this study, we found that lncRNA-PGM5-AS1 was low expressed in human colorectal cancer cells, which could promote tumor proliferation, migration and invasion by serving as a molecular sponge and by modulating the inhibitory effect of miR-100-5p on tumor suppressor gene SMAD4.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the business-government nexus in Hong Kong as a special case, thereby contributing to a comparative examination of various significant variables affecting the study of political and economic developments in East Asia. Design/methodology/approach The paper considers the privileged position afforded to the major business groups in Hong Kong’s political system as part of the pro-Beijing United Front. It adopts a historical perspective, relying on existing literature including media reports. As the author is both an academic and a long-term pro-democracy activist, his actual experiences and extensive interviews with various important participants in Hong Kong’s business and political communities offer valuable perspectives. Findings In the past, the business-government nexus was perceived to be a positive factor that contributed to the territory’s economic growth. In the past decade or so, though, increasing dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government’s performance and the widening gap between the rich and the poor have led to the emergence of a legitimacy deficit on the part of the government, resulting in rising demands for democracy which have not been met. Divisions on these issues within the local business community have posed a severe challenge to the continuation of the business-government nexus. Originality/value The author’s actual experiences and his interviews with other participants in Hong Kong’s politics provide observations of significant value. The Occupy Central campaign, which took off in the territory in 2014, demands serious consideration in terms of its political development and a key element for consideration is the response of the business-government nexus to it.

Purpose To investigate the prognostic significance of (18)F-FDG PET imaging in patients with bone and soft tissue sarcoma, a meta-analysis was conducted. Methods Comprehensive literature searches were performed in PubMed, Embase, Web of Science and Cochrane Library. Pooled hazard ratio (HR) values were calculated to assess the correlations of pre-chemotherapy SUV (SUV1), post-chemotherapy SUV (SUV2), SUV Ratio, total lesion glycolysis (TLG) and metabolic tumor volume (MTV) with event-free survival (EFS) and overall survival (OS). Results Twenty-three studies with 1261 patients were identified. The combined HRs for EFS were 1.84 (95% CI: 1.54–2.20) for SUV1, 2.92 (95% CI: 2.15–3.97) for SUV2, 1.90 (95% CI: 1.43–2.52) for SUV Ratio, 3.01 (95% CI: 1.36–6.67) for TLG and 2.32 (95% CI: 1.44–3.75) for MTV. The pooled HRs for OS were 1.85 (95% CI: 1.49–2.30) for SUV1, 2.00 (95% CI: 1.39–2.88) for SUV2, 2.20 (95% CI: 1.18–4.10) for SUV Ratio, 6.19 (95% CI: 2.17–17.66) for TLG and 2.67 (95% CI: 1.52–4.68) for MTV. Besides, high SUV1 was found to be significantly associated with higher rate of metastasis (RR 5.55, 95% CI: 2.75–11.18) and local recurrence (RR 1.87 95% CI: 1.28–2.72). Conclusion (18)F-FDG PET parameters of SUV1, SUV2, SUV Ratio, TLG and MTV may have effective prognostic significance for patients with bone and soft tissue sarcoma. (18)F-FDG PET imaging may be a promising tool to help predict survival outcomes of these patients.

This article examines, through the theoretical framework of realism, China’s articulation and implementation of its new model of major power relationships (NMMPR), its rationale, objectives and the strategies involved. The study will concentrate on the model’s application to Sino-American relations, though it will also briefly survey its application to China’s relations with other major powers. The Chinese leadership’s assessment of the global power configuration and its trends of evolution will be considered. The articulation of the NMMPR also reflects new variables in Chinese foreign policy and Sino-US relations. They include Xi Jinping’s distinctive leadership style, the arrival of a less favourable international environment, the concern about potential deterioration in Sino-US relations, and the increasing inclination of China’s neighbours to adopt a hedging strategy, including the strengthening of security co-operation with the US.

In line with the principle of ‘small government, big society', the Chinese authorities are likely to considerably expand the service delivery role of NGOs which do not intend to challenge the Party-state. These NGOs could be allowed a respected place in society, and they would have the financial resources from the government to offer needed services. On the other hand, NGOs which are perceived to pose a threat to the Party-state will continue to be suppressed. United front tactics are likely to be adopted, and leaders of these NGOs will be induced to alter their mode of operation into one acceptable to the Chinese authorities — i.e. both carrots and sticks are applied. Meanwhile, civil society will continue to grow quantitatively and qualitatively. Optimistic estimates are that, at this stage, China has about 7‒8 million social organizations involving about 300 million people, about one-fifth of China's total population. This critical mass is still inadequate to exert pressure on the Party-state t...

The ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) is the first of the free trade agreements signed by ASEAN with its major trade partners, and is generally considered a success. However, while liberalization of trade among ASEAN countries has historically not provoked any major issues, things went differently concerning the ACFTA, and complaints have been raised that the treaty allows China too many trade benefits. The purpose of this article is to evaluate, using trade gravity equations, if there is any evidence that the ACFTA has been responsible for the growing trade imbalance between China and Indonesia. The model has not produced any conclusive results about the negative effects on the ACFTA for Indonesia. Given the relevance of this treaty for the ongoing regional integration in Asia, however, the coming years will be crucial in determining the form of it among the existing options and the outcome now seems more uncertain than ever.

This article examines China’s concern to prevent terrorism and maintain stability in Central Asia through the SCO. The situation in Afghanistan has raised concerns among SCO member countries and strengthened common interests to maintain the regional organization, regime stability, and economic co-operation within it.

Congenital cleft palate causes a serious obstacle to children with regard to language and eating function. The aim of the current study was to examine the clinical application of a type of palatoplasty that has a reduced impact on the maxillary growth and good function in velopharyngeal competence. A total of 37 patients with cleft palate were treated with levator veli palatini retropositioning combined with Buccinator myomucosal island flap. The patients were successfully treated in the first phase and were followed up for 1-3 years. Speech intelligibility was satisfactory and no fistula occurred. In conclusion, the results suggested that levator veli palatini retropositioning combined with the Buccinator myomucosal island flap may restore normal anatomic structure and location of the levator veli palatini, obtain good velopharyngeal competence, and decrease the incidence rate thereof. Thus, levator veli palatini retropositioning combined with the Buccinator myomucosal island flap is a functional procedure for cleft palate repair.

Observations reveal that People's Congress elections at the county/district and town/township levels in China in 2003, 2006–07 and 2011–12 were not entirely free and just. There are many loopholes, and they had been fully exploited by the Chinese authorities to control the elections. The problem does not lie in the specific provisions of the Election Law; the fundamental question is that the Chinese leadership has no intention to conduct free and just elections at the grassroots level. Its most important consideration is to control, or to maintain political stability, and this consideration became even stronger in 2011–12 because of the domestic political difficulties.

Christianity in China has undergone significant changes in its development in the last three decades and more. It has become the source of a new spiritual force in Chinese society, offering support to China's social development and its movement for liberty and human rights. Christianity has affected China in an important way in the cultural globalization process, and China's democratization process is a part of the cultural globalization process too. Family churches are causing serious changes in China's state–society relationship. This article attempts to consider the impact of Christianity's development on the values and thinking of the Chinese people, and their associated effects on church–state relations.

In the past three decades, reforms of China’s medical insurance policy have attracted considerable attention. Regarding the existing literature on China’s social policy research, much work has been done on identifying the characteristics of China’s medical insurance policy, defining the development paths of social policy, offering policy suggestions, etc., but inadequate efforts have been made in providing credible theoretical explanations of the development process of China’s medical insurance reforms. This article uses the medical insurance policy-making process in Dongguan to illustrate how policy perceptions in a defined institutional context affect the medical insurance policy-making process at the local government level. The research project reveals that when local governments engage in specific social policy-making, they are not only affected by financial resources and the institutional environment, but also by specific policy perceptions. The interactions between policy perceptions and the institu...

This article examines the appeal of the “Chongqing Model” in the context of the socio-economic problems at this stage of China's development. Grievances have been accumulating, and an increasing segment of the population wants to see changes and reforms. The ideological and policy debates became more significant partly because of the leadership succession process finalized in the Eighteenth Party Congress in November 2012, and partly because of the perceived domestic and international challenges. The Bo Xilai case was one of the rare cases when a severe challenge came from the Left and the central leadership became seriously concerned. Bo Xilai's departure from the political scene has reduced the appeal of the New Leftists, but it does not represent a victory or even a significant opportunity for the Rightists (liberals).

Background: Epigenetic silencing by promoter methylation and chromatin remodelling affects hundreds of genes and is a causal event for lung cancer. Treatment of patients with low doses of the demethylating agent 5-azacytidine in combination with the histone deacetylase inhibitor entinostat has yielded clinical responses. The subcutaneous dosing route for consecutive days and reduced bioavailability of 5-azacytidine because of inactivation by cytidine deaminase may limit the expansion of epigenetic therapy into Phase III trials. To mitigate these barriers, an aerosol of 5-azacytidine was generated and characterised. Methods: The effect of aerosol vs systemic delivery of 5-azacytidine on tumour burden and molecular response of engrafted lung tumours in the nude rat was compared. Results: Pharmacokinetics revealed major improvement in the half-life of 5-azacytidine in lung tissue with aerosol delivery. Aerosolised 5-azacytidine significantly reduced lung tumour burden and induced global demethylation of the epigenome at one-third of the comparable effective systemic dose. High commonality for demethylation of genes was seen in tumours sampled throughout lung lobes and across treated animals receiving the aerosolised drug. Conclusion: Collectively, these findings show that aerosolised 5-azacytidine targets the lung, effectively reprogrammes the epigenome of tumours, and is a promising approach to combine with other drugs for treating lung cancer.

China has rapidly developed a sophisticated regionalism strategy in East Asia. Minimising the region’s “China threat” perception has been a significant consideration in this strategy. Unfortunately, the ongoing escalation of tension concerning territorial disputes over the Diaoyutai / Senkaku Islands and the South China Sea, initiated by a series of high-profile naval exercises in the latter half of 2010, has reinforced the “China threat” perception and bolstered the hedging strategies of countries in the region. China is aware of its relative disadvantage, and it has been keeping its options open while allowing ASEAN to maintain the initiative.

At the turn of the century and before, the difficult conditions for laid-off workers in China generated collective action. This study examines the laid-off workers' collective actions in China in terms of the concept of moral economy. Using data collected from fieldwork in Northeast China and the considerations and strategies of the laid-off workers in China, the following questions were asked: What was the prime mover for the laid-off workers' collective actions? Why were some laid-off workers prone to take action while others remained inactive? Hypotheses based on the moral economy theory are developed to interpret the data collected. The tentative conclusion is that when the workers' subsistence rights had been infringed and their livelihood problems became serious, the laid-off workers took action. The shock of being laid off had different impacts on different individuals. Laid-off workers who were able to find or were provided with “subsistence alternatives” were less inclined to take collective action.

Economic and social inequalities are significant causes for political and social instability. In Chinese society where people were indoctrinated by egalitarian socialist principles in the first 29 years of the PRC's history, the widening of the gap between rich and poor was even more destabilizing. In 2006, there were some attempts to initiate debates on the merits of the existing reform programme. The Chinese leadership realized that its legitimacy continued to depend on raising the living standards of the people; but in view of the expanding economic and social inequalities, it had to ensure that a majority of the nation would share the benefits of economic growth. There appeared to be general agreement among Chinese leaders and policy experts on the prognosis of the problems in China's impressive economic development, and the necessary steps to correct the imbalances. The Hu-Wen leadership in the early years demonstrated their determination to implement the essential policies, and they were fortunate b...

China's initiative in establishing and promoting the development of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) is an interesting case study of China's attempt at regional institution building. China's increasing interest in Central Asia coincided with its gradual acceptance and rising enthusiasm regarding participation in regional organisations. The “Shanghai Five” mechanism and the SCO were seen as appropriate mechanisms for pursuing China's multiple interests in the region; their development was also in line with the improvement in Sino-Russian relations. Chinese leaders have skilfully developed the SCO's institutional framework, and they seem intent on getting good value for the resources spent. The leaders have also demonstrated considerable patience when the SCO's development encountered setbacks.

This article intends to examine the challenges facing the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong today, as well as the general political and social situation in the territory. It argues that the deterioration and divisions within the pro-democracy movement may not be political gains for the pro-Beijing united front, as the political and social polarization poses serious problems for effective governance as well. An administration threatened by legitimacy deficit will find it increasingly difficult to deliver in terms of both economic development and social services, thus forcing itself into a vicious circle as unsatisfactory performance further worsens its legitimacy deficit.Though Hong Kong people’s confidence in China and their trust for the Chinese leadership as well as their identification with the Mainland have been strengthening since the territory’s return to China, the latter’s strong backing for the HKSAR has become a double-edged sword. Hong Kong people realize that decisions on local political reforms are made in Beijing, and they also partly blame the Chinese authorities for the unsatisfactory performance of the HKSAR government which is picked by and accountable to Beijing. The lose-lose situation can only be reversed by the enlightenment of the Chinese leadership which, hopefully, would feel secure enough to allow genuine democracy in the territory.

Sino-Vietnamese relations since the mid-1980s represent an interesting case for studying how economic considerations can transform two conflicting states into peaceful accommodation in an asymmetrical bilateral relationship. The Chinese leadership's pursuit of a peaceful international environment for economic development has been followed by its Vietnamese counterpart.

Migrant workers have become a major component of China's labour force in the manufacturing sector, and therefore an important force in the country's economic modernization. Yet, for a long time, migrant workers were perceived as peasants by the Chinese authorities, and were excluded from the scope of the state's labour policy. In the new century, the government has begun to consider them as an important part of the manufacturing labour force, and attempt to protect their rights through adjustments in its labour policy. However, in many aspects, migrant workers are still considered “pseudo labourers”. This article attempts to examine the issue of migrant workers within the framework of the state's labour policy. The socio-economic problems associated with migrant workers will not be resolved until they are treated as a proper part of the labour force, and granted the same legal and policy protection as urban workers.

This article attempts to use three case studies of labor organizations to explain the uncertainty of informal politics in China. Because informal rules are naturally vague and uncertain, the tactical interactions between government agencies and civic groups become unbalanced. Uncertainty in informal politics in China is almost inevitable.

The issue of social networks is central to scholars' examinations of China's economic reform and its transitional society. This article presents an effort to examine the impact of the property rights reform on the evolution of entrepreneurs' social networks in the context of rural China. This study proposes three different patterns of social networks: in-group networks, official-centered networks, and market-oriented networks; and examines how the significance of different network patterns has evolved under the context of institutional change. By using data collected in Wuxi city, Jiangsu province, China, this article attempts to explore four significant questions. Do social networks still matter? How is the significance of different patterns of social networks changing? Why could this happen? In which fields do social networks still matter?

Diabetes is frequently associated with declining sexual function resulting from oxidative damage. NADPH oxidase is a major resource of reactive oxygen species (ROS) in the testes and is likely related to an activated endothelin-1 (ET-1) system. An activation of NADPH oxidase-ET-1 pathway was hypothesized in diabetic testopathy. We verified the hypothesis and tested if strontium fructose 1,6-diphosphate (FDP-Sr) could relieve these changes in diabetic testis as compared to testosterone propionate (TP) and sildenafil. Diabetes was produced in male Sprague-Dawley rats 8 weeks after a single injection of streptozotocin (STZ), and interventions with testosterone propionate (TP), sildenafil and FDP-Sr were conducted in the last 4 weeks. Blood glucose, testosterone, follicle stimulating hormone (FSH) , luteinizing hormone (LH) and expressions of NADPH oxidase subunits and the ET system were measured. Decreased insulin, FSH, LH and testosterone in serum were found associating with testicular oxidative stress in STZ-injected rats. Additionally, over-expressions of NADPH oxidase p22, p47, p67 subunits and the ET pathway were significant in the diabetic testis relative to normal and were completely abolished by FDP-Sr. Both TP and sildenafil were not beneficial to diabetic testopathy except serum androgen raised by TP. Activated NADPH oxidase and ET system are significant contributing to testis injury and are responded to FDP-Sr only, against both TP and sildenafil, by restoring the testis function and the hypothalamus-pituitary-testis axis. It is due to its extra-energy supply and an antioxidant activity of FDP-Sr.

The objective of this study was to evaluate effects of fumarate on ruminal ammonia accumulation and fiber digestion in vitro and on feed intake and nutrient utilization in dairy does. Batch cultures of mixed rumen microorganisms were used to study effects of different concentrations of fumarate on fermentation with various N sources (ammonia as ammonium bicarbonate, casein amino acids, casein peptides, gelatin peptides) and feeds (bermudagrass hay, mixed diet of 60% bermudagrass hay plus 40% concentrate) for 6 and 24 h, respectively. Substrates were grouped into pairs for separate incubations. Monosodium fumarate was added to incubation tubes to achieve final concentrations of 0, 5, and 10 mM fumarate. More ammonia accumulated at the end of incubation with added ammonium bicarbonate. Ammonia concentration was higher for peptide compared with amino acid incubation, and for casein peptide compared with gelatin peptide. Addition of fumarate linearly decreased ammonia for all N sources and for feed substrates. For all substrate types, fumarate treatment increased acetate, propionate, and total volatile fatty acids (VFA), decreased acetate to propionate ratio, and tended to reduce branched-chain VFA. Digestion of feed neutral detergent fiber (NDF) by rumen microorganisms was improved by fumarate along with elevated endoglucanase and xylanase activities. In an animal metabolism experiment, 8 dairy does (4 per treatment) were used in a completely randomized design for 21 d. Does were fed a hay plus concentrate diet without (control) or with fumarate (6 g/head per day) supplementation to determine feed intake, whole-tract nutrient digestibility, and N utilization. Fumarate treatment did not affect weight change or feed intake but increased whole-tract digestion of gross energy, crude protein, and cellulose. Digested N was increased by fumarate supplementation; however, N retention was unaffected. Plasma glucose concentration was elevated with fumarate but urea N concentration remained unchanged. Fumarate addition had significant effects on rumen microbial fermentation by decreasing ammonia and branched-chain VFA, and by increasing acetate and propionate, and NDF digestion. These effects were reflected in the improvement in whole-tract gross energy, crude protein, and cellulose digestion and elevated plasma glucose concentration when dairy does were supplemented with fumarate.

The establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and Costa Rica in mid-2007 is a good example of Beijing's diplomatic offensive to secure international recognition and to isolate Taiwan. This diplomatic offensive has reached Central America and the South Pacific island states in recent years. It reflects Beijing's expanding global economic reach, and its political will to exploit this economic influence for diplomatic and strategic objectives. Costa Rica's decision to switch diplomatic ties from Taipei to Beijing reflects a trend which has been delayed in Central America for some years. Costa Rica came to realize the significance of the PRC as a trade partner and its potential as an important trade partner, investor and aid donor. In the past decade, it has become obvious that Taiwan can no longer compete with the PRC. Ideology and the influence of the United States have been factors in this decline too.

This article examines the Chinese perception of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration by analysing Beijing's assessment of Russia's foreign policy objectives and its policy towards the U.S., as reflected in the official media and the authoritative publications of China's major security and foreign policy think tanks. Promoting multi-polarity and checks and balances against U.S. unilateralism has been a very significant consideration on the part of the Chinese leadership. Using the concept of the “strategic triangle”, the article demonstrates how changes in U.S.-Russian relations have probably become the most important variable in this push for multipolarity. In the past decade and a half, Sino-Russian relations have improved when Russia has become disappointed with the support it received from the U.S. There have also been periods of time when Russia has anticipated closer relations with the U.S. and thus neglected China's vital interests. The Chinese leadership, however, has exercised restraint at such times. There has been greater optimism in Beijing concerning Sino-Russian relations in recent years because of the expanding economic ties, Russia's increasing oil wealth and Putin's authoritarian orientation.

While refusing to allow any erosion of the Communist Party’s monopoly of political power, the Chinese leadership has proven very skilful in meeting emerging challenges in the era of economic reform and opening to the outside world since the Tiananmen Incident. Retaining its belief that economic growth remains the key to Hong Kong’s social and political stability, the Chinese government preserves the united front framework in its Hong Kong policy, with no intention of introducing genuine democracy.

In this survey of China's Asian policy, Chinese leaders' foreign policy framework appears to be an evolving one, responding to emerging opportunities and setbacks. Sometimes, the implementation may become disorderly, making the framework confused and indistinct. China's ‘soft power’ remains limited today. Its potential weaknesses also cause worries among its neighbours and may adversely affect their perceptions of and relations with China. While trying to secure recognition as a major power, China has yet to convince the world of the purpose and contribution of its pursuit.

(2008). The Development of Community-level Democracy in Urban China. Journal of Comparative Asian Development: Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 193-229.

This article attempts to examine how China perceives its energy security issues. A survey of its research on energy issues offers hints on how experts influence the Chinese leadership. This article briefly looks at the assessment of the energy situation in China and the policy programmes released to tackle the problems. It then analyses the policy programmes and evaluates the overall strategy. It mainly relies on published data from China to reflect a Chinese view. China in some ways would like to follow Japan's example in response to the international oil crises in the 1970s, i.e. upgrade its industrial structure, introduce energy conservation measures, develop new sources of energy supply, and engage in an ‘energy diplomacy’ to diversify and guarantee its energy supply.

This article examines the issues related to the admission of mainland Chinese capital and enterprises into Taiwan triggered off by Taiwan's membership in the World Trade Organization, including the coordination of political views, the adjustments in policies, the revisions of statutes, and the setting up of administrative monitoring mechanisms in Taiwan. The issue of entry represents the interaction of economic and security interests on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and it reflects the Chinese leadership's united front offensive, the competition among the political parties in Taiwan, and the business community's articulation of its interests in the island. The analysis aims to illustrate legislative and other processes involved in the economic exchanges across the Taiwan Strait. These processes allow various parties concerned to set up obstacles that obstruct the desired economic exchanges. At the same time, the mutual economic interests, or at least the substantial economic interests on one side of the Taiwan Strait, constantly provide the momentum to overcome the obstacles. More importantly, the sophisticated business community can always find ways to overcome the obstacles in pursuit of their interests, for example, use of subsidiaries in tax havens.

Protecting the legitimate rights and interests of migrant workers has become a pressing public policy issue in China, which calls for coordinated efforts from the government, enterprises, trade unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Through a case study of an NGO in Panyu, Guangzhou, this article finds that NGOs have a significant role to play in protecting the legitimate corporate social responsibility. Furthermore, the role of NGOs in protecting migrant workers' rights indicates a newly-emerged governance mode in China calling for the close collaboration between the government and NGOs. For this purpose, it is necessary for the government to create a favorable environment for the development of NGOs.

A proactive strategy for the aging population was first proposed by the World Health Organization in 2002. Chinese authorities and experts in gerontology welcome the strategy, and they have already emphasized the need to safeguard the dignity of the elderly population and utilize their talents. There currently exists a shortage of expertise concerning the positive utilization of older persons, and attempts to implement such utilization must be monitored closely and may require preventive intervention. China's experts in gerontology therefore advocate new socioeconomic ideals regarding the elderly community, proposing refinement of statutes and policies to protect the rights of elderly people. Furthermore, the success of this proactive strategy demands social support, the mobilization of public opinion, and allocation of resources. It appears that the Chinese leadership has already laid a good foundation for this process.

Phase functions for hexagonal ice plates randomly oriented in the horizontal plane are calculated with a facet-tracing code. The bright optical phenomena like sundog and parhelion 120 ∘ are quantified by their weight coefficients that are tabulated as functions of both incident angles and particle aspect ratios. Dependence of the scattered intensity on azimuth scattering angles is studied in details.

The right of association is the basic right of workers under the market economy. In a broad context, the right of association means that workers organize trade unions and introduce collective bargaining and class actions through the unions to protect their rights, which include union rights, the right of collective bargaining and the right of labor disputes. A narrow concept of the right of association refers to the rights of workers to organize temporary or permanent associations to achieve the goal of improving labor conditions, i.e., the rights of workers to organize unions and to participate in union activities.

Three years of aerosol optical thickness (AOT) measured from 2002 to 2004 in Hong Kong using a ground-based sky radiometer is reported. Comparison of the ground-based optical thickness measurement with the MODIS satellite AOT using a linear regression analysis confirmed the integrity of the ground-based data quality. The MODIS optical thickness obtained from AQUA and TERRA correlates with the sky radiometer data with linear correlation coefficient, R2, values of 0.804 and 0.625, respectively. Annual mean ground-based AOT at visible channels have increased by 33% and 22% for observations at 400 and 500 nm, respectively. Monthly mean turbidity coefficient varies from 0.20 to 0.56 over the period, while the monthly mean of the Angstrom exponent ranges from 0.12 to 1.34. The variation is due to seasonal nature of the aerosols. Fitting the annual mean AOT values to the Angstrom's equation has revealed a significant 53% increase in the Angstrom exponent (from 0.7 to 1.07) over the three-year period, while the turbidity remains comparable.

We examined the association between chronic hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection and clinical outcomes in a consecutive cohort of Chinese patients with type 2 diabetes.Between 1995 and 1999, 2,838 type 2 diabetes patients underwent comprehensive assessments and blood screening for hepatitis B surface antigen (HBsAg). The risk of occurrence of cardiovascular events and end-stage renal disease (defined as need for dialysis, doubling of serum creatinine or serum creatinineor =500 micromol/l) was compared between HBsAg-positive and HBsAg-negative groups.At baseline, HBV-infected patients (n=286, 10.1%) were younger (51.0+/-11.5 vs 53.7+/-12.7 years, p=0.004), had earlier onset of diabetes (51.0+/-11.5 vs 53.7+/-12.7 years, p=0.001) and a higher frequency of retinopathy (28 vs 22%, p=0.03) than non-HBV-infected patients. After a median follow-up of 3.5 years (interquartile range: 1.7-5.9 years) and adjustment of age, glycaemic control and other potential confounding factors, HBV-infected patients were more likely to develop end-stage renal disease than non-HBV infected patients (8.7 vs 6.4%) with a hazard ratio of 4.5 (95% CI 1.1-18.6). The difference in the frequency of cardiovascular endpoints was not statistically significant.In Chinese type 2 diabetes patients, chronic HBV infection was associated with increased risk of end-stage renal disease, and this was independent of other potential confounding factors. Early identification of HBV status and close surveillance of renal function are important in patients with type 2 diabetes who are living in areas where HBV is endemic or who are at risk of chronic HBV infection.

Direct elections of residents committees in Shanghai cannot be claimed as an important experiment in political democracy. At best they are a legitimate organizational personnel reshuffle, and a successful one. The significance of exercising democratic rights is conspicuously absent. The Party organization and its agencies guided and controlled the entire electoral process, and there was general apathy among the residents. Some residents attempted to exercise their rights in the elections, but they were a minority and could not generate meaningful demonstration effects. Direct elections of residents committees did not involve competition between political programs and political proposals, and there was a lack of appeals, debates, confrontations, and compromises concerning the interests of the residents. In the building of grass-roots democracy in China’s cities, owners committees may have better potential.

External threat plays a diminishing role in the foreign policies of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Some version of modernization diplomacy is pursued so that economic interests are accorded priority. It is in this context that they have gradually adopted comprehensive security and similar concepts. At the individual level, aspirations and security are also realized in the context of satisfactory economic development. At the international level, regional economic co-operation associated with market liberalization is perceived as an important means to maintain a peaceful external environment and to promote economic growth. The concept of security is thus both broadened and extended to link up the international, regime and individual levels. The Asian financial crisis exposed the contradictions between the developed countries of the West and the developing economies in the Asia–Pacific region; it also challenged the dominant domestic political coalitions in Southeast Asia based...

The state of the atmospheric environment is related to the values of atmospheric path radiation in remote sensing data. As an important information resource, an atmospheric path radiation image derived from remotely sensed data can be used in many research fields. These include the research in the transmission properties of the atmosphere, the atmospheric modification of remote sensing image, the study of both regional and urban atmospheric environment, and the monitoring of the atmospheric environmental qualities. The principle and methodology for generating the heterogeneous atmospheric path radiation image are described in detail. It is based on known surface reflectance. Using remote sensing images from Shanghai City as a demonstration example, we briefly analyzed the properties of the resulting image of atmospheric path radiation.

(2005). The Taiwan Presidential Election and Its Implications for Cross-straits Relations: A Political Cleavage Perspective. Asian Affairs: An American Review: Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 3-24.