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Copyright of OHM: Obradoiro de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Dieciochistas is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The balance-of-power idea became a crucial concept in the discourse of international affairs by the mid-seventeenth century. Nonetheless, the concept of balance of power was not even explicitly referenced in the Peace of Westphalia (1648). Instead, the legal principles of status quo ante and uti possidetis reigned supreme. Even though the balance-of-power principle was not mentioned in the Peace of Westphalia, it was often referenced during the negotiations and its implicit presence or practical balance of power was evident in the treaties trying to reach stability in the inter-state system. Several alliances, concluded mostly against France and Louis XIV in the second half of the seventeenth century, implied the balance of power and, more specifically, the balance of sea power. The paper argues that the balancing process became less theoretical and more pragmatic as evidenced by interactive alliance treaties that established reciprocal responsibilities and numerical equilibrium. By the Peace of Utrecht (1713), the balance of power or the balance of Europe became a leading principle and it was referenced repeatedly in the treaties in different languages. The paper traces the balance-of-power idea from the diplomatic background to the diplomatic foreground as the idea moved from natural law to positive law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Dieciochistas is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is usually taken for granted that intelligence organisations provide information for decision-making and that the knowledge produced in the process is therefore deeply utilitarian. Drawing on organisational sociology, this article draws on a case study of English intelligence efforts during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) to reflect critically on the assumed direct relationship between intelligence-gathering and political decision-making. In eighteenth-century England, intelligence frequently fulfilled other, often more symbolic functions, for example when access to intelligence was employed to legitimise individual actors. In this sense, intelligence was doubtlessly useful, albeit in other ways than generally postulated by intelligence theory. These observations strongly suggest a 'missing dimension' in the history of intelligence in other periods as well as intelligence theory more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the year 1711, Harleyite diplomacy was driven by two major concerns: the credit crisis precipitated by the ministerial change of 1710, and the matter of the British engagement in the War of the Spanish Succession. Both issues were intimately linked, and their resolution well illustrates Robert Harley’s political vision, as a cross-partisan moderate, as well as his manipulation of public opinion for political gain. This article focuses on the role of Matthew Prior – poet, diplomat and propagandist – and the crisis generated by the revelation of secret peace negotiations between France and Britain in the summer of 1711. Based on extracts from the press, ballads, and a secret history, this article discusses the intermingling of politics and literature, the communication strategies put in place by the Harley administration and its opposition, and the consequences of this diplomatic incident.

Concluding its participation in the War of the Spanish Succession was not easy for the British government. Hampered by internal problems, it also had to face the strong campaign against peace carried out by the Whig opposition and the displeasure of its war allies. Among the measures taken by the Harley Cabinet to achieve peace, the use of the press and political propaganda was of vital importance. Through the study of the press and printed propaganda, the political documentation and the correspondence of those involved this article examines the government’s strategy and methods and its ability to adapt to the counterattacks mounted by the press linked to the opposition. It also analyses the internal contradictions of this propaganda campaign resulting from the opposition between the two key figures of the Tory government, Harley and Henry St. John, as well as its influence on the triumph of the peace option in the British Parliament.

Between late summer 1711, when secret Anglo-French negotiations to end the War of the Spanish Succession became public, and the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht in April 1713, Britain’s political discourse focused principally on the making of peace. While this discourse has been closely studied, coinciding as it did with the emergence of Habermas’s model public sphere, the role of Britain’s Allies in it has received relatively little attention. Following recent studies in the field of public diplomacy, this paper seeks to redress the balance, demonstrating how the Allies intervened in British political discourse to influence public opinion, Parliament and the negotiations in pursuit of their diplomatic objectives.

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fronteras de la Historia is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In common with many military officers at the turn of the 18th century, Joseph Sevin kept a journal that chronicled army life on and off the battlefield. His memoirs, covering the years 1697 to 1713, are of particular interest because they reveal his pleasure in making music with his fellow officers and the women whom he met socially. While boasting of only modest attainments, the Chevalier de Quincy adored his basse de viole and took it everywhere he went in the course of the War of the Spanish Succession, from Paris to the châteaux of Quincy, Versailles and Fontainebleau, to Provence, Flanders and Italy. His descriptions bring to life the musical occasions in which he took part or simply attended. They also mention fellow officers who we know played and enjoyed the viol. Among the many bonds between members of the noblesse militaire , music can at last be counted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII is the property of Instituto Feijoo de Estudios del Siglo XVIII (Universidad de Oviedo) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Histórica: Historia Moderna is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Euphemism and dysphemism are common within political communication as the former is a linguistic make-up leading to deception and distortion of reality (Rodríguez González 1991: 90) whereas the latter highlights the most pejorative traits of the taboo with an offensive aim (Crespo-Fernández 2015: 2). Considering this, I have analysed euphemism and dysphemism in George Ridpath’s political writings during the War of the Spanish Succession (1710-1713), in a corpus comprising two journals (The Observator and The Flying Post), and examined how this author used language to shape and manipulate Great Britain’s public opinion during the Stuart period. To this end, I have followed Taboada and Grieve’s (2004) approach of Appraisal Theory (Martin and White 2005) as well as Politeness Theory (Brown and Levinson 1987), Face Theory (Goffman 1967), Charteris-Black’s Critical Metaphor Analysis (2005: 45) and Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Gibbs 2011). The findings show that Ridpath used x-phemistic language to positively self-present the ingroup and negatively other-present the outgroup.

Resum Editem i contextualitzem breument un poema inèdit i desconegut copiat al ms. 1052 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona. Pels esdeveniments al·ludits, aquesta obra ha de datar de l’inici de la Guerra de la Successió (1702-1715), probablement de juny de 1706 o poc després. L’autor anònim s’adreça directament a l’arxiduc Carles d’Àustria tot incitant-lo a deixar la conquesta d’Aragó per la del Rosselló, on comptarà amb el suport de la població autòctona. Aquesta peça constitueix un document notable sobre l’impacte d’aquest conflicte bèl·lic a la Catalunya del Nord uns cinquanta anys després d’haver estat annexionada a la corona de França en el Tractat dels Pirineus (1659). Abstract We edit and contextualise an unpublished and unknown poem copied in ms. 1052 of the University of Barcelona Library. Judging from the events mentioned, this work must date from the beginning of the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-1715), probably in June 1706 or shortly thereafter. The anonymous author goes straight to the Archduke Charles III of Austria, urging him to change the conquest of Aragon for the conquest of Roussillon, where he will have the support of the local populace. This is a remarkable document on the impact of this war in Northern Catalonia about fifty years after it was annexed to the Crown of France by the Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659).

Copyright of OHM: Obradoiro de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the defeat in the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-1714), between 25.000 and 30.000 people, most of them Catalans, went into exile. The article analyses the behaviour of the exiled Spanish soldiers especially during the campaigns of 1716 and 1717 of the Ottoman-Venetian War. In that contest, three Spanish cavalry regiments and two infantry regiments took part actively. On the other hand, from 1735 onward, an important part of the Hispanic exile was moved to the Banat of Temeswar, territory incorporated into the Habsburg Monarchy by the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718). They set up a colony there, called New Barcelona, of ephemeral life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austrian and British alliance in the Western Mediterranean from 1703 to 1708 is used as a case study in the problem of getting allies to cooperate at the strategic and operational levels of war. Differing grand strategies can lead to disagreements about strategic priorities and the value of possible operations. However, poor personal relations can do more to wreck an alliance than differing opinions over strategy. While good personal relations can keep an alliance operating smoothly, it is often military necessity (and the threat of grand strategic failure) that forces important compromises. In the case of the Western Mediterranean, it was the urgent situation created by the Allied defeat at Almanza that forced the British and Austrians to create a workable solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of Charles II of Habsburg and the designation of Philip of Anjou as the legitimate heir caused - in any territory belonging to the Spanish monarchy - the definition of new political languages and the creation of new networks of political and social relationships. This happened also in the Kingdom of Sicily, where the internal and international dynamics were strictly connected. In this context, the role played by the island was not passive, but allowed - respecting the hierarchies of power - to build networks of relationships, to achieve specific goals and to rethink the participation of the Kingdom within the larger context of Spanish monarchy. The paper aims to highlight as well as the Kingdom of Sicily, although it was in a marginal position in relation to the area of conflict, was affected by problems related to the defense, the financial contributions and the redefinition of the practices of loyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Manuscrits: Revista d'Historia Moderna is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Manuscrits: Revista d'Historia Moderna is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article women dressed as men serving in early modern armies are interpreted as the 'normal exceptional' that allows us to trace the construction of gender roles and female agency as well as the cultural logic behind the standing armies of the period. Looking at examples from Germany, Austria, France and Great Britain, the 'career' of the female soldier in eighteenth‐century warfare is situated in the field of tension between dissimulation and sensation. The disclosure of a hidden gender identity not only exposed such women to military justice but also opened up new 'tactical' possibilities for self‐fashioning and survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the losses sustained at Cherbourg and La Hogue following the battle of Barfleur in 1692, Louis XIV remained keen to continue building up his navy to a size equal to or exceeding in strength the combined English and Dutch fleets. Within a few days he authorized six replacement First Rank ships (three-deckers) and five Second Rank (large two-deckers); more followed with a year. By 1694, however, the economic crisis in France brought this expansion to an end. Louis was forced to choose between his battlefleet and his army, and strategic realities determined that he chose the latter. This article explores the changing nature of the French navy in the period between 1702 and 1719 and examines in detail the reduction of the French Mediterranean fleet, the flotte du Levant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Manuscrits: Revista d'Historia Moderna is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the death of King Charles II of Spain, the battle for the succession between Philip of Bourbon and Charles of Habsburg is based on official and secret relationship, and on the intertwining of military solutions, diplomatic strategies and legal claims. In the provinces belonging to the Two Century-old Spanish Empire, the ruling élites are forced to take sides and to choose which contender to support. In the Kingdom of Naples begins to spread the independence mirage, proposed by the possible succession of Charles of Habsburg, who promises to the Neapolitans a radical mutation of status, with the creation of a "national king" to Naples. So, an "aristocratic party", already existing in Naples and aspiring to a res publica aristocratica, is transformed into "Habsburg party", at the beginning of the conflict between the Habsburgs and the Bourbons, and is dedicated to plan a pro-Habsburg conspiracy. In September 1701, it is concocted the so-called "conspiracy of Macchia", accompanied by a revolt that intends to encourage the conquest of the kingdom by Charles of Habsburg. Many important Neapolitan nobles take part in the conspiracy and, after its failure, they are condemned and forced to flee to Vienna. Among these noble men, there is the Prince of Caserta Gaetano Francesco Caetani. The research is based on unpublished sources, preserved in Italian and Austrian archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vínculos de Historia is the property of Vinculos de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

No other institution illustrates the tensions between competing normative ideals and discursive behaviours more than the army. At the turn of the eighteenth century the British military had a reputation for being particularly untrustworthy, licentious, immoral and drunk. Using autobiographical sources and focusing on subjective experience in relation to normative expectations, this article questions such stereotypes by looking at four men in the middle ranks of the army officer corps. The attempt of these four officers to understand, perform and negotiate competing norms illustrates the tension that often existed between the expectations of a variety of masculine discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo pretende mostrar el importante papel jugado por un miembro de la baja nobleza castellana durante la Guerra de Sucesión al servicio de Felipe V. Este servicio le valdrá para conseguir una serie de mercedes y reconocimientos que lo encumbrarán directamente a la Corte, poniendo de manifiesto las posibilidades de promoción social que propició un conflicto bélico para aquellos que, mostrándose fieles a la nueva dinastía, aprovecharon un momento convulso para ascender socialmente. El II marqués de Valdeguerrero supo capitalizar en su beneficio el esfuerzo desarrollado a lo largo de la contienda logrando un gran ascenso social.This article is aimed at showing the important role played by a member of the Castillian low nobility at the service of Felipe V during the Spanish War of Succession.This service helped him to achieve a series of favours and acknowledgments which will send /sent him directly to the Court. This fact proved the possibilities of social promotion which brought about a military conflict to those who, being loyal to the new dynasty, took advantage of a convulsed moment to promote socially. The II Marquis of Valdeguerrero knew how to capitalize the effort made along the battle for his own advantage, achieving a great social promotion.

Cloudesley Shovell, a British admiral of the early 18th century was at the head of the British Fleet in 1707 during the Siege of Toulon (War of the Spanish Succession). On their way back home, the four warships of the Fleet hit rocks in the Scilly Islands. All the members of the crew perished. This naval catastrophe, the worst in British history, became an opportunity to create a myth around the 1707 Siege of Toulon and turn Shovell into an iconic figure.

The War of the Spanish Succession affected the entire continent of Europe directly or indirectly. Within the Spanish monarchy, most of the states in the Crown of Aragon sided with Archduke Charles of Austria (Charles III), while Crown of Castile lent its support to Duke Philip of Anjou (Philip V). After the Treaty of Utrecht, Catalonia prolonged its resistance for 14 more months under a republican government. At the end of the war, the victors imposed repression, exile and the end to the Catalan constitutions.

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Investigación Filológica is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The tumultuous beginnings of the 17th century encouraged the rise of ideologies that sought to defend the juridical, political and economic particularism of the Spanish Monarchy’s provinces. Naples, the scene of several violent demonstrations also saw an increase in the number of treatises and pamphlets published arguing for the restoration of a principality that was fully sovereign or autonomous. This paper focuses on the diplomacy practiced by the City and Kingdom of Naples as a special channel between monarch and vassals. The election of ambassadors to be sent to the Habsburg courts (Barcelona and Vienna), the struggle for new privileges and oaths, or the negotiation in the Palace to block the Roman diplomacy are the main aspects that will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The loss of Oran and Mers el-Kebir in 1708, and a still-dominant historiography guided by the concept of 'occupation restreinte' (restrained occupation), have hidden some of the Spanish Imperial preoccupation with the frontier in North Africa. Even during such critical moments as the War of the Spanish Succession and the onset of a particularly rigorous siege by the Algerians, the Hispanic Empire still managed to provide supplies and reinforcements to Oran and Mers el-Kébir. The collections of the Spanish archives highlight the mobilization of multiple actors and resources, both exogenous and endogenous to the Hispanic Empire. The preservation of this "presidio" till its downfall was a much more dynamic business than normally considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to historians, the military campaign of 1710 was a crucial turning point in the War of the Spanish Succession. Despite a favourable beginning to Charles III of Habsburg's progress to the Aragonese border, and the defeats of Bourbon troops in Almenar and Saragossa, the Allied army headed for Madrid, before proceeding towards its debacle in the Alcarria. However, it is necessary to know the causes and details of the royal stay in Madrid to understand better the course of the war. By examining local government papers from the council of Madrid, this study reveals the difficulties of and responses to a defensive war that decided the course of the Spanish dynastic conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish Military's Engineering Corps, created by Royal Decree on 13 January 1710, is a force that has been accorded attention in the recent works of a number of eminent historians (Seguela, Capel Saez, Munoz Corbalan?). The Corps' development during the 18th century encouraged the development of scientific teaching in Spain, where the engineer came to be viewed as a skilled technician boasting significant professional training. This article aims to shed new light on the period preceding the creation of the Corps, and more specifically, on the presence of French military engineers in the Iberian Peninsula during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1715). This presence represents a little-known example of Franco-Spanish military cooperation between Louis XIV and Philip V. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The importance of terrain in warfare has often encouraged an intense relation between military conflicts and the use of techniques designed to understand space. This is especially relevant since the modern era, where the engineers who built and assaulted city defenses recorded the events with diverse documentation, including reports, diagrams, and maps. A large number of these sources contain spatial and temporal information, but it is difficult to integrate them into a common research framework due to its heterogeneity. In this context, geographical information science provides the necessary tools to explore an interdisciplinary analysis of these military actions. This article proposes a new approach to the study of sieges using a spatiotemporal formal model capable of integrating cartography, archaeological, and textual primary sources and terrain information. Its main aim is to show how concrete research questions and hypotheses can be explored using a formal model of this type of historical events. The methodology is applied to a particular case study: the French–Spanish siege of Barcelona that occurred in 1714. The protagonists faithfully recorded the development of the action, providing essential information for the model. Besides, different authors depicted the event as the paradigm of a city siege. For this reason, the model is also used to explore why real actions deviated from theoretical guidelines, clearly defined in different manuals. We use this scenario to explore two issues: (a) why the attackers chose to assault a particular city sector and (b) the factors that explain the casualties of the besiegers. We conclude that we need methodological tools capable of integrating heterogeneous information to improve the understanding of siege warfare that affected not only military conflict but also the shape of European urban landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the War of the Spanish Succession, the duke of Lorraine trod a difficult path in his attempts to maintain the independence of his state. While Louis XIV agreed in principle to respect his neutrality, the French nevertheless imposed significant restrictions on the duke’s sovereignty. The Grand Alliance, meanwhile, viewed Leopold’s neutrality with suspicion and refused to assist him unless he publicly declared for the coalition. The dissonance in views regarding the status of Lorraine reflected a long-term clash of sovereignties in the region, between France, Lorraine and the Holy Roman Empire. It also reflected the evolving status of neutrality in international relations, as well as attendant tensions within the European dynastic system: though the duke’s policy of neutrality may have saved Lorraine from potential devastation in the war, it severely impeded his dynasty’s ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]