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I share Gary King and Maya Sen's view that applying the knowledge, approaches, and tools of the social and policy sciences might help us be more intelligent about shaping the future of the American system of higher education and its component parts. I have even been surprised, in turning from the scholarly field of my training and academic field to a professional preoccupation with higher education, to search in vain for sessions at APSA meetings in which my fellow political scientists might focus their analytical eyes on our own sector and institutions. Taking more systematic analytical approaches might certainly be a good alternative to riding the most recent serious source of anxiety—and there have been many in recent decades—or mining a particular strand of data in search of indicators that might serve as tea leaves or life rafts, also known in the trade as “benchmarks.”

This article takes advantage of a naturally occurring experiment to examine how congressional campaign advertising responds to dramatic events. Integrating the literatures on issue ownership and gender stereotypes, we ask how campaign rhetoric and substance changed after the attacks of September 11, 2001, paying particular attention to how those responses were mediated by party and gender expectations. Using data from the Wisconsin Advertising Project (WiscAds) of all ad-airings (not merely ads created) in the top 75 to 100 media markets in 2000 and 2002, we find that campaigns stepped up issues relevant to 9/11 consistent with party- and gender-based issue ownership. Republican men gave more attention to the military than any other group and more attention to foreign affairs than Democratic men or women. However, most noteworthy was the dramatic increase in the symbolic use of the flag for all candidates.

▪ Abstract The field of political socialization is often stereotyped in terms of some of the earliest work in the field and is neglected outside certain areas of American political behavior. However, the continuing and vibrant stream of work in political socialization holds potential for addressing many critical issues across American, comparative, and international politics. This article discusses three themes: the construction of a more genuinely comparative field of political socialization, a reconsideration of the relevance of childhood to politics following its virtual abandonment by the field for many years, and the importance of understanding the origins of preferences. Cidadania não tem tamanho/Tamanho não é documento. You don't have to be big to be a citizen/Size is not important. Augusto Sérgio Suares Dutra, a 10-year-old Brazilian, quoted in Guerra 2002 , p. 77

Most conceptual research on equality revolves around theoretical texts or legal theory and decisions, thus reflecting the thought of legal, political, or cultural elites. But in a democratic polity, we must attend to the political thought not just of politicos and academics, but ordinary citizens as well. In terms of its political significance, “What does equality mean” requires answering the question: what does equality mean to the mass public? We thus probe the meanings of “gender equality” in the public mind, using a unique set of questions included in the National Election Studies 1991 Pilot Study, and con-textualized within the literatures of feminist and legal theory and political psychology and public opinion. Most importantly, we distinguish among “empirical” and “normative” equality and discontent and among the domains of the polity, economy, and family; feature the problem of “equality” versus “sameness” and consider the relationship of these orientations to people's own structural circ...

Despite considerable research, the theory of gender difference in electoral behaviour remains underdeveloped, especially in accounting for variation across elections. We focus on two aspects requiring particular attention: (1) accounts of gender difference, especially distinguishing between positional explanations, in which gender differences stem from men and women taking the same considerations into account, but having different positions on those considerations, or structural explanations, in which gender differences stem from men and women taking different considerations into account in making judgements; (2) the effects of electoral context in cuing gender as a consideration, thus stimulating or inhibiting the appearance of gender differences. We use a case study of the 1992 US presidential election, often labelled ‘The Year of the Woman’, to explore these problems.

Investigations by political psychologists reveal some of the changes in public opinion, gender consciousness, and gender ideology that have taken place since the beginning of the women's movement. There is more general acceptance of equality between the sexes, but even young people still show some adherence to traditional divisions of roles, and traditional gender ideology still plays a part in maintaining inequality. There is still widespread support for a women's movement, especially among women.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, womenthousands of them -became increasingly organized and active in the attempt to promote the general welfare, especially by helping the most vulnerable members of society. As individual leaders and as group participants they were instrumental in organizing and nationalizing movements for public health (mental and physical), poor relief, penal and other institutional reform, education for the previously uneducated, and child welfare. As the nineteenth century waned and the twentieth dawned, women were prominent among proponents of a principle which was hitherto nearly alien to American ideology but which has now, a century later, come to be an accepted part of our political views: the government and, they increasingly argued, the national government, have a responsibility to promote the general welfare actively by providing initiative and support where necessary. The degree and types of support remain, perhaps more now than then, matters of profound political contention, but in the late twentieth century even the most conservative ideologues tend to agree that government must provide a "safety net" for its people. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was also a time during which thousands of women, many of them the same as those involved in the general welfare movements, were agitating to promote women's welfare specifically. I The

The determinants of women's political orientations are explored in terms of two perspectives: ambition and gender role and their interrelationship. A sample of 1336 Democratic and Republican delegates to the 1972 national nominating conventions was used to compare the political expectations and aspirations of men and women. Women were found tohave less interest in holding public officebut equalled men in aspiring to party careers. Party as well as sex differences affected the political ambitions of female elites, with Democratic women more likely to pursue public office holding and Republican women remaining committed to the party sphere. Women's roles in the family and at work were also found to influence the development of political ambition among women. In addition, gender roles had an impact on the type of ambition women developed and the styles of activism they pursued.

C ONSCIOUSNESS and conflict are essential prerequisites of change in the status of women. As Harriet Martineau wrote one hundred forty years ago, "All women should inform themselves of the condition of their sex, and of their own position. It must necessarily follow that the noblest of them will, sooner or later, put forth a moral power which shall prostrate cant, and burst asunder the bonds (silken to some, but cold iron to others), of feudal prejudices and usages."' Martineau, like the feminists of today who join or organize consciousness-raising groups, viewed selfconsciousness and consciousness of the status of women as a group necessary to change. Her observation shows an early recognition of the difference between "objective social reality" and perception as well as the effect of both on behavior. Consciousness raising, as suggested by Martineau and asserted by more recent feminists, is a change in self-perception as well as a change in social relations involving women. Martineau assumed that feminist activity was impossible until women became capable of seeing their lives as they "really were." Each time large numbers of women become conscious of their situation conflict follows. It has never been enough for women to point out the ills they observe. More often than not change has involved the development of and conflict between feminist movements and organizations on the one side and counter movements and organizations on the other; in other words, a public, social conflict. Change does not seem to occur without the development of both consciousness and social conflict. This paper is addressed to the problem of consciousness or perception of social conflict over the status of women.