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This paper explores how advocates in Ontario have resisted neoliberal restructuring in education since the 2018 general election, which marked an intensification of market-oriented reforms. Shaped by the insights of 23 participants, this paper shows how resistance has been accessed through multiple entry points and has been spatially heterogeneous, replete with internal contradiction. It also highlights the cost of resistance for participants whose relationship to systems engender oppression and harm. Broadly, this paper calls for vulnerable reflection on fantasies of a "good life" shaped by a normative neoliberal order that interferes with collective flourishing. Through emergent strategy, which aligns action with a vision for social justice, this paper values the non-linear and manifold ways individuals are embedded in systems; the fractal nature of change, which takes place at all scales; and a love ethic, which sustains relational the spiritual growth necessary for solidarity.

Despite declines in private-sector union membership in the United States, labor relations remains an essential topic within the field of human resource management. However, most undergraduate students have little experience with labor unions, making it difficult to enhance learning by applying labor relations concepts to their prior experiences. The current lesson addresses this gap by teaching students about labor relations through the exploration of an authentic collective bargaining agreement (CBA) and an analysis of an actual work stoppage (i.e., strike or lockout). Students will learn about how different elements of the CBA influenced negotiations and factors that contributed to a work stoppage, leading to a basic understanding of how the human resource management decisions they make as managers can directly impact organizational outcomes. The lesson also serves as a tool for synthesizing content from throughout the semester in an undergraduate human resource management course.

In spring 2020, nearly every U.S. public school closed at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Existing evidence suggests that local political partisanship was a better predictor of in-person instruction than COVID case and death rates in fall 2020. We replicate and extend these analyses using data collected over the entirety of the 2020-21 academic year. We affirm that local political partisanship was an important initial predictor of county-level in-person instruction rates. We also demonstrate that, under certain conditions, COVID case and death rates were meaningfully associated with initial rates of in-person instruction. We reveal that partisanship became less predictive--and prior average student achievement became more predictive--of in-person instruction as the school year continued. We then leverage data from two nationally representative surveys of Americans' attitudes toward education and identify an as-yet-undiscussed factor that predicts in-person instruction: public support for increasing teachers' salaries.

Trade unions have a long history of providing learning for their members. After years of decline this flourished after the 1997-2010 Labour government introduced the Union Learning Fund and legal rights for union learning representatives. This article reviews that extraordinary renaissance and discusses how a new Labour government could learn the lessons of the first ULF and introduce a new, and stronger, version helping millions of working people, including the most disadvantaged, encouraging employers to invest more in training, promoting economic growth, and rebuilding a key element of adult learning.

Objectives: Overweight and obesity among school-aged children pose a threat to both their academic performance and public health. The Healthy Primary School of the Future (HPSF) initiative was established to address this issue. Our objective was to explore the conditions that make HPSF sustainable based on the perspectives of relevant stakeholders. Design: The study utilised Group Concept Mapping, a structured methodology for conducting mixed-methods participative research, combining qualitative data collection with quantitative data analysis measures. Method: Participants included parents, teachers, school directors, politicians, labour unions, educational, nutrition and health scientists and policymakers. They were asked to respond to the prompt, 'A necessary condition to make the HPSF sustainable is . . .'. The statements generated were then assessed for their importance and feasibility. Using multidimensional scaling and hierarchical cluster analyses, we identified the shared vision among the stakeholders. Results: A total of 106 unique statements were generated and grouped statistically into 10 clusters. The most significant clusters were identified as Financing; Accessibility for everyone; and Content/Lifestyle/School Programme. The clusters that were deemed most feasible included Content/Lifestyle/School Programme; Accessibility for everyone; and Evaluation. Conclusion: Achieving sustainability for the HPSF requires a comprehensive approach that addresses the conditions outlined in all 10 clusters. Based on the ratings of feasibility and importance, our recommendation is to prioritise implementation of Content/Lifestyle/School Programme and Accessibility for everyone. Subsequently, efforts should be directed towards realising the less feasible but crucial conditions, such as Financing and Evaluation, followed by the remaining six clusters of conditions as identified.

Although charter schools are frequently afforded flexibility from many state laws that govern traditional public schools, a growing number of charter school teachers have now unionized and introduced collective bargaining to the charter sector. Using data from a detailed content analysis of teacher CBAs from California, we compare the restrictiveness of CBAs in 75 unionized charter bargaining units to the restrictiveness of CBAs in 31 nearest neighbor traditional public school district bargaining units. We find that independent charter CBAs are much more flexible than the CBAs of traditional public school districts, but charter school CBAs of bargaining units combined with traditional public school districts are comparably restrictive.

The study focus mainly on the cognizance of collective bargaining and its benefits in relation to teacher's welfare and working condition in public secondary school in Delta State, Nigeria. Two research questions were asked and answered in regard to the extent of awareness of Delta State public secondary school teachers of the principle of collective bargaining and the benefits of collective bargaining in public secondary school in Delta State. One hundred and twelve teachers were randomly selected from fourteen secondary schools in Delta Central Senatorial District in Delta State, Nigeria. The questionnaire which was rated on a five point Likert Scale was administered as the main instrument and the reliability coefficient was 0.90. Descriptive statistical procedures were employed in the analysis of data. The study revealed that the awareness of collective bargaining in public secondary school in Delta State was moderate as the respondents were not all members of the teachers' union. The resolution of issues relating to better working conditions, welfare, promotion, recognition and reward of staff were done through collective bargaining. Furthermore, some of the benefits revealed from findings of the study were better working condition, staff welfare, recognition and promotion. The study recommends that teachers should have better and clear understanding of collective bargaining; finding out their grievances and discussing various issues leading to addressing general school disputes and not just focusing on wage increment only.

After George Floyd was murdered by police, teachers, alongside the leaders of their unions and professional associations, confronted urgent calls to address racism in their communities, schools, and classrooms, just as they were concluding an academic year rendered chaotic by COVID-19. This article leverages four waves of semistructured interviews with teachers' union and association leaders embedded in 14 states and 45 school districts to investigate how and why teachers' unions responded to those calls during 2020 and 2021. Local leaders were more likely to have taken concrete steps if they were serving urban or suburban and predominantly Democratic communities. Most commonly, unions offered symbolic gestures of support or sought to develop their capacity to recognize and understand bias.

This study examined high school mathematics teachers' job satisfaction and professional growth in Nepal. The data were collected from 49 high school mathematics teachers using a structured questionnaire with Likert-scale items and some open-ended questions. The quantitative and qualitative analysis revealed mixed findings. Mathematics teachers were relatively satisfied with their profession; however, various factors were important for job satisfaction and professional growth. The three most important were inservice training and educational resources, schools' infrastructure, and financial incentives. The data analysis further contends that the school education system must be free from politics, and the procedure of forming the school management committee (SMC) must be isolated from political intervention. Furthermore, school teachers are prohibited or discouraged from participating in politics as political cadres. The data revealed that the different teachers' unions need to work on behalf of teachers' welfare rather than carry forward their political parties' agendas and ideologies.

Using data from the Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies, this paper compares the earnings premium and employment share of jobs in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) across 11 member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The results reveal that the STEM wage premium is higher in the United States than in any of the other comparison countries, despite the fact that the U.S. has a larger share of workers in STEM jobs. We also find evidence that the premium varies significantly across STEM sub-fields and education levels, and that the premium tends to be higher in countries with lower unionization rates, less employment protection, or a larger share of employment in the public sector.

The purpose of the paper is to understand why academics' main association and trade union in England (University and College Union-UCU) is not stronger in its representation capacity, deepening knowledge regarding its role in the wider higher education sector. UCU operates in an adversarial context, claiming itself to be academics' main voice. However, UCU, as an association/union of academics, does not have a monopoly on representation, nor is the representation that it offers consistently strong. Applying a "Multiple Logics" perspective to this under-investigated topic within higher education, findings suggest that UCU is hampered by: 1) an increasingly heterogeneous academic workforce, resulting in contrasting interests; 2) an overriding cascade of managerialism in all ranks; 3) a widespread soloist mentality among academics; 4) an understanding of one's profession as in contrast with the idea of mobilization; 5) internal ideological conflicts among UCU activists.

When COVID-19 forced a set of extraordinary challenges upon the U.S. education system in March 2020, risk and uncertainty were constant. Many stakeholders sought to weigh in on the endless choices confronting school leaders, including the teachers who would implement those decisions. In speaking with teachers union and association leaders across the country, the authors found that, more often than not, they described collaborative relationships with district leaders. What was learned highlights critical practices sustaining these relationships, and the authors believe state leaders have the power to both model and encourage many such practices in school governance. The authors' analysis suggests that relations between district leaders and teacher membership organizations need not be contentious and adversarial. Rather, under the right circumstances, these relationships can incorporate conflict and negotiation alongside collaboration and mutual respect in a way that can strengthen decision making and policy implementation.

As life course research has long recognized, work and careers are what Pearlin (1988; p.259) describes as "durable arrangements" that serve to "organize experience over time." However, understanding (a) the specific impacts of the alienations and contradictions of work and society under capitalism as well as (b) the analytic details of how the processes of learning are involved in the relationship of work experience and life course remain less well understood. An approached referred to as Mind in Political Economy is explained. It is based on a synthesis of several socio-cultural learning theories which allows the effective use of the concept of dramatic perezhivanie. This approach is then applied to a study of workplace learning in the context of a chemical production plant in Canada with a focus on the life history of one subject. It concludes that, based upon evidence of the realization of dramatic perezhivanie in relation to the contradictory object-motives of occupational autonomy/control as well as labour autonomy/control more generally, work-life learning in activity affected the quality of work experiences, the nature of development across employment history, and had carry-over effects beyond work. Moreover, it is shown that work-life learning could play a role in retrieving, reconstructing and making use of early life experience iteratively in the course of biographical meaning-making through the creation and refinement of biographical artefacts across the life course by a process of double stimulation.

Employing an institutional logics framework and critical discourse analysis, this study examines the discourse of participants in a stakeholder-feedback meeting about a proposal by the Denver Public School board to extend collective bargaining rights to teachers in the district's innovation schools. The findings provide insight into the logics that control how teacher unions and collective bargaining agreements are understood by proponents of autonomous schools and portrayed to the general public through media. The analysis explores how connections to power and status allowed some stakeholder groups to influence the board to revise the policy to one more favorable toward market-oriented school reform. In this case, the dominant narrative that emerged from the stakeholder feedback cycle was one in which the collective bargaining rights of teachers were positioned as a threat to autonomous schools' ability to provide "what's best for kids" in their classrooms.

Purpose: The unanticipated changes in state legislation in Idaho, Indiana, Michigan, Tennessee, and Wisconsin in 2011-12 significantly restricted or entirely prohibited the collective bargaining rights of teachers. Considering these institutional changes as a natural experiment, we examine the causal impact of weakening teacher unionization on districts' spending on teacher compensation. Research Methods/Approach: We merge two nationally representative data sets from the United States: the Local Education Agency (School Districts) Finance Survey (F-33) and the Stanford Education Data Archive (SEDA) in 2009-16. We identify the effect of the institutional changes regarding teachers' unions by employing a difference-in-difference estimation and synthetic control method, exploiting district-level national data on spending on teacher compensation. Findings: We find that the antiunion institutional changes substantially reduced districts' spending on both teacher salaries and benefits. The negative impact is larger for the districts located at the bottom of the distribution of spending than for districts at the top. Implications: Our study suggests that the antiunion legal changes will raise income inequality among teachers, and the increased inequality in compensation among teachers may translate into greater performance gaps between students, if teachers receiving lower compensation are more likely to quit teaching or to move to districts that pay more. Therefore, the negative effects of the antiunion legal changes be even greater in the long run if the current trends persist.

This article reports on an inquiry that explored how a school management team (SMT) in a rural school in Limpopo Province, South Africa, understood their role in creating a school climate conducive for improving teaching and learning. I used a qualitative case study design to investigate how their understanding informed their practices. A single high school was purposely selected, with all seven members of its SMT participating through semi-structured interviews, a focus group discussion, and each SMT member being observed for periods of one week. Teachers were also involved as information-rich participants, with six teachers sampled for a focus group discussion. My findings revealed that the SMT failed to create a conducive learning climate, owing to various barriers including the SMTs' limited understanding of their roles, lack of agency, teacher hostility and external forces such as teacher unions.

2022 marks one hundred years since the foundation of the Irish State, and thus an appropriate time in which to reflect on how educational policy has shaped the nation over the course of a century. This article examines one hundred years of education policy through an equality lens, asking how the concept of educational equality has been understood, fostered and mediated. Framing policy implementation across three defined periods, 1922-1959, 1960-1980 and 1981-2022, it argues that with the exception of a brief window which occurred during the 1960s, education policy has not been underpinned by rigorous policy formation based on considerations of social justice.

With the introduction of the sectorial agreement signed between the Maltese Government and the Malta Union of Teachers in 2017, Maltese teachers have been incentivised to accelerate their salary scale progression following engagement in self-sought professional learning. The theory of affordances was applied in this mixed-methods research to explore the importance attributed by secondary school teachers towards self-sought learning. Following data collection of 166 questionnaires and 14 teacher interviews, quantitative and qualitative data were analysed using SPSS and MAXQDA respectively. Results suggest that while the majority of teachers are intrinsically motivated to pursue self-sought professional learning, they seek incentives and, in particular, monetary support. Other important barriers that hinder teachers in furthering their professional learning beyond school hours are family responsibilities and lack of time. This study provides insights into teachers' conceptualisations of professional learning and implications for teacher education.

This paper examines school management and policies in Germany and Australia during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study, which is comparative and qualitative, explores the interrelationship between different levels of governance and the responses of teacher unions. The inquiry is informed by the perspectives of historical institutionalism and path dependency, and the document analysis is conducted by utilising the justification categories of value, collective, and formal and procedural driven arguments. We argue the contestation which occurred between different levels of school governance and the teacher unions amidst the pandemic created the potential for changes in policy settings and influence over the administration of schooling. However, there is no indication of fundamental shifts in the organisation, policy direction or control over schooling in Germany or Australia. Instead, there is a conformity to established institutional arrangements and path dependencies, which secure and protect the vested interests of the different policy actors.

Higher Education staff in the United Kingdom (UK) work long hours to complete their duties. In a 2021 survey, staff reported a weekly average of 51 hours: a fact well understood to undermine health and educational quality. Yet, UK law sets a maximum working week of 48 hours, and failure to uphold this maximum is a criminal offence for employers. Seeking to understand this contradiction, the article reveals that staff are denied otherwise universal legal Health and Safety protection by the development and reinforcement of legal interpretation that assumes they have sufficient 'autonomy' to avoid overwork. As this is a position mutually constructed and accepted by both employers and unions, all efforts to reduce hours, including Industrial Action, have worked from this premise. However, critical analysis of university Terms and Conditions, against relevant jurisprudential developments, adds significant original value by questioning the validity of the status quo legal interpretation. Specifically, a landmark legal ruling against the UK by the European Court of Justice, and the resulting 2006 amendment to the UK Working Time Regulations, strongly suggests most University Terms and Conditions are legally noncompliant. As such, HE stakeholders should pressure powerbrokers involved in this omnipresent dispute to revisit the law: specifically with a view to re-establishing any fundamental rights of which they are currently illegitimately deprived. Where this was successful, empirically informed "weekly" workload modelling -- rather than irrelevant, abstract annual calculations -- would become a legally enforceable necessity for the benefit of staff and students alike.

This article analyses the introduction of a mandatory learning management system (LMS) in Danish primary and lower secondary education. By thinking with Bourdieu's concepts of field, capital and habitus, the study analyses key policy texts to identify the embedded logics that structure the field of education, reflecting relationships of domination and struggle and explores how these logics and conflicts influence process of policy change. A historical analysis of the conflict between legislators and the Teachers' Union (TU) in Denmark is conducted based on 21 policy texts published between 2005 and 2020. The findings indicate that human capital is the predominant logic structuring the field of education. Legislators use the logics of other fields such as economics to support this predominance. Moreover, the findings suggest that changes in educational policy are the result of a protracted struggle between legislators and the TU, with legislators making ongoing adjustments to policies based on pressure from the TU. These modifications can be seen as a political concession.

This paper explores the experience of three mentors working with a group of 12 practitioner action researchers; practitioners who were recipients of an Action Research Grant (ARG) in a programme initiated and managed by the Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS). The EIS is a trade union, which represents over 80% of Scotland's teaching professionals. The paper draws on these experiences, the views of participants and the research literature, to illustrate how action research, particularly that which is mentored by experienced colleagues, can empower teachers and enhance their practice to make positive difference to their learners and beyond and so becomes participatory action research (PAR).

This article offers a comprehensive thematic literature review on labour education, exploring the major contributions as well as some of the limits of this scholarship and future directions for researchers. Based on an analysis of 180 English-language publications from the 1960s until today, we find several general trends that we analyse as four broad themes in this literature: the politics of labour education; labour education in, through, and with formal educational institutions; the pedagogy of labour education; and labour education, globalisation, and transnational solidarity. Identifying some of the gaps in the existing scholarship, we propose several future directions for research on labour education: connecting social movement scholarship and the labour education literature; labour education programmes that centre intersectionality, namely themes such as gender justice, anti-racism, and disability; labour education through solidarity with other social movements, such as the environmental movement; and labour education programmes led by different types of labour organisations beyond trade unions. Overall, this article contributes to our understanding of how labour education can strengthen the labour movement, reduce inequality, and promote decent work for all.

This study aimed to assess the degree of openness to change among the faculties of educational sciences in Jordanian universities and its correlation with academic freedom, as perceived by faculty members. Additionally, it sought to identify whether there were statistically significant differences in the levels of openness to change and academic freedom based on variables such as gender, academic rank, university, and country of graduation. The study employed a descriptive correlational approach, involving 407 faculty members from the faculties of educational sciences in Jordanian universities during the first semester of the academic year 2021/2022. The study found a moderate level of openness to change and academic freedom, with a strong correlation between the two. No significant gender-based differences were identified, but Arab university graduates displayed higher levels. Hashemite University professors and associate professors emphasized these aspects more than counterparts at other Jordanian universities and different academic ranks. The results highlight the need for increased societal awareness, particularly within the educational community, about the importance of various freedoms. Additionally, the study recommends heightened awareness of the role of unions and institutions for Jordanian university faculty members, aiming to improve their scientific and social conditions.

This paper discusses the emergence of an opt-out movement in Israel led by parent associations at local and national levels. The protest targeted the use of a national standardized test, the Meitzav. Analyzing media coverage of this movement and informed by the theoretical arguments of the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the study suggests that by forming a coalition with the Teachers' Union, parents proclaimed their right to a role in education policymaking in a highly centralized system. The coalition was successful in that it influenced the Ministry of Education to postpone the tests and form a special committee to reevaluate the national assessment policy. The Israeli case enhances our understanding of opt-out movements in different educational and institutional contexts.

Theories of market-based school reform suggest that teacher labor markets may be inefficient because schools lack autonomy to incentivize performance in hiring, retention, and compensation. We test this empirically by comparing teacher exits in the deregulated market of New Orleans with neighboring traditional school districts. We find that the relationship between teacher performance and retention is stronger in the deregulated market. We also find positive associations between salary and performance, but only when teachers transfer from one charter school to another. While teacher retention is more closely tied to performance in New Orleans, this did not yield a net gain in teacher quality, because new teachers in New Orleans were of lower average quality than their peers in neighboring districts. [For the corresponding grantee submission, see ED610202.]

This study aims to determine the relation between career barriers of teachers, who have previously experienced the phenomenon? and those who work in state schools, and their job satisfaction and stress level. The paper also addresses the predictive power of teacher's career barriers on their job satisfaction and stress level. To be able to analyse the mentioned relationship, correlational survey model was used in this research. In the study, disproportionate stratified sampling was used and 278 teachers' notions were taken into consideration. Data were gathered via the application of "Teachers' Career Barriers Scale" which was developed by Inandi and Gilic (2020), "Sources of Stress Scale", developed by Pehlivan (1993) and "Job Satisfaction Scale", developed by Spector (1994) and translated into Turkish by Yelboga (2009). Correlation and regression analysis were used for the collected data. As a result of the study, significant relations were found between teachers' career barriers, and their job satisfaction and stress levels; teachers' career barriers significantly have predicted their stress levels and job satisfaction. Besides, one of the fast and effective ways to decrease stress levels and therefore increase job satisfaction of teachers is to eliminate the career barriers they encounter amongst which the most destructive sub-dimensions are union and administrative barriers.

The article provides a global picture of school social work in 2021 using data gathered by the International Network for School Social Work. School social work is a growing specialty around the world. There are school social workers practicing in more than 50 countries. School social workers support students' educational success, especially those who are marginalized by poverty, oppression, disability and other personal or social problems. Ideally school social workers practice within a multi-disciplinary team to address wide-ranging barriers to education and participate in preventive programs for all students. The article describes the growth of school social work around the world, various models of practice, the role of specialty professional associations, training and standards, and the growth of school social work literature. Changes in the role and practice of school social work since the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020/2021 are included. International communication among school social workers has grown via publications, conferences and the International Network for School Social Work, and continues to assist expansion of the specialty around the world. Implications for the future of social work in education are discussed, a list of national school social work associations is provided and references include literature on school social work from various countries.

Labour strife in the education sector in Ontario has repeatedly highlighted the precariousness of certain types of teaching and learning that are delivered under the catch-all designation extracurricular. This paper reviews education legislation in Ontario over the past 40 years that has impacted teachers' right to strike; examines how teacher unions and the provincial government targeted extracurricular activities during collective bargaining; and considers how extracurricular activities have come to be an expected part of public education.

In the last four years, teacher-activists in the United States have engaged in an unprecedented wave of protests and strikes. The developing body of literature seeking to understand this flurry of activity has taken various analytical approaches; for example, distilling movements into their key tactics in the hopes of lending important tools to activists and movements both within and beyond education. However, largely unconsidered are the ways in which these tactics and relations come to be possible in the first place. This article applies a Foucauldian analytics of protest which, rather than focusing upon the actors and actions of protests, seeks to understand the rationalities, or systems of reason, by which these actors and actions become possible. Through the case of Arizona, the paper makes visible the ways in which some examples of recent activism have operated within a system of reason and conception of futurity which potentially reinscribes historic modes of governance while fundamentally limiting the possibilities of activist efforts. To conclude, the piece offers a counter-example with the intent to imagine further possibilities for teacher activism. [Cover title varies: "Can Teacher Protests Reify What They Protest?: Examining the Rationalities of Recent Teacher Activism through a Foucauldian Analytics."]

Recent debate has highlighted the Important significance of social partnership in further education for developing new approaches to English vocational education and training (VET). There is international evidence of the contribution that well-established social partnerships between employers, unions and government can make to deliver VET effectively. It is argued that in England VET can benefit from adopting and embedding social partnership models, especially ones in which further education (FE) colleges have a local and regional anchoring role. However, to date, England has persistently failed to implement any kind of significant social partnership for various reasons -- a crucial one being government reliance on an employer-led approach to VET. A prerequisite for developing social partnership in further education is to identify and garner support for promising governance and cooperation structures. Such identification foregrounds a conception of a rich civil society and economy, with local and regional partnerships being essential enablers. An examination of FE colleges as part of a VET system reviews the benefits of establishing a coordinated skills system providing coherent local, regional and national pathways for vocational, technical and skilled work. Such a national VET system would integrate universities, employer training, the school curriculum and careers.

This case study examines the intersection of rural education, new leadership, and supervising teachers when a power imbalance exists. Using a real-life example of supervision and professional interactions, this case study focuses future administrators on the real-life conflicts inherent in supervision and employee rights. The case study examines the inherent power dynamics in some rural school systems, where changing demographics have resulted in the dissonance between what the Board of Education, the superintendent, and a newly appointed principal see as an educational environment for cultural responsiveness which acknowledges changes in the community and the pre-existing, established norms. The interactions between the principal, a veteran teacher, and a classroom environment during contentious discussions among students in a civics education class debate launched faculty discontent towards the new administration. The debate occurs during an already contentious moment during the stalled teacher's collective bargaining agreement.

Context: COVID-19 poses major challenges for vocational education and training (VET), as VET--in contrast to general education--is closely linked to the economic system and cannot escape the impact of current economic restrictions. Additionally, strict infection control regulations, as well as temporary school and company closures, inhibit the teaching of practical skills at the workplace. Rapid action by the responsible actors is essential to ensure that VET can take place even under these difficult conditions. It can be assumed that both the complex decision-making processes and the multiplicity of actors involved in collective training systems complicate or delay the reaction to this exogenous shock. Using the example of the German dual training system, this explorative article aims to examine the ability of collective training systems to deal with the challenges posed by the pandemic. Methods: Based on a document analysis, various publications (e.g., press releases, reports) by central actors of the German dual system were reviewed, which provided information about the provision of training activities as well as the measures taken or required to counteract the pandemic-related consequences for dual apprenticeships. This corpus of literature was expanded by scientific studies and publications from national or international institutions related to VET. Following a governance-analytical and actor-centred perspective, the documents were analysed with regard to the indications they provide about the realised coordination of action between the actors, the realised processes and outcomes, as well as the levels affected within the VET system. Findings: The way of dealing with the crisis demonstrates that the German dual system is influenced by the actions of various actors at multiple levels. Actors who are involved in the decision-making processes share common interests, resulting in a strategically bound cooperation among them. However, influence or power from bottom-up seems to be rather limited, as not all of the actors considered in this study are included in essential governance processes. Despite the comprehensive reactions to the pandemic, problems and optimisation needs are also apparent, e.g. with regard to vocational orientation or the support of vocational schools. Conclusion: Despite its complexity, the dual system as a collective training model is capable of acting and adapting to face the challenges posed by the pandemic. This may also be due to the historically entrenched corporatist structures within the dual system: Even in times of crisis, the trust in this historically evolved institutional framework leads to a high degree of accountability and cooperation among the decisive actors.

Drawing on Bachrach and Baratz's first and second faces of interest group power, we explore the relationship between teachers' union power and reopening decisions during the fall 2020 semester in 250 large districts around the United States. We leverage a self-collected panel data set of reopening decisions coupled with measures of teachers' union first face power (drawn from social media postings on teachers' unions' Facebook pages) and second face power (operationalized as district size, whether the school district negotiates a collective bargaining agreement with the teachers' union, the length of the collective bargaining agreement, and the amount of revenue raised by the union). We found that school districts where teachers' unions exhibit strong second face power (but not first face power) were less likely to start the school year with in-person instruction, were less likely to ever open during fall semester with in-person instruction and spent fewer weeks in in-person learning.

The aim of the research is to examine power-center forming games behaviors of the school principals according to view of the teachers. In the research a mixed type was preferred and descriptive sequential pattern was used. The population of the research has consisted of teachers working in kindergarten, primary schools, middle schools and high schools in Onikisubat and Dulkadiroglu districts of Kahramanmaras in 2020-2021 academic years. In the quantitative dimension of the research, simple random sampling method was used as sample and consisted of 553 teachers. In the qualitative dimension of the research, purposeful sampling method was used and consisted of 16 teachers who attended quantitative dimension. After the collection and analysis of quantitative data in the research; qualitative data were collected and analyzed. The obtained data were analyzed by passing through the appropriate quantitative and qualitative statistical protocol for research. According to the obtained results based on the research data; In the quantitative dimension, it has been determined that the behavior of the School Principals on forming Power Center Games is at a moderate level according to the views of the teachers. While it was determined that a meaningful difference in the several of ''gender, branch, type of school'', it was seen that there was not a meaningful difference according to several of ''service life and unionizing''. In the qualitive dimension, it was determined that school principals used power-center forming games behaviors higher-up in the interview made with teachers. It has been observed that while the school principals exhibit the behaviors of "bossing, expertise, empire and budgeting" games more than the behaviors of Power Center Games, they rarely prefer the behaviors of "sponsorship and alliance building" games.

The aim of this study was to investigate and delineate the perceived challenges of implementing an integrated talent management strategy at a South African tertiary institution. The study was conducted at a relatively new university that opened its doors on the 1st of January 2015. Since the inception of the university under study, the institution has grown considerably but without proper policies and strategies in place to ensure its competitiveness and sustainability within the current Higher Education and Training sector in the country. A qualitative research methodology in the form of semi-structured interviews conducted with a convenience sample of 10 participants was employed to execute the study. The sample was drawn from the population of directors and official representatives of administrative, academic and support staff. The inclusion of these participants was premised on the idea that by virtue of their job description, they would be most exposed to talent management issues. Results of the study indicate that the major challenges experienced in implementing an integrated talent management strategy at the university include lack of management commitment and budget, as well as unionism and resistance to change amongst staff. As such, the primary recommendations of this study are for demonstrated commitment by university management towards accessing adequate finances to facilitate the implementation of a sound talent management strategy that will assist in promoting both the quality and longevity of the tertiary education institution in question.

Educational policy research on teacher unionization in the United States has been dominated by two theoretical perspectives: "rent-seeking" and "teacher voice." While bringing valuable insights to bear, these views have mutated into rigid and often ideologically charged alternatives with strong normative claims about teacher collective bargaining. Drawing from a political economy framework, this article advances a distinct theoretical perspective focusing on the "progressive coalition building" activities of teachers' unions (i.e., organizing and mobilizing to promote the interests of working people in policymaking). This perspective resolves previous theoretical anomalies of union behavior; provides many new avenues for research; and highlights distinct considerations for the practice of teacher organizing.

In this paper, we draw upon in-depth interviews with teachers and administrators in 18 unionized charter schools around the country to investigate teachers' motivations for unionization. Our results suggest that while mismanagement and distrust are often the proximate cause of charter unionization efforts, both material and purposive goals--greater job security and pay as well as increased voice in school decision-making--power organization drives and contract negotiations. Our evidence suggests unionization and collective bargaining agreements can create more transparency around pay and development, which teachers desired. But, sometimes unionization carried unanticipated risks for administrators--salaries increased faster than revenues and teacher development became constrained by newly formed collective bargaining agreements.

Mexico's implementation of mandatory teacher assessments in 2013 was part of a group of federal reforms aimed at enhancing the quality of state-run education. The reforms elicited strong opposition from key stakeholders. Building on the idea that policy capacities are the set of capabilities necessary to perform policy functions, we examine the effect of subnational government capacities on the pace of implementation of the mandatory teacher assessment in Mexico, a country with one of the most powerful teachers' unions in the world. After conducting statistical analyses based on panel data encompassing information on subnational government capacities from 2015 to 2017, we find that while subnational governments' human resources and fiscal capacities are associated with higher proportions of evaluated teachers, repressive capacities do not seem relevant for this purpose. Our research offers valuable lessons for policy makers in terms of recognizing adequate resource allocation and predicting the speed of policy implementation, even in contexts of significant opposition.

In an earlier essay in the Reviewing Policy section of this journal, I examined many of the major arguments for social justice teacher unionism. This combines both more traditional union concerns over wages, working conditions, professional autonomy, and respect with a much more concerted focus by unions on social justice issues in schools, communities, and the larger society. The importance of such a commitment and what it actually looks like is evident in the book under discussion here. "Teacher Unions and Social Justice" is one of a deservedly well-respected and growing series of volumes published by Rethinking Schools. The entire series constitutes substantive contributions to some of the most significant and contentious issues facing deeply committed educators. Through books such as "Teacher Unions and Social Justice" and other important publications, Rethinking Schools provides us with ways of combining the professional, political, and personal aspects of our lives and of coming together to build thicker forms of critically democratic education to defend a more robust vision of the common good.

Education policy ambitions or presumptions in most countries are being accused of turning schools into social factories to supply humanpower to produce commodities. This is apparent bureaucratic education policy imposition on school-actors which promotes class division and conflict in sharing resources. Using the Marxist-critical-lenses, this article aims to interrogate the potential outcomes of adopting-implementing the global policy of competence-based education (CBE). The overarching question is whether CBE empowers the grassroots and-or preserves the old-order? This interrogation is sustained through a longitudinal research protocol that mixes document and survey methods and diverse classes. Cameroon English-speaking general secondary school CBE policy is used as part of global flows. The sample has 19 policies, 361 questionnaires and 20 interviewees randomly drawn from 24 diverse schools. Findings suggest that, transnational actors and 'boss partners' often influence education bureaucrats to buy global policy, coerce or coax school-workers to drill students into conforming to work obligations. It is rather like bureaucrats rebrand old policy to retain the status-quo-order, dictate equal costs for all grassroot school-actors with diverse abilities, and give few means whilst overtly claiming to empower them. School-actors embody policy but decry few means while assuming complex roles that lead to few improved academic and real-world outcomes. The article concludes that, education policy with class issues often places individual over collective interests that foretell inevitable mass revolutions in transition to Marxist socialism and communism. It is necessary to continually deconstruct class as 'an elephant in the room' whilst empowering grassroot-actors against education and real-world biases.

This paper shows how a significant, but short-lived, episode in Scotland's educational history--the rise and decline of Socialist Sunday Schools (SSSs) in the first half of the twentieth century--provoked controversial debates about issues that continue to have relevance today. The first half of the paper explains the origins of SSSs, their links to adult political groups, the form and content of their meetings, and publications designed to advance their agenda. It also describes the criticisms they received from religious leaders and Conservative politicians, on the grounds that they undermined faith and preached revolution. This leads into the second part, which considers whether SSSs might be regarded as agencies of indoctrination, promoting a version of citizenship that sought to subvert existing institutions and disrupt the social order. It is argued that complete neutrality in educational systems is not possible and that a study of the SSS movement has considerable potential as an educational resource, particularly for teachers of history, politics and social studies.