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This article examines a range of issues related to food and beverages consumed by the soldiers, including ration supply methods, storage, transport and distribution of ration, cooking of food, food consumption as well as feeding of combat animals in the Prophet's (pbuh) ghazwa and sariyyas. The data of the research were obtained from sîra-maghāzî sources, universal history books, hadith books, tabakāt books, geography books, dictionaries, and other relevant sources. The findings of the study indicate that, during military operations in the time of the Prophet, food such as dates, hays, bread, sevîk, and dried or fresh meat were generally preferred due to their nutritional value, durability, ease of procurement, preservation, and transportation. During this period, a variety of methods were employed to provide food following necessities. The principal methods of food provision included personal food, food supplied by state support, natural resources, and war booty, food was procured through purchases, donations and aid, food supplies through treaties, and food procured through hunting. The sources do not contain any information regarding the warrior's stockpiling of provisions for himself during peaceful times. In the time of military campaigns, camels were the most important means of military transportation of the period, serving as a mobile supply depot for military units due to their exceptional carrying capacity and the fact that they themselves were a source of sustenance. Besides, the areas where war booty was obtained from the enemy served as a kind of supply depot. Food supplies were transported to operational areas by both camel and on foot. The number of meals per day and the quantity of food consumed per meal varies depending on a number of factors, which include the length and duration of the campaign, the amount of food stockpiled, and regional resources. Furthermore, there is a lack of detailed information on this subject in the sources, making it extremely challenging to accurately calculate the rations per soldier and the calorific value of the available food per day. In some cases, the troops faced significant ration shortages. However, the necessary food and beverages were quickly obtained from various sources, enabling the troops' continued operational effectiveness and the completion of the assigned missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Was an Islamic identity, shared by the in-group members and distinct from other religious categorisations, operative already during the time of the Prophet Muḥammad (d. 632)? This article looks at surah 5 of the Qurʾān, titled al-Māʾida, as a locus where the discourse of 'the parting of the ways' might be found. If a reified group of Muslims, with their religion Islam, distinct from Jews and Christians, can be supposed to have existed during the time of the Prophet, it is in al-Māʾida where this should be the easiest to perceive, but, I argue, this is not the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant event in the final years of the life of the Prophet Muḥammad was the Expedition of Tabūk. This has been reflected in the Holy Quran and historical texts by including its particular circumstances. In the Expedition of Tabūk, the behaviors and actions of the hypocrites ran counter to the sacrifices and persistence of Prophet’s companions. In response to this situation, the Quranic verses of Sūrah al-Tawba reveal the hypocrites’ intentions, expressing the actual reasons for their lack of cooperation. Given the influence of this group of people on the religious community, it is necessary to elucidate the behaviors and intentions of the hypocrites. This study presents the typology of hypocrites’ behaviors during the Expedition of Tabūk based on the verses of al-Tawba by using qualitative and quantitative methods, and analyzes the causes of these behaviors. The statistical reviews of 39 verses dealing with the hypocrites’ actions revealed that 84% of these actions were sociopolitical and religious, while the remaining 16% were economic. The particular focus of the verses of al-Tawba on the behavior of the companions of the Prophet in the Expedition of Tabūk and disregarding its military objectives elucidates the main goal of the Expedition of Tabūk. This Expedition did not pursue military goals; rather, it was a test of Muslims to reveal the intentions of the companions of the Prophet. It seems that the diversity in the hypocrites’ behaviors is rooted in their attitudes towards religious values and the conflict between the values of the Islamic society with their ideas and purposes.

It is an irony of history that since texts transcend the intentions and purposes of their authors, their meaning and significance are often contested anew as they enter new historical contexts; even historical texts are thus subject to reading and criticism over time. This article discusses the posthumous fate of Henry Stubbe's own text on Islamic history, The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism—seen by some to represent a Copernican revolution in the study of Islam. The fate of this work is a clear example of the critical contingencies and fluctuating fortunes experienced by a corpus of texts. The continuing existence of a text as an object open to reconfiguration and re-evaluation is termed its after-history (Nachgeschichte) or afterlife (Nachleben). This notion of the afterlife of an object as a period of critical appreciation and political appropriation aptly defines the fate and fame of The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism. The present study seeks to explore the narrative surrounding a publication authored by Stubbe in the 17th century and finally published by Hafiz Mahmud Khan Shairani, with the critical support of Ottoman intellectual Halil Halid Bey, nearly two centuries later. Its objective is to investigate how the life and contributions of a figure whose work has transcended generations was resurrected within the political backdrop of the 20th century, as evidenced in the columns of Ottoman newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University / Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with the poisoning narrations of the Prophet Muhammad within the context of miracle – prophethood relationship (understanding and interpreting) based on the Quran’s prophethood concept (paradigm). The paper claims that the dominant paradigm is the determining instrument for the understanding and interpreting of the Sirah material. Thus, while the Quran’s prophethood concept expresses the paradigm, the poisoning narrations of the Prophet are a case study for the subject of understanding and interpreting. As the main source of the Sirah discipline, the Quran is also the main authority for the verification and correction of narratives about the Prophet’s life. As such, any Sirah material that contradict with the principles of the Qur'an is in need of criticism and explanation. From this perspective, the Qur'an’s concept of prophethood should be a touchstone for the correct understanding of the Prophet. The expressions of the Qur'an describing the prophethood of Muhammad reveal an imagination of prophet based on the profile of a human-prophet, free from miracles. Therefore, this principle, which the Qur'an defines in the person of the Prophet, determines the limits of our approach to the Sirah material. After determining the basis of the approach to the Sirah material, it is possible to deal with the paradigm – understanding and interpreting relationship in the example of the poisoning narrations of the Prophet. As known, after the Conquest of Khaybar (7/629), the Prophet was subject of an assassination by a Jewish woman named Zainab bint al-Harith. She offered the Prophet and his companions a poisonous meal prepared from mutton; however, the Prophet escaped the assassination by noticing the poison in the food. On the matter of how the Prophet noticed the poison, while some explain by his human abilities; others interpret it as his miracle. These two approaches, traces of which can be seen in both classical and modern works, are remarkable in terms of showing the differences in the understanding and interpreting of the Sirah narrations depend on the underlying paradigm. Because the divergences seen in the understanding and interpretation of the incident in the historical process actually appear as a reflection of different paradigms. In this article, rather than showing the reflections of the paradigm shift, we will discuss how the poisoning incident was handled in the early sources in the context of the dominant paradigm. In this context, we will evaluate the narrations included in the works of Waqidi, Ibn Hisham, Ibn Sa'd and Tabari. Indeed, we have to assume that the narrations in these works are the most appropriate narrations to reflect the paradigm of the period, as they are the closest written texts to the period of the Prophet. Therefore, this paper aims to criticize the poisoning narrations in the early Sirah sources comparatively based on the prophethood concept of the Quran, as the main source of Sirah. In this direction, text criticism method will be used in the paper. By using this method, the similarities and differences between the narrations will be determined and the answer to the question of how the incident actually happened will be sought. Thus, it will be possible to show findings that the narratives about the poisoning incident in the first written sources do not attribute miraculous properties to the Prophet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışmada “Erkânnâme 1” adıyla yayımlanan; asıl adı “Tasavvuf Risâlesi” olan eserde Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve Hz. Muhammed tasavvuru incelenmiştir. 17. Yüzyılda yazıldığı ve Erdebil Sûfiyân Süreğine ait olduğu anlaşılan eserin, Bektâşî geleneğe ait olduğu çağrışımı uyandıran bir şekilde Erkânnâme ismiyle yayımlandığı görülmektedir. Eserin farklı adla yayımlanması bazı hatalı değerlendirmelere yol açmıştır. Dolayısıyla sağlıklı değerlendirmeler için kavram ve eserlerin, hangi ekol/gelenek/ocak içerisinde kullanılıp kaleme alındığı gözetilmelidir. Bu durumun Alevî gelenek için de son derece önemli olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Çünkü Alevî gelenek olarak adlandırılan yapı, geleneksel olarak büyük oranda ana ocak ve alt ocak merkezli ocak sistemine dayanmaktadır. Bu ocaklarda da farklı tasavvufî gelenek mensubiyeti söz konusudur. Bu iki olguya bağlı olarak ocaklar arasında âdâb ve erkân dâhil olmak üzere pek çok farklı anlayış ve uygulama bulunmaktadır. Erdebil Sufiyân/Kızılbaş Süreğine ait âdâb ve erkân kitaplarından birisinde Kur’ân ve Hz. Muhammed’le ilgili kabullerin tespiti, bu süreğin dinî-kültürel durumunun ortaya konulması bakımından önemlidir. Böylelikle bir eserin ya da kavramın mensup olduğu gelenek içerisinde değerlendirilmesinin yanı sıra Sûfiyân (Kızılbaş) Süreğinde Kur’ân ve Hz. Muhammed’le ilgili telakkilerin mahiyetinin ortaya konulması ve alana katkı sunulması amaçlanmıştır. Zira dünyada ve ülkemizde özellikle 1990’lı yıllardaki gelişmeler ve kimlik tartışmaları kapsamında Alevî geleneğin genel olarak iman esasları noktasındaki kabullerinin yanı sıra Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve Hz. Muhammed (s.a.v.) kabulleri ve tasavvurları hakkında da gelenekte var olan hallerinin haricinde pek çok farklı görüşün ileri sürüldüğüne şahit olunmuştur. Alevî nitelemeli gelenekte de Kur’ân’ın mevcut nüshası kabul edilmekte; başta âyin-i cemler olmak üzere doğumdan cenazeye, sünnetten nikaha, nazardan kurt ağzı bağlamaya kadar dinî sosyo-kültürel pek çok erkân içi ve erkân dışı alanda Kur’ân sûreleri ya da ayetleri okunmaktadır. Alevî gelenekte, icra edilen cem erkânlarında yürütülen hizmetlerde de bir Kur’ân ayetinin okunmasına ilaveten erkânlardaki unsurlar ve uygulamalar başta olmak üzere ikrar/bey‘at (el-Fetih 48/10), silsile (el-Fetih 48/10), musâhiplik (el-Enfâl, 8/72-75), dergâhlar ve cemevi (en-Nûr, 24/36) vb. unsurlar Kur’ân’la bağlantılı bir şekilde anlamlandırılıp delillendirilmektedir. Alevî gelenekte Kur’ân’ın özellikle âdâb ve erkân unsurları anlatılırken delil olarak kullanılması ve ayetlerin tasavvuf geleneğindeki genel tavra uygun bir şekilde işlenmesi Tasavvuf Risâlesi’nde de görülmektedir. Nitekim dört risaleden oluşan eserde tekrarlarla birlikte 20 ayete yer verilmiştir. Alevî gelenekte Hz. Muhammed ile ilgili yer alan anlayış ve kabullerin de -peygamberlik olgusundaki gibi- Müslüman dünyadaki ortak kabullerle aynı çerçevede olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Nitekim Alevî nitelemeli geleneğe göre de “gül” ile remz edilen Hz. Muhammed, “Allah’ın habibi/Habîbullâh’tır, nebidir, Allah’ın elçisidir, en son kitabın kendisine indirildiği son peygamberdir ve peygamberlerin sultanıdır. Eserde “Hz. Resûl” ve “Resûlüllah” kelimelerinin de kullanıldığı Hz. Muhammed, Allah’ın Resûlü ve yaratılmışların en hayırlısı olarak kabul edilmiş; Hz. Muhammed’e salavât getirmeye özen gösterilmiş; konular açıklanırken Hz. Peygamber’e atfedilen 16 rivayete yer verilmiştir. Eserde yer verilen rivayetlerin daha çok tasavvuf geleneğinde kullanılan metinler olduğu görülmektedir. Bunun tasavvuf geleneğinde hadis kullanımıyla ilgili genel tavra mütenasip olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Bu nokta dahi Alevî geleneğe mensup ocak ve grupların tasavvuf geleneği ile birlikte ele alınması gerektiğini açıkça göstermektedir.

It is an irony of history that since texts transcend the intentions and purposes of their authors, their meaning and significance are often contested anew as they enter new historical contexts; even historical texts are thus subject to reading and criticism over time. This article discusses the posthumous fate of Henry Stubbe’s own text on Islamic history, The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism—seen by some to represent a Copernican revolution in the study of Islam. The fate of this work is a clear example of the critical contingencies and fluctuating fortunes experienced by a corpus of texts. The continuing existence of a text as an object open to reconfiguration and re-evaluation is termed its after-history (Nachgeschichte) or afterlife (Nachleben). This notion of the afterlife of an object as a period of critical appreciation and political appropriation aptly defines the fate and fame of The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism. The present study seeks to explore the narrative surrounding a publication authored by Stubbe in the 17th century and finally published by Hafiz Mahmud Khan Shairani, with the critical support of Ottoman intellectual Halil Halid Bey, nearly two centuries later. Its objective is to investigate how the life and contributions of a figure whose work has transcended generations was resurrected within the political backdrop of the 20th century, as evidenced in the columns of Ottoman newspapers.

This study examines the conception of the Qur'ān and the conception of Prophet Muhammad in a work originally titled "The Sūfī Treatise" but published as " Erkānnāme 1". It is seen that the work, which is understood to be written in the 17th century and belongs to the Ardabil Sūfīyān Period, was published under the name “Erkānnāme”, which evokes the connotation of belonging to the Bektāshī tradition. The publication of the work under a different name has led to some erroneous evaluations. Therefore, to ensure accurate evaluations, it is crucial to consider the school, tradition and od̲jaḳ in which the concepts and works were used and written. It is understood that this situation is also extremely important for the Alawī tradition. Because the Alawī tradition is traditionally largely based on the main od̲jaḳ and sub-od̲jaḳ based od̲jaḳ system. There are different mystical traditions in these od̲jaḳs. Depending on these two phenomena, there are many different understandings and practices, including manner and etiquette, among the od̲jaḳs. Understanding the beliefs and practices regarding the Qur'an and Prophet Muhammad within the Ardabil Sūfīyān/Qizilbash tradition, specifically through one of their manner and etiquette books, is important in terms of revealing the religious and cultural status of this tradition. Thus, in addition to evaluating a work or concept within the tradition it belongs to, it is aimed to reveal the nature of the concepts related to the Qur'an and Prophet Muhammad in the Sūfīyān (Qizilbash) tradition and contribute to the field. Within the scope of developments and identity debates in the world and in our country, especially in the 1990s, the Alevi tradition's acceptance of the principles of faith in general, as well as the Qur'an and the Prophet, it has been witnessed that many different views have been put forward about the acceptances and imaginations of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), apart from the traditional ones. In the Alevi tradition, the current copy of the Qur'an is accepted; Surahs or verses of the Qur'an are read in many religious, socio-cultural areas from birth to funeral, from circumcision to marriage, especially in djem ceremonies. In the Alawīte tradition, the recitation of a Qur'anic verse during the djem ceremonies is accompanied by the interpretation and demonstration of various elements and practices, including those found in the arkāns, profess (al-Fatḥ 48/10), silsila (al-Fatḥ 48/10), musahiplik (al-Anfāl 8 /72-75), dervish lodges and djemevi (al-Nūr 24/36). These elements are interpreted and proved in connection with the Qur'an. As a matter of fact, in the work consisting of four treatises, 20 verses are included with repetitions. It is understood that the understanding and acceptances about Muhammad in the Alevi tradition are in the same frame as the common acceptances in the Muslim world. As a matter of fact, Muhammad, symbolized by the rose in the Alevi tradition, is God's precious, God's messenger, the last prophet to whom the last book was sent down, and he is the sultan of the prophets. The Prophet Muhammad, referred to as "Hz. Rasūl" and "Rasūlullah" in the text, is acknowledged as the Messenger of Allah and the best of creations. Special care is taken to send blessings (salawāt) upon Prophet Muhammad. Furthermore, while explaining the subjects, 16 narrations attributed to the Prophet. These narrations are mostly derived from texts used in the Sufi tradition which aligns with the general attitude regarding the use of hadith in the Sūfi tradition. Even this point clearly shows that the od̲jaḳs and groups associated with the Alevi tradition should be considered in conjunction with the Sufi tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hz. Peygamber insanları İslâm’a davet etmeye başladıktan sonra pek çok saldırıya maruz kalmıştır. Bu saldırılardan sadece Hz. Peygamber değil onun yakınında olan insanlar da oldukça fazla etkilenmişlerdir. Mekke döneminde Hz. Peygamber ve yakınlarının maruz kaldıkları saldırılar genellikle hakaret ve fiziksel saldırı şeklinde meydana gelmiştir. Medine döneminde ise Rasûlullah’a ve İslâm’a düşman olan bazı gruplar, Müslümanlara fiziksel bir saldırıda bulunmaya cesaret edemedikleri için saldırılarını aleyhte propaganda ve iftiralar üzerinden devam ettirmişlerdir. Başlarını münafıkların çektikleri İslâm’a düşman olan bu grupların Rasûlullah’a ve İslâm’a yönelik pek çok saldırıları bulunmakla birlikte doğrudan Hz. Peygamber’in ailesini hedef alan iki hadise diğerlerinden oldukça farklıdır. Bunların ilki İfk Olayı olarak bilinen Hz. Âişe bint Ebû Bekir’e atılan iftiradır. Bazı Müslümanların da bu iftiraya âlet olmaları sebebiyle olay bir hayli büyümüş ve bunun bir sonucu olarak da kaynaklarda oldukça ayrıntılı bir şekilde incelenmiştir.Münafıkların Hz. Peygamber’in mahremine ikinci saldırıları Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn üze-rinden gerçekleşmiştir. Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn’a atılan zina iftirası muhtemelen daha dar bir çerçevede gerçekleştiği için kaynaklarda yeteri kadar irdelenmemiştir. Sünnî kaynaklarda bu iftirayı başlatan ve yayanların kimler oldukları hususunda herhangi bir bilgi verilmemektedir. Şiî kaynaklar ise bu konuda iki gruba ayrılmaktadır. İlk grup olayı Sünnî kaynaklardaki anlatıma benzer bir şekilde aktarırken diğer grup Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn’a atılan iftirayı başlatan kişinin Hz. Âişe bint Ebû Bekir olduğunu iddia eden rivayetler sun-muşlardır. Dolayısıyla Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn’a iftira olayında aydınlatılması gereken ilk noktanın, meydana geliş şekli olduğu ifade edilebilir. Yine bu olayın Sünnî ve Şiî kaynaklarda niçin farklı rivayetler üzerinden incelendiği de cevap bulunması gereken konulardan biridir. Dolayısıyla çalışmada bu iki temel sorun ele alınarak Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn’a atılan iftira olayını aktaran rivayetlerin sahih bir yolla mı günümüze ulaştığına cevap bulunmaya çalışılacaktır.Tespit edilebildiği kadarıyla konu hakkında müstakil bir çalışma veya detaylı bir anlatım bulunmadığı için bu çalışma konuyu geniş bir şekilde ele alma noktasında ilk olacaktır. Oldukça kısıtlı bilgi üzerinden böyle önemli bir konunun ilk kez ele alınacak olması çalışmanın başlıca dezavantajı olarak zikredilebilir.Zikrettiğimiz bu zorluklara rağmen çalışmada öncelikle Sünnî kaynaklar tarafından olayın nasıl ele alındığı aktarılmaya çalışıldı. Daha sonra rivayetlerin günümüze ulaşmasına vesile olan bazı Sünnî kaynaklar ortaya konularak bu kaynaklar içerisinden Müslim’in Câmi‘u’s-sahîh isimli eserinde aktarılan rivayet üzerinden bir isnad incelemesi yapıldı. Yapılan bu isnad incelemesi neticesinde rivayetin sika raviler aracılığıyla günümüze ulaştığı sonucuna varıldı.Çalışmanın ikinci kısmında ise Hz. Mâriye bint Şem‘ûn’a atılan iftiranın Şiî kaynaklarda nasıl ele alındığı incelenerek bazı Şiî kaynaklarında olayın niçin Sünnî kaynaklardan farklı olarak aktarıldığının sebepleri izah edildi. Ayrıca olayın bu şekilde gerçekleşmesinin müm-kün olmadığı ortaya konularak bu rivayetlerin Şiî ideolojiyi desteklemek için uydurulmuş olduğu sonucuna varıldı.

Copyright of Journal of Eskişehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology is the property of Journal of Eskisehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a list of the greatest times of transformation and breaking moments in human history, the events whose main components are religion and religious arguments will be the first ones that come to mind. Accepting the birth of Jesus as a direct religious event as the beginning of the Gregorian calendar or the effects of the geographical, political, economic, cultural and technological processes of the geography included in the scope of the crusades in the Middle Ages are just two of the examples that can be given to make the proposition meaningful. In this study, we will focus on one of the most important religious moments in the history of the world, the beginning of the last messages of Allah to humanity, and analyze what happened after. Thus, we will try to understand the feeling of the Prophet who addresses the divine message, the methods he uses to fulfill his prophetic mission, the reactions of people who were addressed revelation, the violent side of man and the effort to solve problems with violence. The study is a contribution in terms of bringing a new perspective to the narrations about the first revelation and the events after revelation in Islamic historical sources. Additionally, descriptive and analytical methods are used in accordance with the subject of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dini metinlerde önemine ve faziletine vurgu yapılan ve Müslümanlar tarafından yeryüzündeki üç büyük mescitten biri olarak kabul edilen Mescid-i Aksâ’nın, Kudüs topraklarında bulunduğu hususunda kadim Sünnî kaynaklar ittifak halindedir. Şiiler hariç yirminci yüzyılın ikinci yarısına kadar Müslümanlar arasında Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yerine dair herhangi bir tartışma olmadığı söylenebilir. Ancak bu tarihten itibaren çeşitli gerekçelerle farklı görüşler ve iddialar ortaya atılmış, mezkûr Mescid’in Kudüs’te bulunup bulunmadığı tartışma konusu yapılmıştır. Tespit edebildiğimiz kadarıyla bu tartışmaları başlatan ilk isim, 1953’de konuyla ilgili bir makale kaleme alan İngiliz oryantalist Alfred Guillaume olmuştur. Guillaume, makalesinde bazı gerekçeler ileri sürerek Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te değil Mekke yakınlarındaki Ci‘râne bölgesinde olduğunu iddia etmiştir. Bilahare Türkiye’deki kimi muasır araştırmacılar da gerekçeleri kısmen farklılık arz etse de sonuç itibariyle bu konuda Guillaume ile aynı görüşü paylaşmışlardır. Bu hususta yapılan tartışmaların ve yorumların ne derece gerçekçi olup olmadığını ortaya koymak ve sağlıklı bir değerlendirmeye tabi tutmak, başta İsrâ hadisesi olmak üzere bazı tarihî vak’aların doğru anlaşılması açısından büyük önem taşımaktadır. Binaenaleyh bu makalede, Guillaume’nin Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yerine dair farklı görüş ve yaklaşımları eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele alınarak değerlendirmeye tabi tutulmaktadır.

From early ages, some verses of the Holy Qur'ān were translated into Greek and Latin in order to resist Islam or for missionary targets, later its translation was carried out in Byzantium and later in Europe. Both in Byzantium and the West, The Qur'ān aroused interest in rejecting the Prophet's prophethood. For this reason, studies aiming only at the translation of the Qur'ān were carried out quite late. However, many mistakes have been made in the translations of the Qur'ān due to reasons such as malicious intent, insufficient knowledge of Arabic, not knowing Islamic concepts and literal translation. On the other hand, Muslims did not write the articles on the Qur'ān, but only in their own language until the 20th century, and they did not intend to translate the Qur'ān into foreign languages in order to appeal to non-Muslim communities. Even, the Qur'ān was translated into the languages of some Muslim societies by non-Muslims. In this article, the effects of the mistakes in the Qur'ān translations made in the East and the West on the negative and unrealistic understanding of Islam and, the negative image of the Prophet based on the translations of the Qur'ān have been examined. In our study, the first translations were taken into consideration, and the studies after the Enlightenment period, when more objective Qur'ān translations began to be seen, were excluded from the study. The aim of the study is to explain the wrong perception about Islam and the Prophet caused by erroneous translations of the Qur'ān, and also to draw attention to the necessity of the translation of the Qur'ān by Muslim translators in world languages and to write works introducing the Prophet correctly against Islamophobia, which has increased all over the world. Because today, unfortunately translations of the Qur'ān in many languages continue to be made by non-Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Prophet Muḥammad started to invite people to Islam, he was subjected to many attacks. Not only the Prophet Muḥammad but the people who were close to him were also quite affected by those attacks. The attacks that the Prophet Muḥammad and his relatives were subjected to during the Mecca period generally occurred in the form of insults and physical attacks. During the Medina period, some groups that were enemies of the Prophet Muḥammad and Islam did not dare to attack Muslims physically instead continued their attacks through adverse propaganda and slander. Although these groups, which were hostile to Islam and led by the hypocrites, had many attacks against the Prophet Muḥammad and Islam, the two incidents that directly targeted the Prophet Muḥammad’s family are quite different from the others. The first of these is the slander against ʿĀʾisha bt. Abī Bakr, known as the Incident of Ifk. Since some Muslims were also abuses of this slander, the incident grew considerably and as a result of this, it was examined in detail in the sources. The second attacks of the hypocrites on the Prophet Muḥammad’s privacy were carried out through Māriya bt. Shamʿūn. On account of the adultery slander against Māriya bt. Shamʿūn is probably carried out in a narrower framework, it has not been scrutinized sufficiently in the sources. No information is given in Sunnī sources about who initiated and spread this slander. Shīʿī sources are divided into two groups on this issue. While the first group recounted the event in a way similar to the narration in Sunnī sources, the other group presented narratives claiming that it was ʿĀʾisha bt. Abī Bakr who initiated the slander against Māriya bt. Shamʿūn. Therefore, it can be stated that the first point to be illuminated in the case of slander against Māriya bt. Shamʿūn is the way it occurred. It is also one of the issues that need to be answered why this event is examined through different narrations in Sunnī and Shīʿī sources. Hence, in this study, it will be tried to find an answer to whether the narratives that convey the slander against Māriya bt. Shamʿūn have reached the present day accurately by considering these two basic problems. As far as it can be determined, since there is no independent study or detailed explanation on the subject, this study will be the first to deal with the subject comprehensively. The main disadvantage of the study is that such an important issue will be dealt with for the first time with very limited information. Despite these difficulties mentioned above, the study first tried to explain how the incident was handled in Sunnī sources. Later, some Sunnī sources that have been instrumental in reaching the narratives to the present day were revealed, and an isnād study (the chain of narrators) was made based on the narration in a Muslim’s work named al-Jāmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ. As a result of this isnād study, it was concluded that the narration reached the present day through thiḳa (reliable informant) narrators. In the second part of the study, how the slander against Māriya bt. Shamʿūn is handled in Shīʿī sources was examined, and the reasons of why the event was reported differently from Sunnī sources in some Shīʿī sources were explained. It was also revealed that it was impossible for the incident to take place in that way, and it was concluded that these narratives were fabricated to support the Shīʿī ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mescid-i Aksâ, Müslümanların genel kabulüne göre Kudüs topraklarında bulunmaktadır. Bu hususta özellikle kadim Sünni kaynaklar ittifak halindedir. Ancak günümüzde çeşitli gerekçelerle Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yeri ile ilgili farklı görüş ve iddialar ortaya atılmakta, mezkûr Mescid’in Kudüs’ten başka yerde aranması gerektiği ileri sürülmektedir. Bu görüş ve iddia sahiplerinden biri de ilim dünyasında önemli bir yere sahip olan ve muasır İslâm tarihçileri arasında otorite olarak kabul edilen Muhammed Hamîdullah’tır. Hamîdullah, Kudüs’teki Mescid-i Aksâ’nın, Kur’ân’da bahsedilen el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ olamayacağını, ayette zikredilen Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te değil semada aranması gerektiğini iddia etmektedir. Hamîdullah’ın bu iddiası kabul edildiği takdirde mezkûr mescidin Kudüs’te olduğunu bildiren onlarca rivayetin ve bu rivayetlere dayalı pek çok yorumun problemli hale geleceği ve tartışmalı olacağı muhakkaktır. Bu nedenle Hamîdullah’ın konuya ilişkin iddia ve delillerinin ele alınıp ayrıntılı bir biçimde ortaya konulması ve incelenmesi gerekmektedir. İşte bu çalışmada, Mescid-i Aksâ’nın semada bulunduğuna ilişkin Hamîdullah tarafından ileri sürülen görüş ve gerekçelerin, eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla incelenip değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda ortaya konulan yorum ve yaklaşımların tutarlı ve isabetli olmayıp tenkid ve tartışmaya açık olduğu, bu hususta ileri sürülen iddiaların sağlam delillere dayanmayıp tatmin edici olmaktan uzak bir kısım tevillerden ibaret olduğu okuyucuların dikkatlerine sunulmaktadır. Özet: İslâm Tarihi üzerine ciddî araştırmalarıyla tanınan Muhammed Hamîdullah’ın değişik konularda kadim Ehl-i Sünnet ulemasından farklı, kendisine özgü münferit bazı fikir ve görüşlerinin olduğu bilinen bir husustur. Hamîdullah’ın farklı görüşlerinden biri de Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yeri ile ilgilidir. O, konuya ilişkin bir kısım iddialar ortaya atmakta, çeşitli gerekçelerle Kur’ân-ı Kerim’de zikri geçen Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te değil, semada olabileceğini öne sürmektedir. Bu makalede Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yerine dair Hamîdullah’ın ileri sürdüğü farklı görüşler eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele alınıp değerlendirilerek konunun aydınlatılması amaçlanmaktadır. Tespit edebildiğimiz kadarıyla Hamîdullah’ın bu konudaki gerekçeleri şunlardan ibarettir:Mi‘râc, yeryüzünden göklerin ötesine yapılan bir yolculuktur. Hamîdullah’a göre böylesine muazzam bir hadisede Kur’ân’ın sadece Mekke’den Beyt-i Makdis’e yapılan seferden/Kudüs’ten bahsettiğini söylemek makul değildir. Hamîdullah şöyle bir istidlâlde de bulunur: İsrâ sûresinin birinci ayetinde geçen “el-Mescidül-Aksâ” ifadesi, “En Uzak Mescid” anlamına gelir. Rûm sûresinin üçüncü ayetinde ise Filistin toprakları “Edna’l-Ard/En Yakın Ülke” olarak tavsif edilir. Bu duruma göre “En Uzak Mescid”in “En Yakın Ülke”de olmaması gerekir. Dolayısıyla “En Uzak Mescid” semalarda bulunan bir Mescid’dir. Hamîdullah, bahis mevzuu olan mescidin bazı hadis metinlerinde ‘Mescidü’l-Aksâ’ şeklinde geçtiğini, oysa “el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ile “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” terkipleri arasında dilbilgisi yönünden farklılık olduğunu belirterek ayette zikredilen el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ’nın Kudüs’le bir ilgisinin olmadığını iddia eder. Ona göre bazı hadis metinlerinde yer alan “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ifadesi isim tamlaması terkibindeyken, Kur’ân-ı Kerim’deki “el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ifadesi sıfat tamlaması terkibindedir. Buna göre el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ ile Mescidü’l-Aksâ ayrı ayrı mekânlardır. Hadislerde isim tamlaması halinde geçen Mescidü’l-Aksâ Kudüs’te, ayette sıfat tamlaması halinde geçen el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ ise semada bulunan bir mescid olmalıdır. Hamîdullah’ın bir başka iddiasına göre Buhârî’nin hocasının hocası Ebu’l-Yemân, mescitlerden bahseden hadisi naklederken bu mescitten el-Mescid’ül-Aksâ olarak değil Îliyâ’ diye söz etmektedir. Yani ona göre erken dönem kaynaklarında el-Mescidü’l-Aksâkavramı yer almayıpÎliyâ’kavramı kullanılmıştır. Şu ifadeler de Hamîdullah’a aittir: “…Müslim bu hadisi rivâyet ederken ne “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ne de “el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ifadelerini kullanır. Bunların yerine Îliyâ’” ifadesini kullanır”.Yine Hamîdullah’ın, -kendi ifadesiyle- zannına göre İsrâ sûresinin yedinci ayetinde geçen “el-Mescid” terimi de birinci ayetteki el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ için değil, bu Îliyâ’ için kullanılmıştır. Kezâ Hamîdullah’ın zannına göre Emevi halifesi Abdülmelik’in (26-86 h./646-705 m.) Kudüs’te inşa ettirdiği Kaya Mescid’ine (Mescidü’s-Sahre) verdiği Mescidü’l-Aksâ ismi, İmam Buhârî’nin yaşadığı devirde (194-256 h./810/870 m.) o kadar yaygın hale gelmişti ki o sırada bu Mescid’in eski adı olan Îliyâ’ tamamen unutulmuştu. İşte bu sebeple bazı hadis ravileri o devirde artık unutulmuş bulunan bu ismi ifade etmek ve onu anlatabilmek üzere daha yaygın olan Mescidü’l-Aksâ ismini kullanıyorlardı.Yukarıdaki veriler ve yaklaşımlar doğrultusundaHamîdullah’ın ileri sürdüğü görüş ve gerekçelerincelemeye vedeğerlendirmeye tabi tutulduğunda bunlarındoğru ve tutarlı olmadığı anlaşılmaktadır.Evvela belirtmek gerekir ki, Mescid-i Aksâ’nın semada olduğuna ilişkin ileri sürülen görüş ve iddialar, öncelikle Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te bulunduğuna işaret eden ayetlere ve söz konusu mescidin o topraklarda bulunduğuna delalet eden çok sayıda sahih hadise aykırı olduğu gibi tefsir kaynaklarına ve tarihî rivayetlere de ters düşmektedir. Buna mukabil İsrâ sûresinde zikredilen el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ’nın semada bulunduğuna dair ne bir ayet, ne de bir rivayet bulunmaktadır.Hamîdullah’ın, yeryüzünden göklerin ötesine yapılan muazzam bir hadisede Kur’ân’ın sadece Kudüs’ten bahsettiğini düşünmenin makul olmadığına dair görüşünün isabetli olmadığını düşünüyoruz. Çünkü bu muazzam hadisenin hangi bölümünün çok daha önemli olduğu veya hangi tarafının Kur’ân’da yer alması gerektiği hususu, insanların takdirini aşmaktadır. Bunun takdiri ancak Allah’a aittir. Ayrıca İsrâ sûresinin birinci ayetinde bahsedilen hadisenin, Mekke’den Beyt-i Makdise yapılan fevkalade bir yolculuktan ibaret olduğuna dair nakledilen bilgilerin, bir yorum ya da söylentiden ibaret olmayıp sahih hadislerle sabit olduğunu unutmamak gerekir. Rûm sûresinin üçüncü ayetine dayanarak Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te değil, semada olduğunu iddia etmek doğru değildir. Çünkü mezkûr ayette geçen “el-Ard” kelimesinin birkaç manaya gelme ihtimali vardır. Üstelik İsrâ sûresinin birinci ayetindeki “el-Aksâ” nitelemesi iki ülke arasındaki uzaklığı ifade için değil, iki mescit arasındaki mesafeyi ifade için zikredilmiştir. Bazı hadis metinlerinde Mescid-i Aksâ’nın “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” şeklinde isim tamlaması olarak zikredilmesi de söz konusu mescidin semada olmasını gerektirmez. Zira hadis metinlerinin pek çoğunda bu ifade sıfat tamlaması şeklinde kaydedilmiştir. Ayrıca bazı hadis metinlerinde Mescid-i Harâm da “el-Mescidü’l-Harâm” şeklinde sıfat tamlaması olarak değil, “Mescidü’l-Harâm” şeklinde isim tamlaması olarak kaydedilmektedir. Hamîdullah’ın mantığından hareket edilecek olursa Mescid-i Harâm’ı da yerde değil gökte aramak icap edecektir ki şu ana kadar ne Hamîdullah, ne de bir başkası böyle bir iddiada bulunmuştur. Hamîdullah’ın, Ebu’l-Yemân’ın bu mescitten el-Mescid’ül-Aksâ olarak değil Îliyâ’ diye söz ettiğini ileri sürerek erken dönem kayıtlarında el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ teriminin kullanılmadığına işaret etmesi de doğru bir tespit değildir. Çünkü gerek Ebu’l-Yemân’dan önce yaşamış olan gerekse Ebu’l-Yeman ile çağdaş olan hadis ve tarih otoriteleri, eserlerinde el-Mescidü’l-Aksâkavramını kullanmış ve bu kavramın Kudüs veya Beytü’l-Makdis ile ilgili olduğuna dair birçok rivayet kaydetmişlerdir. Hamîdullah’ın Müslim’de “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” veya “el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ifadelerinin yer almadığına, bunun yerine “Îliyâ’” ifadesinin kullanıldığına dair tespiti de hatalıdır. Zira Müslim, bu hadisi rivâyet ederken “Îliyâ’” ifadesinin yanı sıra “Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ve “el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ” ifadelerine de yer vermiştir.İsrâ sûresinin yedinci ayetinde geçen “el-Mescid” teriminin birinci ayetteki el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ için kullanılmadığını iddia etmek de mesnedsiz bir yorumdan ibarettir. Çünkü ayetlerin konteksi ve Arapça gramer kaideleri, İsrâ sûresinin yedinci ayetindeki mescitten kastın birinci ayetteki el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ için kullanıldığını sarahaten ortaya koymaktadır. Hamîdullah’ın, Emevilerin Kudüs’te yaptırdıkları mâbede Mescid-i Aksâ ismini verdiklerini, Emevilerden sonra Buhârî döneminde bu ifadenin giderek yaygınlaştığını ileri sürmesi de tenkid ve tartışmaya açıktır. Çünkü adı geçen mâbed, o dönemde Mescidü’l-Aksâ şeklinde değil, el-Mescidü’l-Câmi‘ olarak isimlendirilmektedir. Bu caminin ilk olarak el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ şeklinde isimlendirilmesi, Emevilerden yaklaşık üç asır sonrasına tekabül etmektedir. Buhârî’den önceki dönemlerde hadis kaynaklarında geçen el-Mescidü’l-Aksâ tabiri ise, Emevilerin yaptırdığı cami için değil,o günkü Kudüs’ün güney doğu köşesinde yer alan harem alanının tamamı için kullanılmıştır.Bütün bu bilgilerden, yapılan tenkid ve değerlendirmelerden, Mescid-i Aksâ’nın semada olduğuna dair Muhammed Hamîdullah tarafından ileri sürülen görüş ve iddiaların sağlam delillere dayanmayıp tatmin edici olmaktan uzak bir kısım tevillerden ibaret olduğu anlaşılmaktadır.

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Rus oryantalist Andrey Valeryeviç Germanoviç, şu iddialarda bulunmaktadır: Bir, Hz. Muhammed İslam’ı Yahudilik ve Hıristiyanlıktan yararlanarak, siyasî amaçlarına dönük olarak oluşturmuş ve dolayısıyla İslam, orijinal ilahî bir din değildir. İki, Resûlullah savaşı barışa öncelemiş, bu savaşların amacı da siyasî ve ganimet idi. Ayrıca Hz. Muhammed dini şiddet kullanarak yaymıştır. Üç, Hz. Peygamberin çok evliliklerinin sebebi siyasî ve erkek çocuk sahibi olmaktı. Hz. Muhammed’in, Hz. Zeynep ve Safiyye ile evlenmesinin sebebi şehevî duygulardı. Makalede Germanoviç’in ilgili iddiaları değerlendirilmekte ve şu tespitler yapılmaktadır: Germanoviç, Tarih ilminin temel ilkelerini dikkate almaksızın konuyu birtakım varsayım, genelleme ve ideolojik yaklaşımlar üzerinden temellendirmeye çalışmıştır. Bu usûl problemi ise yazarı yanlış sonuçlara götürmüştür.

Since the mid-1980s, Muslim jurists and theologians have discussed the permissibility of mass-scale Muslim permanent voluntary settlement in majority non-Muslim countries and the unique challenges Muslim minorities face in secularizing Christian societies. Their efforts constitute a new field in Islamic jurisprudence, fiqh al-aqalliyyāt al-Muslima (the religious law of Muslim minorities). A number of participants in this field have introduced analogies between present realities and the first hijra - the migration to Christian Abyssinia (Ethiopia) with the blessing of the Prophet Muhammad. The objectives of this article are twofold: (a) to point to the roles of these analogies in fiqh al-aqalliyyāt al-Muslima discourse and (b) to demonstrate how Islamic jurists and theologians interpret similar or almost similar mythical narratives to support conflicting arguments. The article draws on a qualitative reading of several dozen religious decisions, treatises and sermons by jurists and theologians collected from mosques, Islamic centres and libraries in Europe, as well as from online resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Ilahiyat Dergisi / Cumhuriyet Theology Journal is the property of Cumhuriyet Universitesi, Ilahiyat Fakultesi / Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The encyclopedias published in the West approach the Muhammad's prophecy in a reductionist manner. However, his political side is always highlighted. Even, Muhammad is depicted as a genius. The main motivation behind this approach is his prophecy period in Madina and the institutionalization as a result of the religious preach there. The prophet's preach period is always considered with the external focal points. According to this approach, Muhammad, who sought political aims, did not deviate from his aims but he revised his agenda many times. His approach and practices regarding the Christianity and Judaism are considered as the reason for these revisions. These comments, which were made based on the religious and cultural attachment, define the Islam as a project and Muhammad as an opportunist, who made an effort for this purpose. This study is limited to the western encyclopedias’ approach to the madina period. It is observed that the encyclopedias emphasize Muhammad’s political side and leadership, and assert that he uses every means, particularly Islam, to support this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An accurate understanding of the concept of the Sunnah is required to obtain accurate conclusions from assessments, discussions, and studies within the context of the Sunnah. This understanding is possible through comprehensive examination of the awareness of the Sunnah among the Companions (ṣaḥābah), who witnessed the age of the Prophet in every aspect. Indeed, current discussions and studies of the Sunnah highlight a single aspect of the problem. On some occasions, the concept "Sunnah" is presented within a reductive approach as narratives (riwāyah) that offer jurisprudential solutions for secondary problems. Other times, behavior-centered definitions transform the Sunnah into a domain that can be experienced only at the imitative level. Consequently, the multidimensional structure of the concept is restricted, and it becomes nonfunctional in terms of providing a way of thinking and a perception of the world. In this paper, due to the vastness of subject, this problem is examined on the basis of a single example, namely, ʿAbd Allāh ibn Masʿūd (d. 32/652), a prominent Companion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hz. Peygamber 35 yaşından sonra Hira’da uzlete çekilmiştir. O burada vahiy alana kadar zaman zaman tek başına kalmıştır. Vahiy meleği ilk vahyi burada iken getirmiştir. Hz. Muhammed’in burayı uzlet için tercih etmesinde kendisinden önce Mekkelilerden örneklerin bulunması etkili olmuştur. Ayrıca buranın Mekke’ye yakın olmakla birlikte şehrin kalabalık ve gürültüsünden etkilenmeyecek bir noktada bulunmasının rolü vardır. Diğer taraftan Hira’nın Kâbe’yi net bir şekilde görebilecek bir konumda olması Hz. Peygamber’in uzlet için burayı kullanmasında önemli etkenlerdendir. Zira uzlet için bile olsa Hz. Peygamber, Kâbe’den tamamen uzak kalmamak için Hira’da kalmış, böylece buranın konumundan yararlanarak Kâbe’ye olan özlemini gidermeye çalışmıştır

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Bu makalede Alevî telakkîde Hz. Muhammed konusu ele alınmaktadır. Toplumda Alevîliğin sıhhatli bir şekilde bilinmemesi olgusuna bağlı olarak Alevîlikte Hz. Muhammed’in konumunun da bilinmediği aşikardır. Alevîlik son tahlilde bir tasavvuf yoludur. Alevîlikte Hz. Muhammed, genel İslâmî kabuller yanında tasavvuf hayatı bağlamında da merkezi bir konuma sahiptir. Nitekim, Alevîlikte tasavvuf hayatı bağ- lamında birtakım âdâb-erkân, ritüeller, uygulamalar ve sembollerin hep ‘son peygamber Hz. Muhammed’ ile anlamlandırıldığı görülmektedir. Başta Hz. Ali olmak üzere bütün yol ulularına atfedilen önemin de Hz. Peygamber üzerinden yapıldığı malumdur. Deyişin ifadesiyle “Gün Muhammed, ay Ali’dir.”

Much like religious objects produced and consumed elsewhere in the Islamic world, images of Muhammad are often associated with acts of play and worship, their power to cultivate joy and direct religious feelings in various faith communities strengthened in large part by their remove from the commodity situation. As scholars of visual and material culture have highlighted, a product is never merely an object to be acquired and used, stripped of symbolic import and application. On the contrary, it is a thoroughly socialized commodity central to cultural practices of exchange—of sending and receiving social messages—that take place in regimes of value. Within postrevolutionary Iran in particular, images and objects depicting the Prophet Muhammad have been manufactured en masse over the past three decades, catering to official regime ideology and popular devotional practices alike. This study explores how these types of prophetic products serve to visually reinforce and materially reify narratives about the ascendancy of the Shi’i faith, the legitimacy of Islamic governance, and the value of martyrdom within the larger religious and political landscape of contemporary Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

No other people are mentioned in the Qurʾān as often as the people of Israel. They appear in sixteen sūrahs and approximately forty verses by name (banū Isrāʾīl)). The Qurʾān also makes reference to the Jews either by name (al-yahūd/hūd) or within the context of the people of the book (ahl al-kitāb). This paper aims to discuss the Qurʾānic verses about the Jews and the people of Israel in terms of the naming and the content. Key questions to be addressed are: What is the purpose of the frequent mention of the people of Israel in the Qurʾān? What is the context and the content of the verses about the Jews and the people of Israel both in Meccan and Medinan sūrahs? What message or messages are intended to or can be conveyed by these verses? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a special day or time of the year, festivals have ordinarily been celebrated by the communities since ancient times on some special local events, often religions events. The era of the Prophet and the Jahiliyyah (Age of Ignorance/pre-Islamic Arabia) differed greatly in festivals. After the Prophet Muhammad's invitation to Islam, Ramadan (fasting month) (eid al-fitr) and adha (Pilgrimage and sacrifice) (eid al-adha) festivals were practiced by Muslims instead of non-Islamic pagan festivals. The Prophet Muhammad's practices on eid al-fitr and eid al-adha have given Muslims more knowledge and greater understanding about Islamic religious festivals and had a major influence on the forms of celebrations during Islamic history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the beginning of the descending of the Qur'an, it was protected by the Prophet Muhammad himself and his Companions by memorizing. This article examines how the believers have showed great endeavour in the protecting of the Qur'an through memorizing of the whole Qur'an since the time of the Prophet Muhammad until our time and deals with the institution of being hafız (memorizing the whole Qur'an by heart) in this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prophet Muhammad has been taken by the Sūfīs as the best model for their spiritual life. Though they profess that the prophethood came to an end, they hold that the sainthood of the Prophet Muhammad has been continued by the perfect believers. Engaging themselves in the ideal of becoming a perfect man pleased by God on the model of the Prophet Muhammad, the Sūfīs present themselves as heirs to this sainthood. For they take as the basis of their teaching the following and continuation of the Prophet Muhammad's model whom they view to be the best guide in practical and ethical sense. Yet their view of the Prophet Muhammad as the best human model embodies itself not only in their ethical and practical but also metaphsical teachings. For example, one can mention such Sūfī concepts as "the Muhammadan Light (al-Nūr al-Muhammadī)" and "the Muhammadan Truth (al-'aqīqah al-Muhammadiyyah)." This paper, however, will focus on the Prophet Muhammad as a spiritual model for the Sūfis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is intended to discuss the Companions' reactions against the impolite behaviors the Prophet incurred directly or indirectly. It also deals with some behaviors which the companions took as rudeness against the Prophet though the behaviors were not such. By examining the nature of such reactions of the companions, this article investigates the factors that impact the shaping of these reactions, focusing on how the Prophet dealt with these reactions. Lastly, the study investigates the divine warnings that were sent to defend the Prophet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Out of their human nature, people may make mistake and perform rude actions. The companions of the Prophet, who fulfilled important functions in the protection of the prophetic culture and its transmission to the later generations, erred sometimes and displayed some unkind behaviors. This human nature of theirs sometimes appeared in their interactions with the Prophet, whom they regarded as their everything and hold dearer than themselves. This study first describes some unkind words and behaviors of the companions towards the Prophet and his reactions to them. Then, it analyzes the contents of such impolite words and behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First, I argue for historical contextualization of the Qur'an as a given historical collection of discourses propagated by Muhammad as divine inspiration. Secondly, I argue for a distinction between the Qur'an and Islam, since the latter is the outcome of human efforts to construct their lives in accordance with what they understood to be the teachings of the Qur'an. The last point is to show how the role of Muhammad in his interaction with the communities of his time in Hijaz shaped the Qur'an. So, the article is organized as (1) introduction; (2) the Qur'an and lslam; (3) the Qur'an and history: open hermeneutics; (4) Muhammad and the Qur'an; (5) the divine-human communication; (6) Muhammad: the first recipient; (7) Muhammad in the Qur'an; and (8) the community of believers and the need for legal regulations; followed by (9) conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deals with excessive perceives of the companions about the Prophet Muhammad. It is insvetigated that real understanding the Prophet is living the Religion/Islam, then, styles of the companions' extreme senses about him and emphasized on the causes. It is analyzied that relation between obeying/knowing the Prophet and practising the Religion correctly, and then taking excesses of the companions' viewpoints, these are examined if they are appropriate with identiy of the Prophet as a mankind and a prophet. And then, giving some examples, it is tried to be interpreted on the Prophet's attitude against the extreme viewpoints about him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, Prophet's propaganda methods, techniques and practices have been examined. By 'Prophet's propaganda' is meant his effort and attempts on the introduction and the proclamation of Islamic doctrine to others and the efforts to influence and direct people for the benefit of Islam and Muslims within the framework of the Islamic thought and purposes. Psychological war to make chaos and deformity at the opposing party and counter propaganda methods and techniques having the aim of counteraction of the opponent propaganda and replacing it with the Islamic understanding are also included in this effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]