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This article verifies how regular migrants are inserted into the labour markets of receiving countries. The analysis will be made with reference to the position of neo-classical economists relating to the insertion of immigrants in the labour markets of host countries. Reference will also be made to existing data on the dynamics of the integration of authorized migrants in the labour force of OECD and EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at assessing the extent to which Turkey is integrated in the global political economy with respect to both the technological and the economic dimensions. This paper will achieve this aim by first providing for a technological definition of globalization. It will then proceed by assessing the degree of integration of Turkey in the technological progress necessary to catch up with the globalization progress. Finally, the analysis will move to the degree of integration of the country in the global political economy on the basis of the traditional indicators of integration, such as the share of global FDIs, the share of Global Mergers and Acquisitions and the share of global exports. Conclusions will be drawn to identify problems and solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The refugee crisis of 2014/15 produced a huge stress on the already controversial EU common approach to migration and asylum from third countries. This article shows that securitization of the European border has increased after the refugee crisis of 2014/15 especially on the Eastern and Central Mediterranean routes. To this aim, it will first analyse the dynamics of regular and irregular migration to the EU by third country nationals in general. It will then move to the 2014/2015 refugee crisis emphasizing the role that the Mediterranean route had in it. The article will give some insights about the explanations proposed to the securitization of migratory policy, and to its externalization especially after the refugee crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some of that damage had, in fact, been done by the EU institutions themselves by focussing exclusively on the eurozone crisis as a fiscal crisis and thereby taking fiscal austerity measures to resolve it. This is true if we compare the EU response to the Covid-19 crisis with what happened when the eurozone crisis hit the so called GIIPS countries (Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal and Spain). [Extracted from the article]

Far from enabling France to enhance its power over European monetary policy, the Euro has served to consolidate the Federal Republic of Germany's primacy in Europe. We argue that German policies that have underwritten this primacy are determined not primarily by the ordoliberal ideas of German state managers, but rather because these ideas correspond to the requirements of Germany's neo-mercantilist export model and the interests of its most powerful socio-economic actors. Germany's material/corporate interests—and its particular domestic and regional predicament— create enormous obstacles to the abandonment of ordoliberalism and the adoption of the more expansive fiscal policies that most observers believe are necessary to sustain the Eurozone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the condition of women in the MENA area in the light of the challenges faced by those countries within the context of globalization. It argues that, if the position of the MENA countries in the global political economy is increasingly marginalized, this is even truer for women, who are left behind in the process of up-skilling necessary to catch up with the increasing technological demands imposed by globalization. Moreover, the crisis of the Arab state within globalization seems to produce an increasing radicalization of society, with all that this means in terms of further marginalization of women. In this article a transnationalist conceptualization of globalization is adopted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

That the lack of competitiveness of EU member states in the wake of the globalization era was a problem from the start of EMU is clear from the various interventions on this issue by the European institutions. These started from the White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment, of 1993, up to the various versions of the Lisbon agenda and agenda 2020. It might even be possible to hypothesize, in line with Colin Crouch and the literature on the political economy of competitiveness, that the establishment of EMU was an attempt to regain some of the competitiveness lost with the advent of the era of globalization. Accordingly, the role of the ECB to save the Eurozone dominant socio-economic sectors has been divided into two phases. In the first phase, the strategy was to rely on the depreciation of the euro vis-à-vis the dollar, which indeed gave some results in the first years of life of the European currency. With respect to the present phase, it is undeniable that the burden of the costs of the global financial crisis fell on the weakest countries of the system, through the two related phenomena of the sovereign debt crisis and the ensuing austerity programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global financial crisis was an unprecedented blow to the global economy whose consequences still need to be fully appreciated. The last phase to date in the unfolding of the crisis was the outburst of a sovereign debt crisis in the euro area, first in Greece, in May 2010, then in Ireland at the end of November 2010 and finally to all the members of the so-called PIIGS group (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain). In this paper, the run on the sovereign debt of the ‘PIIGS’ group of European Union (EU) member states is analysed within the context of the structural asymmetries of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It tries to identify the impact of the crisis on the future of the EMU and of the PIIGS within it. Far from having been socialized among the members of the eurozone and of the EU through the adoption of a real common fiscal policy and the attribution to the European Central Bank of its natural role as lender of last resort, the burden of the costs of the crisis was inflicted on the weakest countries of the system through austerity and internal devaluation. It remains to be seen if this is a price worth paying in exchange for fiscal stability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented where in the editor discusses articles published within the issue on topics including challenges faced by women in the Mediterranean region, inequalities faced by women in the society, and women's part in the labor market.

This paper seeks to understand whether the global financial crisis - and the subsequent, alleged, crisis of the City of London - is likely to modify the relationship between the industrial and the financial components of the British capitalist elite and put an end to British 'exceptionalism'. I argue that the crisis mostly impacted on the labour force of the British and global financial sector and produced a restructuring that consolidated and enhanced the political economy relevance of the City of London. By no means did the crisis result in a decrease of the hegemonic power of the City of London. Instead, it confirmed its capacity to influence the decision-making process of the British government in favour of its preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 crisis caused unprecedented disruption in terms of human losses, economic damages, social isolation, and general malaise. It seems that, although the advice of the scientific communities to adopt rigorous measures of track and tracing, mass testing, and lock down was often considered at odds with economic performance, eventually it was precisely that kind of advice that avoided the economic debacle. This article will try and find out the reasons why Italy was more efficient and effective in implementing the measures suggested by national and transnational scientific communities. The article will do so by answering the following questions: (1) What are the political determinants of the different state responses to the pandemic? (2) Why have epistemic communities' receipts to exit the COVID-19 crisis been ignored in some countries to follow a misguided economic logic? (3) Has the state response to the crisis anything to do with the importance of neo-liberalism and neo-liberal forces in the organization of the economy or have populist countries been less efficient than others as suggested in the recent literature on the subject? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]