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This research examines the portrayal of both male and female homosexuality in Spanish cinema between the years 1970 and 1979. In order to achieve this objective, a sample of 575 feature films produced and released over the course of the decade was selected, and a total of 74 films were chosen from this sample. The recurrence of films containing representations of both male and female homosexuality during the five years preceding and following the conclusion of the dictatorship is examined. From the perspective of narrative theory, a quantitative character analysis is conducted to ascertain traits pertaining to age, educational level, openness, family integration, socio-economic status, and personal care of the identified profiles. This analysis reveals the emergence of distinct typologies in late-Francoist cinema that diverge from those observed in the narratives produced during the early years of the Transition, particularly regarding the portrayal of both male and female homosexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial flourishing of graphic narratives in Spain provided memoirs and fictionalisations of the civil war and the dictatorship at the core of the phenomenon. I analyse the transmission of paternal memories in the works of Miguel Ángel Gallardo and Francisco Gallardo (Un largo silencio, 1997) and Antonio Altarriba and Kim (El arte de volar, 2009). While both Gallardo and Altarriba collect and (re)produce their father's memories, I point out their distinct approaches that echo two different zeitgeists of representation. The spirit of the Spanish transition – the so-called 'Pact of Silence' – that prevails in Gallardo's patrilineal account, was revisited throughout a sort of Lacanian père-version in Altarriba's narrative. The latter perverts, in form and substance, the Transition as a patrilineal norm, constituting a transgression from the symbolic status quo, from the silence that actually prevails in both Gallardo's story and the transition itself, although without abandoning the patriarchal lineage and scope. I argue that while that patrilineal account is symbolic, celebratory and literal in Un largo silencio, such patrilineality unfolds as imaginary, inquisitive and literary in Altarriba's narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-19th century and until the 1964 study programme, students at the Madrid School of Architecture had to undergo various entrance exams for university. Women architects in Francoist Spain represented a mere 5% of the profession, a gender gap only overcome many years after the democratic restoration. Yet most of them did not consider feminism as a matter major concern, since the lack of freedom in Spain held greater importance for women that gender issues, which were relegated to a secondary position in public discussions. Starting in 1985, with the development of the Autonomous Regions in Spain and its accession to the European Economic Community, the country underwent a propound transformation. Former generations of women architects would then play a relevant professional role. This paper aims to expose, through the chronological sequence of their graduation—initially in a testimonial and isolated manner and later forming small networks—how their professional careers developed. This chronological approach, as well as a study of their links from a series of conversations with several women architects that studied and/or set their practice during the years of the democratic transition allows us to conclude that they were not only pioneers but also role models and mentors to each other. Their status as a determined minority is reflected in the relationships they established, with friendships and student complicity that accompanied them throughout their lives, as confirmed by their professional collaborations, comments, and vivid memories of their belonging to a group or community.

The paper aims to develop a comparative perspective that allows the reader to explore the traces of authoritarian systems in contemporary Polish and Spanish culture. The point of departure is the research of Polish scholars from the Post-Dependence Studies Centre, who examine Polish culture with postcolonial tools adapted to the post-communist context. From there, the article attempts to formulate a methodological framework – the so-called post-authoritarian subaltern studies – applicable to post-Franco and post-communist culture, particularly the presence of subaltern characters in contemporary cultural texts. In accordance with the proposed methodology, the author analyses three texts: Homo Polonicus (1992) by Marek Nowakowski, Los mares del sur by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán (1979) and Amado amo (1988) by Rosa Montero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article proposes a review of the transición period and first decades of the Autonomous Community of the Canary Islands, focusing on the role played by the traditional power groups of the islands of Tenerife and Gran Canaria, which have fiercely confronted each other since the beginning of the 19th century. The analysis confirms the central position occupied by these groups during the years preceding and following the birth of the Autonomous Community, innovatively approaching the set of political actions developed by these elites as a countermobilization. To this end, the article identifies and deals with four dynamics that emerged with the transition and threatened to disrupt the status quo in the islands. Then, it analyses some of the reactions deployed by the pleito insular elites, triggered mostly by the anxiety felt by these groups in the face of such dynamics. Based on this new perspective, the party Coalición Canaria is presented as the most important outcome of the countermobilization under examination, becoming an effective instrument that has had the capacity to shape the archipelago's political order, to a large extent, according to the will of those elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Language & Law / Revista de Llengua i Dret is the property of Revista de Llengua i Dret and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes how the concept of desencanto (disenchantment) was framed within the political discourse of the Spanish democratic transition as a way of delegitimizing radical political actors and normalizing the realpolitik of elite consensus. Through an analysis of the ubiquitous mainstream press usage of the term between 1977 and 1982, I argue that the combination of emotional and temporal meanings assigned to the concept worked to reinforce the moderation exhibited by government positions. Desencanto represented the disappointment or sadness felt by those hoping for a revolutionary rupture with Franco's dictatorship, which was associated to nostalgia or pathological relationships of the past. With the "revolution," or "utopia" of the past, critics made clear that the radical Left was nostalgic or unrealistic for political projects that did not belong in a modern democracy, exclusively understood from the single and present-oriented politics of moderation and the possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Descarriadas is a monologue about an atrocious legacy of Francoism: the internment in the centres of the Patronato de Protección a la Mujer (1941-1984) of girls considered descarriadas, that is, stragglers. To end up in these reformatories, it was enough to deviate even slightly from the morals imposed by the regime and to be reported by supervisors in charge of this type of control. Among the shocking aspects of the story, the continuation of this practice and the existence of the centres until the mid-1980s stands out. Over a period of forty years, this phenomenon involved thousands of girls: another example of a silenced intra-history that the play transforms into a cry, giving voice to the victims.

El crack (1981), El crack dos (1983) and El crack cero (2019) by José Luis Garci make up a trilogy that adapts the genre of American film noir to Madrid's reality during the Transition, spanning from the months before the death of Francisco Franco until 1982. This article analyzes what we consider to be the main expressive key of the three titles: the visual continuity and complementarity between Germán Areta, the leading detective, and Madrid's views. We detected two aesthetic patterns sustained throughout the trilogy: the urban landscape shots presented in an internal dialogue with Areta's gaze and the non-narrative successions of pictures of the city, where there's no depiction of the protagonist. Both resources allow us to deploy a textual analysis of the films to illustrate how that citycharacter progression is built, typical of classic film noir but much more radical in the hands of Garci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay analyzes the representation of institutionalized torture in 1980's Spanish cinema as it denounces police practices during the early years of Democracy. Consequently, this essay studies and examines the data on tortures practiced during the Spanish Transition based on Sophie Baby's and Ignacio Mendiola's research. It also analyzes the role torture has in a democratic government in conversation with Darius Rejali's work. Under this premise, the essay examines two films which have been celebrated due to the different topics they show on screen and the different perspectives they represent within Spanish cinema, yet both express a clear representation of state torture. These movies are: El crimen de Cuenca (1979) and La muerte de Mikel (1984). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the consideration of the problems generated by the disorderly growth of the Andalusian cities in the 1960's, this paper proposes to analyze how a change of orientation occurred during the Transition in the search for the solution of these problems in the urban field, hand in hand with the neighborhood movement and various professional groups, specially that of architects. In particular, the article considers this collaboration essential to understand the change from a remedial urban planning to a more proactive one, with a morfologist root, materialized in the generation of Local Urban Plans approved by the first democratic City Councils throughout the 1980's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Descarriadas is a monologue about an atrocious legacy of Francoism: the internment in the centres of the Patronato de Protección a la Mujer (1941-1984) of girls considered descarriadas, that is, stragglers. To end up in these reformatories, it was enough to deviate even slightly from the morals imposed by the regime and to be reported by supervisors in charge of this type of control. Among the shocking aspects of the story, the continuation of this practice and the existence of the centres until the mid-1980s stands out. Over a period of forty years, this phenomenon involved thousands of girls: another example of a silenced intra-history that the play transforms into a cry, giving voice to the victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The origin of the union ESK (Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia) took place in the context of the Spanish Democratic Transition in the Basque Country and Navarre, when many radical unions and political parties emerged and disappeared. Its survival may help us trace better the effectiveness of union renewal strategies. Characterized by high conflict and mobilization rates at the company level, ESK militants sought to promote direct action and horizontal organizational structures standing at the opposite end of the model promoted by the new brand CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). The origin and development of ESK cannot be understood without the parallel analysis of the communist political party EMK (Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista). ESK turned out to be the most effective and long-lasting materialization of EMK's strategy of mass politics, and of what we conceive as a form of 'integral militancy' that is reflected in the immersion of union activists in ecologist, feminist, internationalist and anti-NATO struggles among others. EMK had a significant role in the promotion of unitary candidacies during the late 1970s and early 1980s, becoming the consolidation of a non-independentist non-centralized radical union model that continues to be referential among Basque struggles today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that during the Spanish Transition (1975–1982) there was a gradual semantic displacement that would strongly condition subsequent usages of the terms "terrorism", "democracy" and "Constitution" in mass public discourse as supposedly designating self-evident realities, rather than ontologically unstable and socially constructed entities. While the meaning of these three signifiers had been hotly debated as part of the transitional process, by 1982 "democracy" had been reduced to its understanding as a reform of (rather than a break with) the Franco regime; "terrorism" was consistently used in public discourse as synonymous with sub-State political violence (as opposed to State political violence); and the so-called "Constitution" had assumed the mantle of sacrosanct foundation of the current "democratic" order. Accordingly, since the Spanish Transition, real and fabricated "terrorist" attacks have been constantly instrumentalised to reinforce (the perceived need of protecting) "democracy" by opposition, particularly as enshrined in the 1978 "Constitution". From the perspectives of cultural sociology and critical discourse analysis, I carry out a critical revisionist account of the classical state-centric views on the transitional period to show how the Spanish post-transitional regime has been built not only despite terrorism, but also through it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to observe the transformation of photojournalism along Spanish Transition through a comparative analysis between two national newspapers: El País and ABC and a regional one: La Voz de Galicia. Try to check to what extent the trend pointed by El País was followed by the rest of the newspapers. It uses a sample of relevant news and is complemented by an interview with the photojournalist from La Voz de Galicia Xosé Castro.Results show that El País, from the beginning, establishes new paradigms in photojournalism; but these are not followed by the other newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Carmen Martín Gaite's adaptation of Gil Vicente's Tragicomedia de Don Duardos (c. 1522), produced in 1978 by the Centro Nacional de Iniciación del Niño y el Adolescente al Teatro (CNINAT). The CNINAT was a branch of the Dirección General de Teatro y Espectáculos and the Ministerio de Cultura. Despite only four years of activity after it was created during the Spanish Transition, the CNINAT had a considerable impact on cultural policies geared toward children's education, especially through the performing arts. Founded by stage director José María Morera, the Center became a civic engagement initiative committed to promoting theater as an experiential tool for the new generation coming of age during complex political change in their most vulnerable, formative years. Within this context, Martín Gaite's adaptation of Don Duardos represents a paradigmatic experiment for two reasons. On the one hand, the adaptation emphasizes the novelist's prolonged commitment to developing and nurturing socially engaged children's literature. On the other, it exemplifies how it was possible to recast early modern Peninsular theater as a progressive, inclusive cultural legacy that guided young audiences to new values and ideals that gradually took hold during the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will examine the significance of the alternative film scene, as seen in the Spanish militant cinema of this period, through an analysis of the film Les energies ('The energies') (1979–80) by the Cooperativa de Cinema Alternatiu (CCA – Alternative Cinema Cooperative) that helped to trigger the debate on the energy question in Spain in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The militant Spanish cinema of that time was produced in some exceptionally precarious conditions as well as had limited access to financial resources and remained marginal to official film industry systems. The article will discuss how these production conditions led the CCA to adopt a specific material filmmaking mode with a low ecological impact. Emerging as a consequence of a production context marked by precariousness and (semi-)clandestinity, it was a mode of production developed in parallel to the rise of environmental awareness in Spain, which had – as the first part of this article explores – a decisive influence on the CCA. In turn, as the article goes on to discuss, the environmentalist discourse would itself end up determining the narrative content of one of the CCA's most important films, Les energies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of participatory cinephilia in the resistance to censorship near the end of the Franco regime in Spain (1968–1974). It takes as its case study the letters pages, or Consultorio, of "Mr Belvedere" in the commercial Barcelona-based film magazine Nuevo Fotogramas. Reconstructing as much as possible the identities and concerns of those who wrote to the magazine, the paper concentrates above all on the distinctive style and mode of address of "Mr Belvedere" and the relationship and community that he built up with suffering cinéfilos and cinéfagos deprived of films, in whole or in part, by the censor. The paper concludes that the Consultorio not only had a key function in the continued transmission of film knowledge under the dictatorship, but that Mr Belvedere's playful and ironic style was consistent with the overall disposition of Nuevo Fotogramas, whose deliberate frivolity was in itself a challenge to the regime's values and norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Language (auto)biographies became a burgeoning genre during the Spanish transition, largely thanks to the dissemination of various works by Francesc Candel. During those years, anonymous citizens and political representatives from almost all the parliamentary spectrum recounted their own language autobiography or the biography of a close person in order to position themselves in the public debate and, if possible, to condition the political debate of the constituent period (1978). It was generally accepted that the monolingualism that had characterised Francoism could not be part of democratic Spain. The Spanish transition was a period of long and varied debates about languages, generated mainly in the field of journalism and politics.

This article focuses on the creation of communes within the last years of Franco's dictatorship and Spain's transition to democracy (1968–1986). Specifically, it analyses why some self-considered counter-cultural and young people conceived the communes as an alternative to the family in a general debate about social organization. Responding to an ontological turn in history, the article shows that communes were expected to carry out a personal revolution and open a way to realise a harmonious social relationship by the practical implementation of a set of assumptions about both the world and human nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the literary discourses of Basque novels that deal with the memory of the Spanish Civil War, and to compare them with the sociopolitical context in which they were published. Firstly, we offer a summary of the period from the Spanish transition to the dissolution of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Euskadi and Freedom), focusing on the factors that worked either in favour of or against remembrance of the war. Then we interpret accounts of the war in Basque novels. Finally, our conclusion is that, in general terms, there is a parallelism between political and literary dynamics, although by the 1990s Basque novels were ahead of the times in seeing the need to provide a new, critical image of the Civil War; in the political field, however, that process was to take place at the beginning of the new millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cecilia Bartolomé has been the most controversial and dissident movie director of Spanish Cinema during late Francoism and Transition. This article pretends to show the polemics suffered by two of her most critical films: Margarita y el lobo (1969), the end-of-course assignment of the Official Cinema School; and Después de... (1981), co-directed with her brother José Juan Bartolomé. Through the analysis of the administrative problems of these two films, a comparative analysis between both will be made to understand what content is controversial in each period and how the censorship attacks the movies of this film director not just in the dictatorial period, but also during the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The iaioflautas movement, which emerged in the course of the indignados protests in Spain in 2011, is one of the few social movements that explicitly organize around a "grandparents' identity." This article analyzes the movement against the historical backdrop of the Spanish transición, in particular the characteristic absence of transitional justice and the pacto del olvido —the 'pact of oblivion' regarding the political violence of the civil war and the dictatorship. I argue, first, that the emergence of the movement indicates a general shift in the memory debate in Spain, problematizing the memory of transición itself against the backdrop of the crisis. The iaioflautas organize as active historical witnesses to support the younger protesters' mobilizations, not least by testifying to their historical legacy, that is the struggle for democracy. They thus draw on the hegemonic transition narrative and reframe it at the same time, echoing the indignados' slogan "Real Democracy Now." Second, I show that the iaioflautas' explicit organization around a generational identity on the one hand re-organizes this generational unit of activists that for long had been cast aside from public memory in Spain, while on the other hand it facilitates intergenerational transmission of collective memory and repertoires of contention within the indignados movement. In addition, the concomitant "family narrative" of generativity, that is, of caring for the younger generations, allows addressing a much broader audience, thus adapting to the constraints of the arena, in avoiding the acerbic political divisions that usually characterize an engagement with historical memory in this particular post-civil-war and post-dictatorship context. Third, the iaioflautas offer an example of "remembering hope," that is, they pass on their own experiences of solidarity, agency, and democratic opportunities in order to encourage the younger generations' protest and political imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an approach from the perspective of Affect Theory to the work of the Sevillian Nazario Luque, specifically to his comic Purita (1975-77), which will be contextualised within the framework of the Spanish Transition. First, I will analyse the development of underground culture and feminism, as well as their influences on the creation of an emotional community. Then, I will examine the character of Purita as an icon of her society. In this sense, the value of Nazario's work is notable; his creation exemplifies the birth and development of a new structure of feeling. Thus, we will delve into some aspects --family, society, and sexuality-- in order to articulate Nazario's vision in the sensitive period of pre-democratic Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a reflection of the imminent change from late Francoism to the Spanish transition, discourses emerged in film narratives which portrayed aspects of society practically unaddressed until then, such as the LGTBIQ+ content, the "quinqui" marginality or the 'S' cinema. Madrid and Barcelona are presented as the main settings for new discursive constructs that portray a generation which differed from the preceding Francoist modes. This research analyses and exposes the synergy between characters and urban settings by which the city acts as an emotional map of the story and a location for change in the first films of Spanish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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