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Copyright of Prometeus: Filosofia em Revista is the property of Prometeus: Filosofia em Revista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Classica: Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Classicos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mare Nostrum is the property of Revista Mare Nostrum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Romanitas: Revista de Estudos Greco-Latinas is the property of Universidade Federal do Espirito Santo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Phaos is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The following essay appraises two lives from an historian's perspective. The awareness by the one man, Augustine, of the other, Apuleius, necessarily through the latter's repute and writings, reflects significant lived experiences shared by both. This familiarity, we suggest, shaped important ways in which Augustine configured his own life story and thinking. Most of the linkages attested in the evidence—ones of place, experience, and thought—were African in nature. These commonalities suggest the substantial impact of a local African cultural world, which, no matter how much formed by external ideas and concepts, was a lived-in medium that formed the perception and presentation of their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophical and religious voices in the imperial period and Late Antiquity emphasized individual responsibility and free will, including, from the early Christian side, anti-"Gnostic" (and later anti-Manichean) defenses of free will against determinism. This essay concentrates on the rather neglected author Bardaisan, who rejected the deterministic astrological arguments maintained by Stoics, "Gnostics," and "Chaldeans," and, like Origen, argued that human free will, as a gift of God, is not influenced by stars and zodiacal configurations at one's birth but depends on one's intellect ("ethical intellectualism"). New convergences between their ideas are pointed out, as well as Bardaisan's novel argument against "climatic" astrological determinism and its influence on later Christian authors. The essay investigates the impact that Bardaisan's antideterministic ideas exerted—sometimes without being recognized—in Late Antiquity and the ways in which his novel argument against climatic astrological determinism was received and reused. A network of reception that is ultimately closely linked to Bardaisan thus emerges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Punto Género is the property of Revista Punto Genero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a fresh reading of Justin's Second Apology. It focuses on that text's narrative sections—the so-called martyrdom of Ptolemaeus and Lucius, and Justin's own rift with Crescens. It demonstrates both these stories' intratextual links, and their intertextual ties with contemporary mid-2d century literature—Achilles Tatius' Greek novel Leucippe and Clitophon, and Apuleius' Latin Apology. These in turn reveal the sophisticated rhetorical devices Justin employs, his goals in so doing, and the consequences for our understanding of the supposed new genre of Christian "apology." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the special edition presents a literature review of scholarship on Justin, demonstrating via his traditional monikers ("Justin Martyr," "Justin of Neapolis," "Justin the Philosopher," and "Justin the Apologist") the need for a fresh treatment, here dubbed "Justin of Rome"—which properly embeds Justin in his imperial setting, encompassing both the literary and historical landscape of the 2d century AD. It teases out connections between the papers that follow and offers a synthesis of the contribution of the special edition, read as a whole, to our understanding not just of this one thinker but of early Christian literature and history more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coinage of Bar Kosiba (Bar Kokhba), the leader of the Second Jewish Revolt (132–135/6 CE), has long been acknowledged as a source of data for understanding the ideology and goals of the rebel regime he headed. In particular, the imagery and legends on Bar Kosiba's tetradrachms have been the subject of many interpretations and controversies. This article proposes that the facade of the temple on the obverse of Bar Kosiba's tetradrachms and the four species on its reverse side are complementary symbols, joined together to represent the future inauguration ceremony of the restored temple. Furthermore, this imagery on the tetradrachms may have been intended to respond to the coins issued to commemorate the founding of the colony of Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium Yearbook / Millennium -- Jahrbuch is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of the sources and structure of the Octavius have for long concluded that there lays no authorial intention that is not merely rhetorical behind the "mosaistic" mode of composition of Minucius Felix's apologetic dialogue, its borrowings from Cicero (especially his De natura deorum) being a mere tribute to the dialogic tradition and its bipartite framework mindlessly reproducing the rhetorical exercise of the controversia (thesis-antithesis). The present investigation aims to surpass this "reductionistic approach" by studying not only the structure of the dialogue but also the contents of its exordium (Chapters 2–4) and its epilogus (Chapters 39–40)—all of which betray Minucius Felix's intentions to present his work as an exhortatio (ad Christianitatem) on the model of Cicero's Hortensius. Moreover, we contend that by assuming for the Octavius the form of a protreptic discourse—with its essentially undogmatic character and curricular dependency upon further dogmatic instruction—, we might open up novel horizons from which making sense of two of the most ingrained interpretative problems hitherto emerged in Minucian studies: the Octavius' dogmatic silence, and the apocryphal character of Minucius' De fato. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the genres of ancient Christian exegesis and envisages patristic exegesis with regard to questions of „Introduction in the New Testament“ (authorship, dating, localizing, adversaries, stylistic characteristics). Identifications of the authors with biblical persons are prevalent; no extra-textual framing is important. Comparable with modern exegesis are the method of temporal ordering the Pauline epistles, the stylistic comparison between the Gospel of John and the Apocalypse, sometimes also the description of adversaries refuted in the Pauline and Catholic Epistles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moreana is the property of Edinburgh University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to explore the origins of the inclusion of the diamerismos—the division of the earth between Noah's sons—as epoche in Greek historical periodization. It is based on the assumption that supputationes are a basic element of Greek chronological literature, although neglected by recent research, and can be very useful as identifiers of chronological sources and traditions. Several Greek supputationes from the 3d to the 10th century will be addressed as evidence. There was no agreement on the inclusion of this epoche between Greek historians and chronologers, so the analysis is restricted to examples which include it. The origin of this situation can be traced to the conflation of Africanus and Eusebius in a chronicle work from Creation, with addition of other elements and possible updatings. The contribution of Africanus to this chronological scheme can be seen as a most essential element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Philologus -- Zeitschrift für Antike Literatur und Ihre Rezeption is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Im theoretischen Kapitel I phylosophorum symias minime poetas esse i setzt der Affen-Vergleich das Dichterwerk nicht zur Schöpfungsordnung ins Verhältnis, sondern zu jenem Denkraum, den der Philosoph mit den Instrumenten der Logik erzeugt: I Phylosophus, ut satis patet, silogizando reprobat quod minus verum existimat, et eodem modo approbat quod intendit, et hoc apertissime, prout potest i I . i Mithilfe von Syllogismen, dem Beweisen und abstrakten Schließen, findet der Philosoph abwägend zum Wahren, das er dann offenlegt. Boccaccio entwirft eine Karte der Welt, eine I mappa mundi i , die in der Gattungstradition der Universalchroniken und Enzyklopädien den Bezug des menschlichen Wissens auf die Transzendenz verdeutlicht und mit der Bibelexegese korrespondiert. Durch die Beischrift wird Demogorgon als Sohn des Chaos bestimmt und als erster, der im Weltkreis Gestalt angenommen hat: I Ecce Demogorgon primus protractus in orbe./ Filius ille Caos primus in orbe fuit i I . i Die Unterweltsszenerie, der eine Reminiszenz an die Orbis-Karten eingeschrieben ist, weitet sich auf dem nächsten Blatt zu einem Gesamtbild der Weltentstehung, bevor in der Abfolge der Schautafeln Fragen der I conditio humana i sowie der durch die Wissenschaften ermöglichten Kultivierung des Irdischen verhandelt werden. Um das besondere Sprachkönnen, das literarische Fiktion, Philologie und Texthermeneutik umfasst, als eigenständige I scientia i im Streit der Disziplinen zu verorten, prägt Boccaccio in der ‚Genealogia', wie ich in einem ersten Schritt zeigen will, einen Schreibstil aus, der Komik erzeugt und in der Verzerrung vorgängiger Diskurse der antiken dichtungsapologetischen Form der I recusatio i folgt. [Extracted from the article]

In Ad Donatum , written soon after his baptism ca. 248, Cyprian exhorts a newly baptized friend, Donatus, in a garden that Cyprian describes in his own voice. Many scenic dialogues survive from Greco-Roman antiquity, but Ad Donatum is the only known ancient scenic monologue. This article seeks to explain Cyprian's choice of this apparently unique form. Contrary to a hypothesis first advanced in 1899, the dialogic opening preserved in a handful of manuscripts was inserted in or after the fifth century, while the parallels sought in other works (especially Minucius Felix, Octavius) only underscore the uniqueness of Ad Donatum 's structure. A close reading suggests that Cyprian used the frame scenes to give particular immediacy and force to his exhortation to neophyte readers: they allow Cyprian to direct the reader first to himself (both speaker and proof of God's transforming grace), to the evils of the world, and then to God. They also present a vivid and attractive picture of the Christian life as a peaceful retreat from worldly troubles. Thus, Cyprian is able to prove his case, as he promises in Ad Donatum 2, with reference only to the "facts" (res), not empty rhetoric. Wealthy neophytes are the main audience, but an allusion to a "profane eavesdropper" (arbiter profanus) in the opening section could also be a nod to pagan readers. Though Ad Donatum is not an apology, Cyprian, a prominent convert, likely did have non-Christian friends in mind, as well as neophytes and (probably) more experienced Christian readers. The unthreatened tranquility of the frame scenes, finally, contrasts with the more embattled peace described in works from the 250s; Ad Donatum thus illustrates the reality of the Christian life as it seemed to Cyprian before his ordination and the beginning of the Decian persecution. [End Page 371] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article sets out to show the ideological significance of the quotations from Vergil, Lucan, Horace, Homer, and Ovid found in Vita Nova 16 [XXV], the celebrated passage where Dante cites these poets as examples of personification in classical literature. In the quotations from Vergil's Aeneid, Aeolus and Juno speak to each other, and Apollo speaks to the Trojans. In his framing of the quotations, Dante appears implicitly to regard pagan deities like Aeolus, Juno, and Apollo as inanimate things, raising the question as to why the author of the Vita Nova understood pagan gods in terms of poetic tropes. Focusing on the Vergilian quotations, this essay argues that Servius's commentary to the Aeneid represents one of the major sources that might have led Dante to construe pagan deities as rhetorical personifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabalho debate o processo tradutório do terceiro livro (ausente C) do lipograma, De aetatibus mundi et hominis, atribuído ao escritor tardo-antigo e norte-africano Fábio Plancíades Fulgêncio (séc. V – VI), conhecido pelo epíteto de Mitógrafo, a partir da edição fixada por Rudolf Helm (1898). Nesta seção, Fulgêncio aborda a narrativa do mito da Torre de Babel, adotado como explicação para a origem da diversidade linguística. Interessante é perceber que o Mitógrafo evita o uso de unidades lexicais que contenham a letra ‘c’, o que está sendo cultivado na tradução proposta. Desse modo, a presente tradução também é relevante por denunciar a própria antiguidade do gênero lipogramático, que adquiriu significativa difusão no Concretismo, já situado no século XX.