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The Chinese institution for population registration is called the hukou system. It divides residents into local and non-local hukou holders concerning geographical mobility. Within Chinese society, young people often move away from their birthplace and subsequently become non-local hukou holders in the destinations. The hukou system has become a barrier to the access of young people to urban rights, placing them in a peripheral position in society. To understand the often-overlooked geographies of young people in China, the article examines how the hukou system undermines young people’s right to the city. Subsequently, the invisible politics of young people in China is discussed, based on a scoping review that approaches the issue through three themes: young people’s tactics in their mobilities; housing inequality and residential segregation; and young people’s aspirations for the future. Combining authoritarianism and neoliberalism, the hukou system controls the distribution of city rights, and thus regulates the flows of young people. Such regulation constitutes a transitional regime that shapes the life trajectories of Chinese youths. Therefore, the article recommends hearing the voices of Chinese young people in the field of Children’s Geographies, and thus enabling their voices to influence future reforms of hukou policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Henri Lefebvre's Marxism had anarchistic traits, but few have tried to specify what these traits are, or what they mean. This paper argues that Lefebvre's work should be seen as first and foremost an anti‐authoritarian theory that uses space, rather than a spatial theory. Written from a position that refuses to be either just ‘Marxist’ or just ‘anarchist’, this paper makes a claim to the possibility of a radical geography that can engage with and beyond both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The daily relationships in the territory of the neighborhoods constitute an essential social process in people's lives. The configuration of urban spaces determines how neighbors largely build their social relationships. The uses of urban spaces shape the possibilities of interaction and social cohesion in neighborhoods. This article analyzes the relationship between physical space and daily practices in two neighborhoods of the city of Madrid: Prosperidad and Malasaña. Starting from the concepts of 'the right to the city' and 'inhabiting', both the influence of physical spaces in the configuration of social relations and the opposite process are explored. The research offers the speeches of 24 in-depth interviews with residents of the selected neighborhoods and reflects the process of anonymization and loss of everyday activities that characterize current cities, recognizing the role of women in the daily use of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Space is often produced digitally before it is produced physically. This article investigates how the right to the city can be broadened to include the appropriation of digital spaces to produce 'lived' transportation spaces. Focussing on mobilisation against highway expansion in Dallas, Texas, we ask the following: (1) what are the mechanisms through which space is conceived, perceived, and lived through the lens of mobility justice; (2) how might claims for technical information challenge dominant transportation policies and projects; and (3) how might participants inhabit digital spaces? We conduct a qualitative analysis of transportation planning narratives, visualisations, and public comments in three documents: the Dallas City Center Master Assessment Process, Coalition for a New Dallas' I-345/45 Framework Plan, and public survey data regarding proposed highway changes (n = 1241). Findings demonstrate how residents challenge transportation 'needs' as often determined in conceptual planning spaces. Further, technologies can be appropriated to produce differential spaces, which can alter the trajectory of highway projects. Challenging the legitimacy of institutionalised knowledge through the appropriation and production of digital spaces forms part of a larger claim to the right of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the multiple ways in which the lives of urban refugees are impacted by the presence of refugee camps. It builds on a growing body of literature on the urban refugee experience that recognizes the agency exercised in the rejection of the camp. But it also demonstrates how, in countries with an encampment policy, the presence of camps can limit urban refugees' mobility and their ability to take advantage of all that urban life has to offer. It also highlights the consequences of the choice refugees must make between receiving humanitarian aid in a camp and living unassisted in an urban area. The paper draws on qualitative interviews with refugees in Ethiopia, Kenya and Jordan. It presents conclusions on the inadequacy of the international response, which fails to capitalize on the presence of displaced people in cities, to achieve the supposed policy goal of "self-reliance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the right to the city has been implemented in Ecuadorian housing policy after it was recognized in the 2008 Constitution, focusing on the link between this right and the right to housing. Based on the policy design framework, the study seeks to explore to what extent the set of policy instruments developed in the period 2009–2020 have been consistent with the right principles proposed in Constitution. Some limitations are identified, such as the prevalence of a housing policy model that disregards social production as an alternative and is disconnected from broader strategies of equitable urban development. The absence of indicators that account for the right to the city, and the lack of strategies that facilitate the articulation between the housing and land management competencies of the central and municipal governments are other fundamental constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent literature on home has focused on the importance of imagination and performativity in the making of places. In this article, I bring together the imagined and the material dimensions of home-making, to show how people (re)attach themselves to multiple places and, in the process, project idealized moral orders. These arguments draw on an ethnography of a mosque in Lisbon, established in 2000 by a group of Portuguese-Bangladeshi entrepreneurs, who have been negotiating with the municipality for a space to accommodate its growing congregation. In 2012, the city hall announced the construction a new square in Lisbon, the "Moorish square," a development project that would include several multifunctional spaces, some of which will be used to relocate this mosque. This article examines these negotiations as part of making a sense of home by my interlocutors from Bangladesh and, simultaneously, reveals the anxieties over the regulation and the place of Islam and Muslims in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police are omnipresent in Nigerian cities. The existence and actions of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) in cities such as Lagos, Ibadan, and Abuja are intended like elsewhere in the urban world to deter, reduce, and solve crime. This is true of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the NPF, created to combat armed robberies, car-snatchings, kidnappings, and cattle rustling. Its methods of seeking greater public security, however, raises questions about the fairness and efficacy of urban policing in Nigeria. Its reported police predation and violence during its stops, searches, detentions, and custody of urban denizens exacerbate socio-spatial injustices in Nigerian cities. We draw on the concept of the right to the city and qualitative data, including key informant interviews with Nigerian police, lawyers, and common city residents, including self-identified victims of SARS brutality, to describe how SARS helps us understand the context and characteristics of urban policing in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Idealism for urban living necessitates the establishment of infrastructure and a platform that considers all stakeholders, including managers, planners, and citizens, regardless of their social and economic backgrounds, social class, gender, etc. This concept is encapsulated in the notion of the right to the city. However, implementing this concept can pose challenges in smaller cities with more unfavorable conditions. Hence, this research aims to introduce a model for actualizing the right to the city based on the Analytical Network Process (ANP) in the rural cities of western Mazandaran. The current study is categorized as applied research. The statistical population for this study comprised urban experts (chosen through the Delphi technique with a sample size of 25). Alongside on -site observations, information was gathered utilizing the fundamental maps of the country's mapping organization and studies focusing on the three cities of Baldeh, Kejur, and Pol (Kham -shahrs in the western part of Mazandaran province). The Analytical Network Process (ANP) method was employed to process and analyze the data, leading to the extraction of a balanced supermatrix using the Super Decision software. Following various steps, the final priorities of indicators and options for realizing the right to the city were determined. The results of the network analysis (ANP) of the dimensions of realizing the right to the city in the western cities of Mazandaran province indicate that the physical -biological dimension holds the highest weight and importance (0.1970). It is trailed by the economic dimension (0.1725) and the social and cultural dimensions (with a final weight of 0.0847). Among the criteria for realizing the right to the city in the western cities of Mazandaran province, the right to self-determination carries the most significance with a weight of 0.1461, followed by environmental rights (0.0943) and the right to a sustainable city economy (0.0840). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Muslim community's struggle to maintain their cemeteries in Tel Aviv-Jaffa, and highlights a broader geo-temporal interpretation of the indigenous right-to-the-city. We analyse a succession of mobilizations against sales and demolitions of Muslim cemeteries across the city since the 1950s and investigate how activists recently gained tangible achievements by framing their protest as an urban citizenship mobilization. We show that by utilizing creative spatial performances, applying to municipal governance and stressing their right to use and produce urban space, to participate, and to have their local heritage acknowledged and commemorated, they invoked and reinterpreted right-to-the-city ideas. Their struggle also expanded this agenda, as they did not focus on their living area, but rather advanced claims related to the full city space and its history, and to the customary view of their spaces as 'terra nullius'. In analysing their struggle, we thus contribute to the right-to-the-city literature and agenda, highlight the right for commemoration as part of right to live in the city as equal citizens, and address the promise this case presents for minority ethnic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares housing projects in Asunción (Paraguay) and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), identifying tactics to adapt them to the needs of evicted populations. It argues that standardized housing developments enforce civilizing norms, while informal adaptations by residents resist such controls. Both cases were analyzed through fieldwork at different times, using social research methods and ethnography. The research reveal that authorities aim to keep relocated populations under control, while residents creatively adapt spaces in resistance. This highlights the clash between enforced norms and individual needs, echoing questions about rights in the city space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New cities, often designed as development strategies, cause dispossession, displacement, and disruption of everyday lives of local communities. To further explore the effects of new cities and urban development in the Global South, this study explores the realities of farmers whose homes and livelihoods are affected by the construction of New Clark City in the Philippines. Employing the concept of the right to the city by Henri Lefebvre, this study delves into the farmers' agency in reclaiming space in the city being built on their rice fields. Through qualitative research methods, including interviews and participant observation, the study elucidates the strategies employed by farmers to assert their right to New Clark City. Highlighting that (re)claiming of space by the farmers is motivated by their need to make a living and provide for their families, the study builds on the understanding of the right to the city as the right of the inhabitants to shape their environment and manage their resources. Although the right to the city heavily depends upon the collective power to reshape the process of urbanization, the article argues that it can also be asserted through individual and unorganized actions.

This paper argues for the necessity of reclaiming the 'right to leisure' from a Lefebvrean perspective. The right to leisure is an under-studied concept in both human rights and leisure studies literature. While the 'reductionist' human rights approaches categorise it as a 'not so essential' human right, leisure studies are primarily interested in how inequalities occur in leisure settings within specific societies. Drawing on a Marxist framework, Lefebvre locates leisure in the centre of a new, radical understanding of citizenship which is substantially outlined in his concept of the 'right to the city'. This article argues that an unalienating form of leisure, which centralises creative agency and qualitative use of time and space, is both a reason and an outcome of the right to the city. In this sense, the emancipatory leisure ideal cannot be separated from an emancipatory notion of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anyone who has lived in a city knows that, separately from the administrative or electoral districts, there are districts that exist in the imagination. Areas of the city seem to have a distinctive character and ethos. The article suggests that such notional place‐forming occurs spontaneously through everyday sensations, life activities, and events and is spontaneously evaluative and comparative. In these ways, a notion of "intuitive district" differs from externally given analytical concepts commonly used in the literature to categorize urban divisions, such as neighborhood or quartier. Intuitive districts are subjective but also widely shared in urban communications. The article argues that they have an objective agency: They influence people's decisions, what they care about, how they move around the city, and interact (or do not interact) with other residents. Using the example of one post‐socialist city in Russia (Ulan‐Ude), the article explores how intuitive directs have formed and shows how their existence can have effect on highly diverse urban processes and actions, from the formation of gangland territories to house prices, from religious intensification to providing the foundation for public protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Terra: Revista de Desarrollo Local is the property of Terra: Revista de Desarrollo Local and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cities, Communities & Territories / Cidades, Comunidades e Territórios is the property of Instituto Universitario de Lisboa, DINAMIA-CET and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I look into the weakening state of housing justice in India, especially in the context of the Covid‐19 pandemic and increased state violence. I ask how and why housing rights in India have mostly remained limited in their approach without being able to demand broader access to the city through right to the city discourse. In trying to find answers to this question, I examine housing rights activism in India historically. I show how, while some movements and campaigns organically began to make such broader claims without even invoking the term 'right to the city', these efforts were short‐lived and those spaces were taken up by policymakers and courts. In this article I trace how a relative absence of a political language and movements' growing proximity to the policy world has shaped a very particular trajectory of housing rights in India. Within the context of this relative absence of a right to the city discourse even quiet encroachments of the poor have failed to claim their moral right to the city. In this moment, as the Indian state takes a more hostile turn towards the poor and to civil‐society organizations, I argue that it may be time to rethink ways of bringing back housing to the centre of political struggles in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study addresses the critical research inquiry surrounding the persistence of gendered urban inequalities and the subsequent exclusion of women in urban settings within the broader context of gender, spatiality, and embodiment. Using feminist geographical theory and informed by Henri Lefebvre’s concept of the right to the city, the study investigates how the spatial characteristics of public spaces, along with underlying gendered dynamics, engender discriminatory and exclusionary practices that restrict women’s right to the city and public lived space. The study collected data through a questionnaire, in-depth interviews, and a mapping exercise utilising open-access Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software. The participants were 166 individuals from the historically racially segregated areas of Umlazi, Chatsworth, and Durban Central in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The findings reveal women’s negative experiences and perceptions of the risk of victimisation, which stem from a form of ‘self-imposed exclusion’ from public spaces, thereby limiting their overall right to the city. The study also highlights the intersecting hierarchies of race, gender, age, and nationality that (re)produce intersectional exclusions, contributing to multiple barriers to access. In conclusion, the study demonstrates that women’s exclusion from public spaces and their limited rights to the city results from a complex interplay between embodied ‘self-imposed’ exclusions, intersectional dynamics, and spatial constraints, which collectively infringe their embodied right to the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper reflects on the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project that unfolded in so-called brisbane in 2021, in response to concerns over how the framing of demands and solutions to the present housing crisis in so-called australia can reinvest in and further legitimise colonial-carceral-capitalist logics and structures. Using critical co-constructed autoethnography as methodology, the authors reflect on their own involvement in housing struggles as settlers on unceded Aboriginal land, the recent history of these struggles in so-called brisbane, and the lessons and reflections that instigated the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project, and which emerged from our experiences organising together. The project, comprising a series of radio interviews and broadcasts followed by a public forum, was an attempt to foreground what ongoing Aboriginal sovereignty means for struggles for housing justice, and to challenge the colonial logics and common sense that often permeates settler-led housing politics. Drawing on Indigenist research approaches and police and prison abolition discourse, we offer some partial reflections on building communities of struggle that refuse to accept a housing justice that begins and ends with a more equitable distribution of stolen land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the challenges surrounding the conceptualization and definition of spatial justice within our increasingly data‐driven society, this article commences an inquiry into the convergence of space, justice, and data within human geography literature and related disciplines, focusing notably on the urban field. The paper outlines theories concerning social justice‐based rights to the city, especially emphasizing the significance of existing literature that bridges such theories with recent scholarship on data justice. It supplements these discussions by deriving a theoretical framework for digital spatial justice rooted in other space‐based theories, exploring the more‐than‐human realms of non‐human entities, affect, and information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration reported that human error is involved in 94–96% of all motor vehicle crashes. Also in 2016, Bonnefon et al. predicted that autonomous vehicles could eliminate 90% of traffic collisions due to their elimination of human error. However, questions of safety, accessibility, and social equity have arisen after the first pedestrian death by an autonomous vehicle in its testing phase occurred in Tempe, AZ, in 2018. This project analyzes how social equity issues shape the discussion, creation, and implementation of governmental policies and regulations surrounding driverless automobiles in Tempe, using policy and text analysis as well as semi-structured interviews of government officials or residents of Tempe. Informed by the concept of the right to the city and critical legal studies, this research suggests that public policy around autonomous vehicles does create new and expand existing spaces for inequality in Tempe. This is exacerbated by increased awareness of inequality within Arizona's autonomous vehicle regulation scheme and its entire transportation system after the first pedestrian death by autonomous vehicle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of perceived injustice, a huge number of intense anti-World Cup movements took place throughout almost every host city from June 2013 to July 2014 in Brazil. Over a million Brazilians joined anti-World Cup protests in more than 100 cities throughout Brazil in early July 2013, and this civil resistance lasted until the beginning of the World Cup. After the Cup, a number of violent protests in Rio de Janeiro against the 2016 Olympics occurred as well, and these produced far more controversy over the event. This study examines the emergence of social movements against the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games held in Brazil. Despite the importance of the subject, there has been a scarcity of literature addressing networked social movements in Brazil that opposed mega-sporting events and how this relates to theoretical debates about differentiated citizenship and the right to the city. To fill this gap, this article aims to explore the characteristics of protests. Drawing on an analysis of archival sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork in Brazil, this study shows that such demonstrations can be best seen as “networked social movements” that had been struggling for the asymmetric distribution of rights around the neoliberal mega-events. These networked social movements entailed the characteristics of the right-tothe-city movements that intended to subvert the social systems of differentiated citizenship in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece aims to explain the spatiality of rights to basic services and amenities in urban agglomerations of West Bengal and the variables impacting them. The study used quantitative methodology to formulate an urban basic services and amenities index using House listing and Housing data and Town Amenities data, Census of India, 2011. It is noticed that there are huge variations in the provisioning of urban basic services and amenities within and among urban agglomerations. Variation in urban basic services caused due to civic status, population class, size, population density, population growth rate, and district GDP at constant prices. Drawing from the core-periphery model, we observed that the proximity to larger regional urban agglomerations like - Kolkata, Asansol-Durgapur and Siliguri defines the quality of basic services and amenities in an individual urban agglomeration. At the outset, the study proposes a rereading of ‘right to the city’ and the ‘right to the urban basic services’ as a spatial framework rather than essentializing it as a mere constitutional provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Grassroots urban horticultural plots (hortas), part of the Porto Metropolitan Area in Northern Portugal, are presented as liminal spaces that hold a richness of community life and a “gift economy.” Often in existence for several decades and encompassing groups of over 20 or 30 people, these informal communities are, nevertheless, not cherished by the instances of city governance that do not stand in the way of the destruction of these low‐income urbanite horticultural communities. The use of de Certeau’s concepts of “strategy” and “tactics” are used to try and explain this incompatibility between these two forms of urban (self) governance that hinders the right to the city by the low‐income urbanites who have created these horticultural grassroots communities.

Feminist urbanism belongs to the philosophical tradition of the anthropocentric city and is implemented through various practices, such as activism and public education, artistic and socio-political actionism, theoretical research, statistical data collection, planning and implementation of projects in architecture, design and urban planning, as well as in the media. In recent years, the problems of women in Latin American cities have attracted scholars’ attention and have been postulated as a set of problems stemming from living and working conditions and gender roles distribution. Urbanism is not neutral since the city design has historically been based on androcentric criteria, thus restricting women’s, children’s, disabled and elderly people’s ability to make the most of urban spaces. The urban space should be considered as a mechanism for the equal distribution of benefits between different groups of the population and the improvement of the physical, spatial and psychological conditions of their residence. Feminist urbanism appeared as a critical view, determined to solve certain problems through different practices in urban space, when the transformation in the city is produced by the community, i.e. the people who are aware of their demands and needs. In view of the growing role of women in society, it is of interest to examine and analyze different forms of women’s movement in Latin America in the field of urban planning and to conduct case studies to identify examples of practical implementation of feminist urbanism principles in particular urban improvement projects in Latin American countries. The realization of the «right to the city» by urban communities through various forms of participation leads to an emerging sense of involvement, security and life satisfaction.

With rapid urbanization and migration to cities, particularly in developing nations, the focus and emphasis on city governance, politics, institutional capacity, and sustainability issues have become paramount in critical analyses and policy discussions. This paper examines the functional complexities of two large Municipalities in two port cities located in South Africa and India, specifically eThekwini (the city of Durban in the province of KwaZulu-Natal) and Cochin (in the state of Kerala). Following a brief overview of the characteristics of the two Municipalities, the paper delves into the system of governance, level of autonomy, participatory structures in place, the extent to which they can respond to the service delivery demands of the public in an inclusive manner, and approaches to addressing climate change concerns. The paper is contextualised with reference to the theoretical concept of the Right to the City.

The original Cerdà plan (Pla Cerdà) of 1855 for the extension of Barcelona is famous for its grid array of large blocks and wide streets to promote circulation. Each block was originally intended to have an area of open space in the center to provide for the needs of residents. Already by the 1920s, however, the center of the blocks had been filled with buildings. Barcelona currently suffers from a chronic lack of open space, excess noise, and air pollution that exceeds European Union law. This article aims to trace the agency of play as a dynamic process in urban planning to provide new sources of open space through Superblocks (aka Superillas and Supermanzanas). We begin with a brief history of their implementation in the city of Barcelona and the evolution of their justification from the 1990s onward. We then explain the capacity for urban transformation that Superblocks have and how they can modify the urban mobility model and the public space model. We then analyze the role of different forms of play that are used in the area of Poblenou to suggest how play can be used to increase the legitimacy of public participation. Finally, we observe the contingent role of play within urban socialization and in motivating and shaping the urban planning processes of implementing Superblocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Aims The concept of the right to the city necessitates that the denizens of every urban center regard the city as their own and actively engage in its affairs. By considering the indices related to the right to the city and examining the indices pertaining to the desirability of urban spaces, this study seeks to investigate the influence of the urban space desirability indices on the realization of the right to the city. Methodology The research methodology employed in this study is both applied and descriptiveanalytical, with a survey-based nature. The statistical population consisted of individuals over the age of 15 residing in Ahvaz city, with a sample size of 375 people determined using Cochran’s formula. To analyze the impact of urban space desirability on the realization of the right to the city, Smart PLS software was utilized. Findings The results of the structural equations model reveal the importance of the impact of the variables on one another. The t values derived from the research components exhibit a significantly large value exceeding 1.96, which signifies significance at the 0.01 level. The path coefficients of the components surpass 70%, indicating a strong correlation between the components. Conclusion There is a positive and significant relationship between the urban space desirability indices and the degree of realization of the right to the city in Ahvaz city. Among the urban space desirability indices, the index of comfort and tranquility has the highest coefficient of influence among other indicators and among the indices of the right to the city, the index of physical share and the index of control and ownership had the highest coefficients of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban land-use change in third-world metropolises is taking place in the interests of owners and developers with unsuccessful management and planning, leading to instability and unfair urban space. Existing studies have more spatial representation of changes, causes, drivers and processes and structures of these changes and less these studies with a prescriptive approach to a solution to be fair and sustainable changes. This study aims to provide a prescriptive model based on the urban rights approach for urban land-use change in third-world metropolises (Tehran metropolis) that can be prescribed in urban plans and programs. Provide a solution to the negative effects of urban land use change. This research uses descriptive-analytical research methods and documentary and library methods to collect data based on a qualitative strategy. In presenting the prescriptive model, qualitative content analysis has been exerted, and appropriate prescriptions have been extracted from this approach for each factor affecting changes in land use, land-use, and the prescriptive model has been presented by thematic analysis. The results of this study show that the prescriptions derived from the right to the city approach for the factors and indicators affecting land use change prevent the commodification of space and lead to the proliferation of space. It will include socialization, space, and increasing the economic power of the public sector. The realization of these two results creates the conditions for creating a just and sustainable city. The proposed model is validated with a fuzzy inference system, and experts acknowledged that this model is acceptable in terms of the criteria studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People's organized struggles for housing challenge Brazil's exclusionary urbanization. Occupations of vacant buildings by social movements have been pressing municipalities to guarantee the right to the city. Climate change accentuates the risks associated with exclusionary urbanization, and responses to its impacts demand mitigation and adaptation measures that support transformations tackling inequalities and vulnerabilities. This paper highlights the dimensions of inequality, as well as the role of social movements in setting an agenda on climate justice while reducing vulnerability and creating housing alternatives in vacant central buildings of São Paulo and Natal. To this end, we conducted a review of relevant literature along with participatory action-research on insurgent practices of housing social movements in both cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The right to the city is a significant and contemplative notion within the realm of contemporary theories of citizenship rights. Its development persisted beyond Lefebvre’s 1968 proposal, manifesting itself in the theoretical contributions of Harvey, Purcell, and others. This study investigated the validity of the questionnaire-based right-to-the-city measurement instrument, as described in the aforementioned passage. The research employs a survey methodology with the objective of creating instruments. The statistical population for the research comprises citizens aged 20 years and older residing in the city of Maku. A cluster sampling technique was employed to select 115 residents of this city as the statistical sample. The data was gathered via questionnaire and analyzed utilizing the software programs SPSS and LISREL. In addition to Cronbach’s alpha statistics, composite reliability (CR), and confirmatory factor analysis were employed to validate the measurement models of the right to city factors. The examination of the eight components comprising the right to the city yielded the following conclusions: social inclusion, social justice, urban participation, the right to urban health, belonging to the city, diversity, and urban vitality were validated, as indicated by their combined reliability exceeding 0.6, factor loadings surpassing 0.3, and t coefficients surpassing 1.96. However, the validity of the right to be distinct factor was not established, as the t-coefficient values of the remaining items in the factor’s measurement model were all below 1.96. The scale described, along with its components, possesses the capability to elucidate the framework of the right to the city. Moreover, this instrument can be employed to quantify the right to the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SWS - Rundschau is the property of Verein fur interdisziplinare sozialwissenschaftliche Studien und Analysen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With rapid urbanization and migration to cities, particularly in developing nations, the focus and emphasis on city governance, politics, institutional capacity, and sustainability issues have become paramount in critical analyses and policy discussions. This paper examines the functional complexities of two large Municipalities in two port cities located in South Africa and India, specifically eThekwini (the city of Durban in the province of KwaZulu-Natal) and Cochin (in the state of Kerala). Following a brief overview of the characteristics of the two Municipalities, the paper delves into the system of governance, level of autonomy, participatory structures in place, the extent to which they can respond to the service delivery demands of the public in an inclusive manner, and approaches to addressing climate change concerns. The paper is contextualised with reference to the theoretical concept of the Right to the City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, the promotion of urban agriculture by international organizations has led to the development of several programs in Latin American metropolises. In Quito, the capital of Ecuador, the implementation of the Agrupar program is particularly interesting due to the long-standing presence of agriculture and its significant stigmatization. This article explores whether the institutionalization of urban agriculture in Quito contributes to the formalization of a "right to the city." To do this, I examine, on one hand, the conditions under which Agrupar farmers are integrated into the urban space, and on the other hand, their actual participation in the production of the city.The study is presented in two phases and at two scales of analysis, referring to different objects of study: Agrupar as a discursive and normative framework at the city level, and the practices of three farmer collectives at the neighborhood level. The principal argument is that the Agrupar program does not constitute a policy of the right to the city, but it does act as a catalyst for collective action, potentially leading to "de facto right to the city" actions. The urban strategies of the farmer collectives demonstrate that integration into the city and participation in the production of everyday spaces remain central issues in popular neighborhoods, necessitating a genuinely rethinking of the interactions between urban residents and development actors.

This article presents three types of experimental urban governance projects (Cano Blandón, 2021) led by the Arquitectura Expandida Collective in collaboration with various grassroots urban movements. These projects are characterized by the principles of the right to the city (Lefebvre, 1969) and radical and insurgent territorial planning (Miraftab, 2009). (1) Collaborative self-construction projects explore organizational forms for the self-construction and self-management of cultural spaces. (2) They engage in tactical provocation seeking to dynamize urban negotiations with different urban agents in situations of high conflict in public space through the use of furniture. (3) Collective cartographies play a significant role, as diverse urban languages — including hip-hop, agriculture, urban sports, or community cinema, among many others — are used to analyze the contradictions between urban culture and urban planning culture.

This article explores the possibilities in harnessing drama-based research methodologies in examining youth's 'right to the city' during the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate emergency [Lefebvre (1996). Writings on Cities. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers]. Using 'auto-topography' [Heddon (2007). "One Square Foot: Thousands of Routes." PAJ 29 (2): 40–50. doi:] as a drama-based methodological prompt, the research considers how the right to the city is summoned, imagined and articulated by youth in one virtual Grade 6 classroom amid the alienation and isolation of a COVID lockdown in Toronto in November 2020. Specifically, this article attends to how auto-topography brought the 'real' and 'imagined' city into the virtual classroom, via Deleuze and Guattari's [(1985). "Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature: The Components of Expression." New Literary History 16 (3): 591–628] concept of 'the minor,' to contest majoritarian constructions of 'nature,' 'culture,' and urban citizenship. In particular, such 'minor' desires for the city, made appreciable by the imaginative and affective capacities of theatre and performance genres, gesture towards a politics of co-flourishing, where enchantment, generosity, gratitude, strangeness, surprise and hilarity– and, crucially, obligation and reciprocity – are integral to youths' right to the city in these times of pandemic and ecological instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue "Gentrification and the right to the geomedia city." The aim of the special issue is to make up for the lack of research on how gentrification is shaped and underpinned by the normalization of various media platforms that currently define urban life—and what these media mean to the resistance to gentrification. Building on the seven contributions that make up the special issue, this article introduces the concept of the geomedia city as a discriminatory regime of dwelling. The geomedia city refers not only to the digital infrastructures built into urban environments—circulating and embedding data—but more crucially to the social and cultural dynamics whereby certain norms, skills, and forms of capital (and thus people) are legitimized (or marginalized) in the city. As such, geomedia constitutes a territorializing force that lubricates urban displacement processes by defining who has the right to belong where. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the perceptions of households towards container urbanism, a rising alternative urban development trend in Ghana. The research connects the increasing popularity of container urbanism to the Right to the City and NIMBY (Not In My Backyard) phenomena, a relationship that has been under-explored in the context of Southern urbanism. Questionnaire surveys were administered to 337 household heads who are non-container users. The study reveals that these household heads view container improvisation as a function of choice, temporality, and affordability. The findings also indicate that a significant number of household heads are opposed to container urbanism due to its perceived negative impact on the urban environment and the loss of open spaces. Furthermore, the study found strong evidence for the regulation of container urbanism, which reinforces social divisions by marginalizing certain socioeconomic groups. The results demonstrate how opposition to container urbanism and informal urban processes, in general, can evolve from passive to organized resistance in African cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on national and local anti-homeless ordinances and investigates emerging spatial banishment strategies and their impacts on unhoused folks' basic freedoms. First, we review debates on co-existing geographies of punishment and care through theoretical and legal lenses. Focusing on sixteen cities in the United States, we examine categories of anti-homeless ordinances and their evolution in the past two decades. Next, we focus on Los Angeles and use archival research and interviews with activists to examine the expansion of newly emerging anti-homeless spaces. Our research details ad hoc strategies of spatial banishment targeting homelessness. We find that the city represents a fragmented landscape of "no-go-zones" for the unhoused. We posit that the COVID-19 pandemic enabled various spatial banishment strategies and that Los Angeles is neo-revanchist. We advocate for city policies that abolish spatial banishment strategies and respond to the needs of the unhoused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the collective actions by the community of the neighborhood Ciudadela Colsubsidio-El Cortijo in Bogotá, which respond to the socioenvironmental conflict between the State and the people over the dispute of the usage of the territory, during the period 2021-2022. Through ethnomethodology, the factors that produce the socio-environmental conflict were identified, actions that responded to the conflict were systematized and the scope of those actions were analyzed. Therefore, it is said that in Ciudadela Colsubsidio-El Cortijo, the community is rethinking how to live in the neighborhood from a perspective of the right to the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present aspects of the historical, social, and educational experience of the city of Bologna, in the Emilia-Romagna Region, Italy. From the recovery of its history and its organization, mainly after the Second World War, which favored democratic participation and decentralized management, the proposal of Educating City is presented. This is a qualitative study with document analysis and theoretical review. The conclusion is that the city's social context is propitious to democratic discussion and influences discussions about its definition as an Educating City, with projects and events in educational, cultural, and social training networks. By recognizing itself as an Educating City, it reaffirms its tradition as a place of social participation, important for thinking about the urban space for children and possibilities for effective participation in discussions of themes that affect them in their daily lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]