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Though research into police use of force continues to expand, analysis of off-duty police violence remains deficient and duty status comparisons of police violence are almost non-existent. Some argue that the broader policing context may ‘spill-over’ into off-duty settings, creating a consistency in police behaviour regardless of duty status. Others argue that off-duty police violence is vastly different from on-duty excessive force. The present study aimed to empirically compare extra-legal violence by police officers committed on- versus off-duty, to explore possible duty status differences in behaviours of the offending officers and the victims involved, as well as situational characteristics of the encounters. A sample of 119 cases (61 on-duty and 58 off-duty) of violence by Australian police officers that was determined to have violated law or policy was collected from open access sources (law reports and media articles) and content analysed. Chi-square analysis was used to select variables into three multivariate regression models to predict duty status from offender behaviour, victim behaviour, and individual/situational characteristics. A final regression model then included all resultant significant factors. The primary finding was the consistency across duty status in many aspects, particularly officer characteristics, despite some notable differences in context. The full model showed the factors most predictive of duty status to be offender verbal behaviour and handcuff use, and the situational characteristics of the number of offending officers present and whether the victim had been suspected of a crime. The behavioural consistency across duty status is discussed in terms of spill-over of police violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth‐police contact is increasingly acknowledged as a stressor and a racialized adverse childhood experience that can undermine youths' mental health. The present study investigates a particularly distressing feature of youths' direct and witnessed in‐person police stops—officer gunpoint (i.e., officers drawing of firearms and pointing them at youth, their peers, or other community members). We examine patterns of youths' officer gunpoint exposure and associations with youth mental health and safety perceptions. Data come from the Survey of Police‐Adolescent Contact Experiences (SPACE), a cross‐sectional survey of a community‐based sample of Black youth ages 12–21 in Baltimore City, Maryland (n = 335), administered from August 2022 to July 2023. Findings indicate that ~33% of youth reporting in‐person police stops had been exposed to officer gunpoint during stops. Officer gunpoint was significantly and positively associated with being male, unemployed, having an incarcerated parent, living in a neighborhood with greater disorder, and having been directly stopped by police, in addition to youth delinquency and impulsivity. Net of covariates, experiencing officer gunpoint was associated with a significantly higher rate of youth emotional distress during stops. Significant associations between officer gunpoint and youths' current police violence stress, police avoidance, and diminished safety perceptions also emerged and were largely explained by youths' heightened emotional distress at the time of police stops. Trauma‐informed approaches are needed to mitigate the mental health harms of youth experiencing officer gunpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to incidents of police brutality perpetrated against ethnic/racial minorities, there have been calls worldwide for reform in the way policing is done in minority communities. As part of this reform process, police agencies have been encouraged to examine the policing styles (or orientations) that different officers adopt when carrying out their duties. Prior research finds that 'warrior' and 'guardian' policing orientations are associated with officers' support for either coercive or procedural justice policing, respectively. Warrior-oriented officers tend to support using coercive policing more than guardian-oriented officers, while guardian-oriented officers tend to support using procedural justice policing more than warrior-oriented officers. What remains understudied is why this is so. Drawing on survey data of 306 Australian police officers working in ethnically diverse and disadvantaged communities, this study tests whether officers' cynicism toward the public and their confidence in their own legitimacy (i.e. self-legitimacy) might explain the tendency of warrior-oriented and guardian-oriented officers to support either coercive or procedural justice policing, respectively. Our findings confirm that the two policing orientations are conceptually distinct, and that warrior-oriented officers are more likely to support coercive policing, while guardian-oriented officers are more likely to support procedural justice policing. Importantly, we find that officers' cynicism and self-legitimacy partially mediate some of these relationships. The implications of these findings for both policing scholarship and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The continuation of racial inequities in the United States has ignited the recent Black Lives Matter Movement, a protest of police brutality and gun violence. Black lives matter in public school classrooms, too—where students of color face barriers to equitable educational experiences. The Children's Defense Fund Freedom School program is a major component in developing critical literacy skills through critique, inquiry, and transformation through social justice and action. Critical literacy is enacted through identity—mainly as difference, self, consciousness, narrative, and positionality. Historical and contemporary relevance of Freedom Schools connects to the urgency of the Black Lives Matter Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The criminal justice system (CJS), comprising police, prosecutors, and courts, is pivotal in preventing intimate partner violence (IPV). However, challenges persist in effectively protecting victims, with high post-reporting recidivism rates. This systematic review aims to identify CJS interventions targeting IPV recurrence and to assess their effectiveness. Eleven articles meeting inclusion criteria were categorized into three themes: police (five articles), prosecutor (zero articles), and court (six articles). While overall findings lack conclusive evidence on intervention effectiveness, they suggest potential in reducing IPV recidivism among specific perpetrator sub-groups. The review underscores the need to consider contextual factors when evaluating interventions like arrest for IPV prevention. Challenges in identifying evidence-based practices within the CJS persist, necessitating ongoing evaluation research and investment in evidence-based strategies to inform policy and practice effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the underlying and immediate triggers of Nigeria's EndSARS protest and their interconnectedness. Leveraging Braun and Clark's reflexive thematic analysis of interviews with 11 participants along with the ethnographic approach, the authors constructed a broader theme termed 'EndSARS – An Umbrella'. They identify three primary themes (youth unemployment, endemic public sector corruption/poor police welfare and poverty) as the root causes of the EndSARS protest. In addition, they single out one theme (police – perennial human rights abuse) as the immediate cause. They contend that these prevalent socio-economic challenges, commonly experienced among the participants in their study, intersect and serve as pivotal catalysts for mobilization within the context of the EndSARS protest. These distinctive yet challenging characteristics play a central role in broadening the composition of the protesters, resulting in their quest for government accountability and a better Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RThere is little research considering the ways that local events in physical space trigger responses from ideological groups in online spaces. This study attempted to address this gap in the literature through the analysis of information from the Extremist Cybercrime Database (ECCD), a unique open-source repository of cyberattacks performed against U.S. targets from 1998 to 2020. This qualitative study focused on the language used during cyberattacks against police agencies by the hacker collective Anonymous. Evidence suggested that the attackers’ language reflected values observed in the hacker subculture to justify their attacks and incorporated negative language regarding law enforcement. This was particularly evident in cases of police excessive use of force against minority groups and emphasized the need for public protest and social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses movements against police brutality as a starting point to rethink our theorizations of police power, asking how the police maintain their dominance over oppressed groups, and what it takes to challenge it. I argue that an important, but undertheorized dimension of police power is epistemic power, the ability to control what is known and what remains unknown about policing practices. Epistemic power derives from (1) the police's control over the production and non-production of data about crime and policing; (2) the assumption that police officers are more credible than their targets; and (3) their privileged access to the media. Using France as a case study, I show how the police draw on epistemic power to produce 'truth' and manufacture ignorance about their practices, and I examine activist strategies to challenge and disrupt this power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates police officers' perceptions on the influence of images in the tasks of crime prevention and repression, its evidentiary function in criminal justice and the methods of dissemination of cases of police violence and urban insecurity on the media and social media in Argentina. The design of the study is qualitative. The sources of the data come from interviews with agents of Policía Federal Argentina and of Policía de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, during 2023. The analytical strategy used was theoretical sampling and constant comparison. The main findings of the article explain the role of the image on the government of security and in the construction of the police news from three different categories of the analysis: the image as tool of police work, as product to "sell" on the media and social media and as evidence before justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I present a research study aimed at understanding the discourses and practices regarding police violence that human rights defenders in Chile have. Using an ethnographic methodology (2020-2022), I worked with defenders from a state institution, a civil organization that supports victims, and another civil organization that monitors protests. I conducted 16 interviews, document reviews, and daily activities observations. The integrated ethnographic analysis aimed to understand how discourses and practices maintain and promote certain social relations. This research allowed me to identify practices directed toward the State, society, and the organizations themselves. The meanings of these resistance practices come together in three interrelated areas that characterize this institutional violence: invisibilization, naturalization and impunity. I conclude that filing complaints and educating to promote cultural changes create paths to face the causes of police abuses associated with the productive role of the police in a racialized and class-based order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents findings from interview research with Canadian police officers deployed to the UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti between 2004 and 2017. Focusing on the problem of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), we present three discourses that emerge from this research and their reasoning about the problem of SEA. These discourses suggest that (1) other contributing countries are responsible for the problem of SEA; (2) the UN fails to sanction SEA in practice, while Canada does sanction SEA; and (3) Haitians and Haitian culture undermines efforts to reduce SEA. Using tools of critical discourse analysis, we show how discourses on SEA reinforce a mentality of self-exemption that treats sexual misconduct as a problem in which Canada and Canadians are largely innocent, while the UN, other contributing countries, and Haitians themselves, bear much more fault. We argue that these discourses reproduce a narrative of innocence and contribute to Canada's national mythology as a do-gooder nation that is largely exempt from perpetrating SEA, despite evidence to the contrary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review examines Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Authoritarian Police in Democracy, Resisting Extortion, as well as Democracy and Security in Latin America to outline the latest scholarly developments on how the region has dealt with the challenges posed by violent, militarized state and non-state actors. Leveraging distinct cases and methods, these four recently published books discuss the political rationale behind the military and institutional responses that have shaped public security in Latin America over the last three decades. Beyond unpacking their contributions, common themes, tensions, and shortcomings, we argue that by focusing on the political dynamics behind state interventions, these volumes highlight the persistence of a democratic paradox : rather than curtailing militarism and violence, or facilitating their containment via reforms, electoral dynamics and partisan incentives—part and parcel of democratic politics—have enabled the endurance of state and non-state militarization and violence. Relatedly, as Eduardo Moncada's new title underscores, ordinary Latin American citizens have had to adopt civilian militarization as a bottom-up resistance strategy to navigate the uncertainty this worrying paradox presents. By examining work by scholars including Guillermo Trejo, Sandra Ley, Brian Fonseca, and Yanilda María González this review helps to delineate future research as well as policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rates of youth firearm exposure and carriage are well-established, but less work has examined how exposure to police violence and firearm violence, as victim or witness, may be associated with beliefs in gun ownership for society or access to guns. This study used survey data from a multiracial sample of 276 youth living in New Orleans, Louisiana (M age = 17.76) to examine these associations. Results from binary logistic regressions confirmed a significant association between higher belief in gun ownership for safety and all violence exposures, directly and indirectly. We did not find support for an association between gun access and any violence exposures. The findings shed light on pathways to firearm violence risk and provide critical information on youth firearm attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst the intersecting crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing police brutality against Black people, jurisdictions across the United States declared racism to be a public health crisis in the summer of 2020. According to the American Public Health Association (APHA), 233 jurisdictions have published such declarations as of January 2022, with 92% of declarations being made at the city or county level. What does it mean to frame racism as a public health crisis? This paper explores and compares theoretical and practical definitions of disasters and crises from the planning field through a review of the literature. The author concludes that racism can be conceptualized as a slow-onset disaster. With the understanding that racism can be understood as a disaster, the author demonstrates the utility of leveraging a disaster recovery framework to drive a comprehensive response to address racism as a public health crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of just transition is often defined as a process of including particular kinds of fossil fuel workers in the transition towards low-carbon energy. Missing from such liberal framings of just transitions is an engagement with how the extraction of both fossil fuels and low-carbon energy is contingent upon state violence and the expropriation of Indigenous and frontline communities' lands. In contrast to liberal framings of just transition that focus on the inclusion of fossil fuel workers as stakeholders, this article calls for an investigation of 'violent transitions', which refers to the ways in which the expansion of fossil fuel and low-carbon energy infrastructures are predicated upon direct state-sanctioned violence – including the criminalization of dissent, protests, and mass mobilization through police violence and arrests – to facilitate processes of land expropriation. Drawing upon a comparative analysis of 121 coal and hydropower projects in India, the article argues that both coal and hydropower energy transitions are characterized by significant state-sanctioned violence. Such historical injustices must be redressed and repaired in India's emergent just transition policy frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on police procedural justice shows that observed assessments of police behaviour, for example through systematic social observation, are not strongly correlated with citizen perceptions of the same police behaviour. There is a growing body of knowledge about how people form their perceptions of police behaviour and how personal and situational characteristics are associated with specific judgements about procedural justice. However, we know little about how this works for people who most frequently interact with the police and criminal justice system, such as offenders or arrestees. The present study uses data from the Prison Project to examine to what extent individual and situational characteristics relate to perceptions of encounter-specific police procedural justice among Dutch detainees. Male adults in pre-trial detention (N = 1380) were surveyed on how they perceived procedural justice during their arrest, which occurred approximately three weeks prior. In addition to individual characteristics (demographics, attitudes, psychosocial characteristics and criminal history), we measured characteristics that reflect the situation during arrest, such as location, police verbal abuse and unnecessary use of force. This allowed us to examine the relationship between situational factors and detainee perceptions, net of individual characteristics. Regression analyses show that next to pre-existing general attitudes towards the police, several situational characteristics (i.e. perceptions of use of force and verbal abuse, anger and outcome fairness) were strongly associated with encounter-specific procedural justice perceptions. Our results indicate that, beyond (pre-existing) individual characteristics, situational factors of the arrest play an important role in forming specific procedural justice perceptions of the police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis work builds upon previous research to assess the associations between underlying dimensions of racial residential segregation and police-caused homicide of Black civilians. Previous scholars have observed that much of the existing work on residential segregation and police-caused homicide has used one measure of segregation, most commonly the dissimilarity index, although recent work has expanded the focus to include multiple indicators of segregation. Our research extends this research by computing multiple measures of racial residential segregation for a sample of U.S. Core Based Statistical Areas in 2010 and factor analyzing them to identify underlying dimensions. Measures of the resulting dimensions are merged with the Mapping Police Violence data on police-caused homicide. The analyses reaffirm and extend previous conclusions about the importance of spatial relationships within residential locations for understanding contemporary police-caused homicide, while raising questions about the underlying theoretical mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because political leaders have the power to shape policy and social norms surrounding important societal issues, we wondered what U.S. politicians said following George Floyd's death. We gathered, coded, and analyzed the first relevant formal statement from members of the U.S. Senate (Study 1a; N = 94) and House of Representatives (Study 1b; N = 355), and participants rated deidentified versions of these statements (Study 2; N = 317). Across the U.S. Senate and House samples, even after controlling for potential covariates, Democrats were more likely to acknowledge harm toward the Black community, express forbearance, and call to repair the system (elements of an apology) whereas Republicans were more likely to praise the system, praise police, and condemn violent protests. In Study 2, we found that statements by Democrats were viewed as more effective than those by Republicans, and Democratic congressmembers were viewed more favorably overall by a relatively liberal sample. These participant ratings were partially explained by the coded statement content. Future research would do well to continue to explore what leaders say in the wake of tragedy, how the public receives these statements, and whether these statements are linked to positive change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I consider Meghji's implications for scholars of race, racism, and blackness/anti-blackness by providing an overview of Meghji's many interventions, and then pivoting to discussing its implications for understanding epistemological considerations of theorization of such questions and for understanding global solidarities around blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When analyzing African American sneaker culture's ascension into American popular and global culture, one must consider its place in literature. How did sneaker culture go from the basketball courts and the bustling streets of urban America to the pages of books? In brief, the material circumstances of a society that subscribes to African American sneaker culture reflects in the literature the same society produces. For example, writers documenting the African American experience within urban environments, wittingly and unwittingly documented sneaker culture's existence and manifestation. This is evident in Angie Thomas' The Hate U Give (2017). Is Angie Thomas the next Tupac Shakur? Heavily influenced by his work, her work too has entered academic settings. Will sneaker culture overcome the taboos surrounding it? The topics addressed in The Hate U Give (2017) are as controversial in today's political climate as topics addressed by Shakur in the past. Furthermore, wrapping a tale of police brutality inside a text that glorifies sneaker culture is not tailored to the majority. Like "All Eyez On Me" Thomas's text speaks to the plight of the African American. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the sixty years since the publication of Jürgen Habermas' magnum opus, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, the public sphere now faces a new threat in the era of "post-truth" politics. The preponderance of lies, mis/disinformation, "fake news", "alternative facts", conspiracy theories, and the general breakdown of trust in established sources of knowledge and information has led to the fragmentation and deepening polarisation of the public sphere - a situation deliberately promoted by right wing populist forces intent on fighting the "culture wars". At the same time, the political space is being disrupted, in a different way, through new social movements and radical activism particularly around issues of climate change, inequality, racial injustice, and police violence. My aim is to show how these contemporary forms of dissent are engendering a new "structural" transformation of the public sphere. They create autonomous and critical spaces of collective engagement that call into question the legitimacy of dominant power structures. Understanding this process requires an alternative rendering of the relationship between truth and politics - something I develop through Michel Foucault's rethinking of the critical impulse of the Kantian Enlightenment and his later work on parrhesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace is often represented as a matter of time, as a political state that happens after war. This special issue contests this linear and binary view by giving an account of being and thinking between the boundaries of peace and war. It challenges mainstream ideas, political discourses, and collective imaginaries about the location of violence, peace, and peacebuilding. It does so by providing empirical and theoretical arguments as to why Peace and Conflict Studies and Geographies of Peace should widen their scope of empirical sites to include contexts of non-war violence, such as military urbanism, counterterrorism, police violence, migration, environmental struggles, and continued everyday violence and peacebuilding in different locations such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Kenya, Lebanon, and Northern Ireland. To do so, the special issue presents four theoretical lines of inquiry: 1) spatiality; 2) temporality; 3) feminist phenomenology and; 4) decolonial thought. Collectively, the articles make a strong case, epistemologically, theoretically, and methodologically, about peace as a complex embodied experience that should be analysed in time and space. The special issue concludes by calling for 'making space for peace' through in-betweenness, care, and non-violent resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race-and-class-subjugated communities continue to experience disproportionate police violence despite increased attention to this longstanding problem. This study examines how residents make sense of the legal issues that arise from these encounters and turn to civil law for assistance. I do so by unifying scholarship on police encounters, legal consciousness, and access to justice to consider the obstacles everyday people encounter when they consider filing a civil legal claim in the aftermath of police violence. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with 24 residents and two attorneys specializing in police brutality, I find that all residents, but especially those who sought civil legal justice, experienced what this study calls a legal mirage—which occurs when a knowable legal process exists to pursue one's rights, but a variety of barriers (e.g., structural, human, financial) make that process unreachable. Three obstacles reinforced this mirage: difficulties obtaining competent representation, unresponsiveness when securing evidence, and frustration navigating municipal indemnification. I conclude by outlining the practical implications of this research for advocates looking to increase access to civil legal services and reduce police violence. Without these interventions, civil legal justice may remain elusive and beyond the reach of everyday people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The violent nature of Hip-Hop culture in tandem with racial injustice and sexism leaves Black women victims of Black male perpetrators feeling unheard, unprotected and conflicted. It is known that Black women are experiencing more domestic violence than their white counterparts yet reporting it less out of fear of prejudices and stereotyping. In this study, I engage in an intersectional textual analysis of rapper Megan Thee Stallion's telling of violence enacted upon her by rapper Tory Lanez in 2020. Hip-hop concepts of violence and snitching, expectations about black womanhood, and issues of police brutality were all prominent themes of her storytelling. The analysis indicates that Black women who are domestic violence victims grapple with protecting the men of their community, protecting themselves from police, and endure doubt and criticism for speaking their truth. Plain Language Summary: Study using rapper Megan Thee Stallions' telling of her experience with intimate partner violence to understand unique struggles Black women have with speaking publicly about being victims of violence at the hands of Black menMany factors, such as racism and sexism, can impact the experiences of Black women victims of intimate partner violence. In addition to those larger systems of discrimination and oppression, sub-cultures such as hip-hop, glamorize and perpetuate violence. All these issues can impact how a victim speaks out about their violent encounter, or whether they speak out at all. In this study, I review how rapper Megan Thee Stallion recounts the violent experience she had at the hands of rapper Tory Lanez in 2020. As Megan shares her story on her Instagram Live, she accounts for how police brutality, stereotypes about Black women, and the culture of hip-hop all influenced her behavior during and after her traumatizing experience. This study highlights how Menga's story stresses a unique struggle Black women victims endure as they balance protecting themselves and protecting their community, a community that often times includes their perpetrator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sixty-one years ago, Percy Green began a hunger strike in front of the office of then-St. Louis Treasurer John H. 'Jack' Dwyer to demand the city remove tax money from [...]

This article explores acts of humour that enact citizens as political subjects in the face of state violence and practices of controlled incorporation of racialised Afro-Brazilian others. To do this I analyse hitherto unstudied material from the online memes that followed the forced disappearance of Mr Amarildo de Souza by the ‘pacifying’ police in Rio de Janeiro. Doing this I show how multi-modal online memes that take an ironic stance towards state-violence can be understood as enacting a radical equality which subverts the state-sanctioned racialised and gendered distribution of unequal functions and places that serves to ‘pacify’ threatening racialised others. Thus, I argue that the act of joking is an act of citizenship because it presupposes equality while enacting an incongruity between this equality and the reality of racist state violence, and its ostensible purpose of ‘saving’ racialised victims. In this way ironic memes can provide an important contribution to theory of citizenship, which hitherto has not involved the study of humour as a political act. Thus, if the political nature of humour involves incongruity between conceptualisation and experience, abstract and sensory/objective, sanctity and profanity, dignity and baseness, acts that ironically enact these incongruities as existing in and between state-discourse and practice are deeply political acts and need to be studied as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent high-profile incidents involving the shooting or killing of unarmed Black men have intensified the debate about how police violence affects trust in the criminal justice system, particularly among communities of color. In this article, we propose a quasi-experimental design that leverages the timing of the shooting of Jacob Blake by the Kenosha Police Department relative to when a large survey was fielded in the city of Chicago. We demonstrate that individuals interviewed 4 weeks before and 4 weeks after the shooting are comparable across a large set of observed characteristics, thus approximating an experimental setting. We find that Blake's shooting caused substantial reductions in Black respondents' trust in the police, concentrated among younger residents and criminalized residents. These results suggest that police violence against racial minorities may lead to lower civic engagement and cooperation with law enforcement in those communities, exacerbating issues of public safety and community well-being. The pronounced distrust among younger Black residents suggests a generational rift that could risk further entrenching systemic biases and inequalities within the criminal justice system. Additionally, the higher levels of distrust among criminalized respondents could have implications for research detailing this population's decreased willingness to engage with public institutions more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between police corruption and violence is well established in Latin America. Those with less power in poor communities often adapt their actions to serve their group interests in response to constraints placed on them by law enforcement. Using ethnographic and qualitative methods, we probe the effect of corrupt police behavior on the stigma of arrest and imprisonment by members of impoverished neighborhoods in Mexico City. Using an interpretive approach, we find that widespread corruption and police violence has indirectly mitigated the negative effects of the stigma or arrest and incarceration by what we term the repudiation of stigma. For the subjects in our study, the adjustment to pervasive corruption has led amelioration of the social stigma associated with arrest and incarceration among those with whom they share similar biographies of experience. More generally, repudiation of stigma highlights the ability of the marginalized to deflect the social consequences of being arrested and having a criminal record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the reasons for human rights abuses in policing practices in Bangladesh. Following human rights practices in policing is challenging as Bangladesh's law enforcement agencies are involved in various forms of human rights violations. This study used mixed-methods research approach to enlighten the understanding of human rights violations in Bangladesh. In-depth interviews of 40 participants and survey responses obtained from 350 valid samples were considered for analysis. Thematic content analysis, factor analysis, correlation analysis, and regression analysis were used to identify the key factors influencing human rights violations in policing. The empirical findings indicated that human rights violations in policing are influenced by three key factors: corruption, a culture of impunity, and the militarization of policing. These factors are correlated, their relationship is dynamic, and their combination results in human rights abuse in policing practices in Bangladesh. Finally, the article suggests some policy measures including the de-militarization and de-politicization of law enforcement agencies, breaking the culture of impunity, and eradicating corruption. However, major political, social, legal, and institutional reforms and the development of the human rights movement are needed for implementing these measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines social media discourses to unravel how moral evaluation can be used to legitimize and delegitimize state violence. Based on a Colombian case of police violence targeting protesting students at the University of Cauca, this study unravels the role of moral evaluation of social actors and their actions in affirming or contesting state violence. It underlines the use of dichotomies (i.e., "bravery-cowardice," "honesty-dishonesty," and "evilness-goodness"), the attribution of immoral character traits, and inciting negative emotions as ways of attributing morality or immorality to victims and perpetrators to legitimize or delegitimize political violence. It especially underlines the use of religious references in moral evaluations. By examining social media discourses about state violence, this article aims to contribute to a greater understanding of how political violence can be legitimized and delegitimized based on morality and emotions, which can help in developing ways to promote a culture of nonviolence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The police first responder has a central role in the multi-agency response to domestic abuse in most jurisdictions and is uniquely placed to solicit information from the victim-survivor about the experiences and behaviours they have witnessed first-hand. The College of Policing advises that first response officers have a dual role when attending domestic callouts: to recognise signs of abuse and prevent offences from occurring, and identify criminal offences so that offenders can be brought to justice. The frontline encounter by police is a pivotal moment for myriad reasons. Sharing results and reflections from our experiences of evaluating a number of innovative approaches to the policing of domestic abuse in the UK context, we illustrate the onus placed on the police first responder. In the effort to improve the overall criminal justice response to domestic abuse, we argue that a greater appreciation of this onus is needed amongst all criminal justice and multi-agency practitioners. Furthermore, we argue that greater support for police first responders is needed to improve outcomes for all following this encounter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, three crises coalesced to transform the clinical care landscape of addiction medicine in the United States (US). The opioid overdose crisis (crisis #1), which had been contributing to excess US mortality for over two decades, worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic (crisis #2). The racial reckoning (crisis #3) spurred by the murder of George Floyd at the hands of police impacted clinical care, especially in safety net clinical settings where the majority of people targeted by police violence, and other forms of structural violence, receive healthcare to mend both physical and psychological wounds. Collectively, the three crises changed how providers and patients viewed their experiences of clinical surveillance and altered their relationships to the violence of US healthcare. Drawing from two different research studies conducted during the years preceding and during the COVID-19 pandemic (2017–2022) with low income, safety net patients at risk for opioid overdose and their care providers, I analyze the relationship between surveillance and violence in light of changes wrought by these three intersecting health and social crises. I suggest that shifting perceptions about surveillance and violence contributed to clinical care innovations that offer greater patient autonomy and transform critical components of addiction medicine care practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

George Floyd's murder by a white policeman has sparked the largest urban uprising in US cities since the 1960s. By contextualising this wave of uprisings in the broader context of similar uprisings in twenty‐first‐century US cities, this paper shows that such an uprising has long been in the making with the violence, murders and revolts that have marked US cities since the turn of the century. My argument in this paper is against the pathological framing of these uprisings that evokes the alleged irrational anger of those who participate in the uprisings and the bad behaviour of a few police officers. Such a framing directs attention away from the structural violence that is at the source of these uprisings, and perpetuates racialised images of those who participate in the uprisings as irrational and impulsive. These uprisings, I argue, are not the actions of irrationally angry individuals mindlessly following the crowds; they cannot be reduced to gratuitous looting and burning, and they are not triggered by some police officers behaving badly. The sources of this urban rage lie in systematic, mostly unchecked, violence. The rage that erupts in these uprisings is a political emotion guided by cognition and judgements about right and wrong, just and unjust, rather than a pathological reaction spurred by uncontrollable impulses. It is a deliberate response to white contempt and the violence associated with it. This article is an attempt to reflect on the political aspects of rage as an emotion. By exploring recent urban uprisings, I argue that the pathological framing of rage that erupts in such events is misleading, as it diverts attention away from the structural violence that produces them. The rage that erupts in urban uprisings is a political emotion and a deliberate response to violence, rather than a pathological reaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory study applies thematic analysis to posts made in a popular conservative subreddit on the social media platform Reddit to understand how conservatives discuss police with one another in the context of two ongoing American tragedies—acts of race-based police brutality and mass shootings—in which police seem, at face value, to play very different roles as victimizers and first responders respectively. The study finds that the roles of police are discussed very differently in the online community studied. Within the context of race-based police brutality, popular posts tend to criticize liberals rather than police, and funding police is associated with better crime control. In contrast, posters highlight police inaction during mass shootings—particularly the shooting in Uvalde, Texas—as a form of misconduct and issue calls for accountability. These results suggest that the conservative community studied views defending members of the public as an important obligation of law enforcement, expects that providing the police with resources will enable them to better carry out this obligation, and wants police who fail in doing so held to account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Outgroup empathy deficit research suggests that White U.S. citizens—especially those most prone to prejudice—should report minimal empathy for Black victims of police violence. We propose that this oft-cited phenomena is not inevitable, and the police-related experiences of those White individuals must be considered. To address this issue, we considered empathy toward a Black versus White woman victim of a fatal police shooting. We were particularly interested in identifying factors that might eliminate outgroup empathy deficits. Method: Two hundred and thirty White MTurk participants completed a right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) measure and reported the extent that they experienced police mistreatment. They were randomly assigned to read about a deadly White policeman shooting of a Black or White woman and reported the extent they believed Black people experienced unfair police mistreatment, their victim-directed empathy, and their compassion for her family. Results: There was clear evidence of inclusive victimhood consciousness (i.e., acknowledging that one's personal experiences are like those of an outgroup). Specifically, in the Black (but not White) victim condition, greater perceived personal police mistreatment predicted elevated perceived police mistreatment of Black individuals, which in turn was linked to heightened victim-directed empathy and family-directed compassion. Critically important, these effects were limited to high RWA participants. The Victim Race × Personal Police Mistreatment interaction was not significant for low RWA participants. Conclusions: In sum, among highly authoritarian White participants, police mistreatment experiences were positively associated with empathy for a Black woman victim of a deadly police shooting and compassion for her family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the challenges faced by labor rights defenders in Bangladesh, particularly in the garment sector. It highlights the violations of freedom of association, violence against trade unionists, and the government's response to these issues. The International Labor Organization's Committee on Freedom of Association has been monitoring the situation since 2017, with concerns about the lack of effective protection for human rights defenders. The need for timely prosecution of human rights violations, institutional reform, and the role of international organizations and brands in addressing these issues are also emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

What affects police killings of denizens in the cities of developing democracies? Brazil is one of the countries with the most casualties from police lethality, yet deaths from police interventions vary greatly across its cities, as well as over time. Since most of its police forces are formally responsive to state-level governments, the political dynamics at this government tier are essential to comprehend urban policing—and its resort to deadly violence. I argue that subnational political competition explains whether state-level governments can implement reforms to reduce police lethality. I illustrate this argument through a within-case, cross-case comparison of the city-states of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro since re-democratization in the 1980s. While lower fragmentation and partisan continuity at the state-level government enabled and consolidated reforms that mitigated police violence in São Paulo, higher fragmentation and turnover inhibited reforms and increased police lethality in Rio. Building on interviews with subnational politicians and police officers as well as statistics on police killings, this paper helps spark an urgent conversation in urban studies on police violence in the urban Global South and expands the police reform literature by developing a theory of how politics influences police violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe period crime drama Ripper Street (BBC/multiple production partners, 2012–2016) engages in a variety of postcolonial sociocultural critiques. One of these areas of critique includes the moral injury/-ies suffered by Sergeant (later Inspector) Bennet Drake (played by Jerome Flynn), who served in Sudan and Egypt as part of the colonial military before becoming a police officer. Often called upon to engage in what would now be considered police brutality, Drake’s increasingly ambivalent relationship to violence, those who command (or have commanded) him, and the expressions of shame and self-harm he exhibits make him a clear victim of moral injury. This article will explore how Drake is represented, and also how he is representative of returning soldiers, contextualised in both colonial (contemporary to the period in which the series is set) and postcolonial (contemporary to the period in which it was filmed) critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different characteristics of social media users give rise to different languages when they (netizens) write comments on social media, ranging from polite ones to harsh. The case of one of the Indonesian celebrities who reported her spouse to the police for domestic violence brought up various comments. Netizens immediately commented, some even using abusive language. This study aims to determine the categorization of abusive language levels in posts on official Instagram accounts of celebrities who have X and Y accounts by applying the positivism paradigm using content analysis research methods and quantitative approaches. The samples collected were all comments on both accounts up to Saturday, January 7 h, 2023. The results showed that on account Y, 34% of comments did not contain abusive language, while on account X, it reached 42%. The most abusive language on account Y was related to names involving animals, astral creatures/beings, and body parts, with a count of 23% each. Meanwhile, on account X, the most abusive language involved unpleasant and unethical conditions, with a count of 12% and 11%, respectively. Efforts to address this issue are needed to create a safer and more civilized online environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Rodney King's appearance on the reality TV show Celebrity Rehab with Dr. Drew in 2008. The author analyzes King's account of his 1991 beating by the Los Angeles Police Department and how it aligns with the affective labor of reality television's theater of suffering. The article explores how King's testimony ruptures the genre's neoliberal, colorblind ideologies and reveals his attempt to reclaim a publicly commodified identity. It also discusses the temporality of Black trauma and the televisual archive of self that King constructed. The article highlights the exploitation and commodification of Black trauma in reality television, but also the potential for reclamation and revision. [Extracted from the article]

A growing body of evidence makes plain that exposure to perceived racism-based events, particularly for Black emerging adults aged 18–29, represents a major public health concern in the United States given its widespread prevalence and documented association with adverse health outcomes. However, research on the prevalence and correlates of exposure to perceived racism-based police violence (RPV) for Black emerging adults is scant. The current study examines the prevalence and correlates of RPV exposure among a sample of 300 Black emerging adult college students, utilizing computer-assisted surveys. Univariate, bivariate, and multiple linear regression analyzes were conducted. We found moderately low rates for direct RPV exposure (Mean = 5.85) and moderately high rates (Mean = 10.4) for indirect exposure. Being younger and having incomes greater than $10,000 were significant predictors of direct RPV exposure, whereas being female and older were significant predictors of indirect RPV exposure. Our findings provide implications for future research and underscore the need for social work clinicians to include the RPV scales during their assessments for traumatic experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police violence shapes the lives of racial and ethnic minorities, and while much has been written about strategic responses to police, missing is an examination of how black women navigate interactions with officers. Based on 32 interviews with black women, we find that they use witnessing, or the mobilization of others as observers to police encounters. Research demonstrates the rising role of videos and smartphones in documenting encounters with officers. We find that black women adapt witnessing techniques based on their surroundings, available resources, and network contacts. Three forms of witnessing are observed: physical witnessing , mobilizing others in close proximity to interactions with officers; virtual witnessing , using cellphone or social media technology to contact others or record interactions with officers; and institutional witnessing , leveraging police or other institutional contacts as interveners to interactions with officers. Black women mobilize witnessing to deescalate violence, gather evidence, and promote accountability. Attuned to both the interactional and structural dynamics of police encounters, black women conceptualize witnessing as a way to survive police encounters and navigate their legal estrangement within the carceral system. We theorize black women's witnessing as a form of resistance as they work to reconfigure short- and long-term power relations between themselves, their communities, and police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent highly-publicized cases of police violence have raised broader discussions around understanding use-of-force as institutional racism. We explore how variation in police practices, including discretionary stops and targeting outdoor spaces, along with racialized understandings of crime and space, help explain use-of-force in neighborhoods. Using stop-and-frisk data from the New York City Police Department (NYPD) in Census tracts (N = 12675) between 2006 and 2012, we conduct a spatial analysis and estimate multilevel negative binomial regression models. We find relationships between use-of-force incidents and police organizational practices, where police use force more often in neighborhoods where they employ greater discretionary stops, and in neighborhoods where police conduct proportionally more indoor stops. Our findings also point to understanding stop-and-frisk as a spatial strategy concentrated largely in neighborhoods of color, where police use force more often in Black and Latinx neighborhoods above and beyond the racial disproportionately of individuals stopped. Police also use force more often in neighborhoods where they perceive more crime, even after accounting for the observed crime rate. We suggest that use-of-force by the NYPD is systematically produced through organizational practices paired with shared racialized understandings of crime and space that vary across neighborhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Obstinate memory is an insistent resource for communities. Migrant Media advocates the methodology of a "documentary of force" as a research tool for filmmakers and academics. As a U.K.-based collective of filmmaker-activists involved in community struggles, Migrant Media's resistance-based work uses cameras and screens to challenge racism and police violence. Drawing on film documentary history from figures as diverse as Dziga Vertov, Jean-Luc Godard, Black Audio Film Collective, and Third Cinema, the Migrant Media story is revealed through attempts to ban the 2001 film Injustice and a more recent series filmed with nurses during the coronavirus pandemic. We suggest some directions for further research at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We know that civil wars have negative and long-term consequences for public trust in state institutions. However, few studies have examined the post-peace challenges of rebuilding trust in state institutions. In this study, we utilise the case of Colombia to explore the impact of civil wars on the institutional trust of the police. We find that perspectives on abuse, punishment, and corruption are significant predictors of trust in the Colombian police. Further, we find that when we test all three phenomena together, perceptions of police abuse and experience with bribery are the key drivers of trust of police in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that reconsidering the disciplinary significance of the geographies of crime is timely. It has three aims. First, it identifies recent developments in the geographical study of crime, arguing that they both challenge and extend its intellectual traditions. Second, using the example of cybercrime, it identifies new forms of crime that deserve scrutiny by geographers. Third, it draws on ideas of Southern criminology to identify how research agendas can be diversified to advance how geographers study crime. In doing so it proposes that geographers' renewed interest in crime over recent decades is appropriately labelled 'new geographies of crime'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate whether the perceived ethicalness of police actions changes when police follow an AI-robot's advice. We assess whether perceived ethicalness of police violence is higher when police follow robot advice to arrest a passer-by, compared to no robot advice to arrest the passer-by. Using neutralization theory, we test how blame-shifting occurs. When police violently arrest an innocent passer-by, the violence is neutralized when the decision was made following the AI-robot. Perceived ethicalness of police violence is higher when the passer-by is a terrorist, and police violence against a passer-by is neutralized through 'denial of victim' and 'denial of injury'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]