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Disruptions such as COVID-19—and the subsequent flux they wreak on organizations and society—have become commonplace. In order to advance our understanding of (and adaptation to) future discontinuities and crises, we argue that we require a reconceptualization of how disruption occurs. To do so, we draw on event systems theory; in contrast to previous work viewing disruption as the outcome of a singular event, we focus on how disruption can occur from an event chain—that is, a set of events that are temporally and causally connected. We abductively shape our conceptual arguments by drawing on narratives of past pandemics, reviewing two historical and two fictional texts that (re)create the experiences of those living through the Black Death and subsequent outbreaks of the bubonic plague. Rather than focusing on events themselves, we identify how certain characteristics among events in a chain lead to four microlevel experiences: stagnation, disorientation, polarization, and repudiation. We then proceed to examine how these microlevel reactions culminate into macrolevel transformations of economic, political, and cultural norms. Our event-system perspective on disruption and crises thereby generates insight, not only into understanding the (post-)pandemic world, but also into responses to future discontinuities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Method Results Conclusion This article explores whether authoritarian China has a monolithic political culture, or rather a set of somewhat different political cultures across a number of regions.On the basis of several criteria we deem particularly important for identifying regions within which development, communication, and socialization of political attitudes are likely to be internally common but distinguishable from those of other regions, we divide China into six such regions. We then employ a combination of eight attitudinal measures from The China Survey of 2008 which are directly relevant to discerning political culture.We find that there are indeed substantively different cultures across regions, some of which are more consistent with elite preferences than others.From our initial foray into possible explanation, we conclude that politico‐historical legacy—sometimes in interaction with certain aspects of geographic, demographic, and economic characteristics—may go furthest in explaining the cross‐region cultural differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are episodes in Marx’s life that go unnoticed or that are considered insignificant in Marxian scholarship. A case in point is that Marx wrote a treatise on Christian art between 1841 and 1842 and a group of excerpts (the Bonn Notebooks) on the history of religious art that resulted from it. The treatise and the accompanying notebooks are either completely absent from Marx biographies and studies on young Marx or they are mentioned only in passing; if the notebooks are considered at all, one portion is usually singled out while the rest is effectively ignored. The present piece traces Marx’s motives for occupying himself with religious art as well as his interests, shifting from Christian, Greek and Egyptian arts to fetishism and idolatry. This study intends to highlight that young Marx was more involved in questions concerning the political culture of aesthetics than we usually think. The Bonn Notebooks provide access to a more vivid image of Marx in this regard than previous scholarship has suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of civil society during and after the Presidential Elections of 2015 in Sri Lanka created a new era in democracy-building. Civil society played a decisive role in bringing the National Unity Government (NUG) into power in 2015 and revived the space for civil society to consolidate democracy with much waited reforms in the political and governance spheres amidst challenges on the part of ethno-religious forces. The article thus explores the role played by CSOs in building democracy during NUG (2015–2019). The article demonstrates that, while Sri Lanka’s CSOs made significant progress toward democratic consolidation during the NUG, there is still a long way to go to ensure that a democratic political culture pervades all aspects of citizens’ lives which is possible only through political institutionalization. Despite Sri Lanka’s democratic accomplishments since 1931, efforts to consolidate democracy face challenges that have the potential to derail the gains made in the democratic consolidation process. The article claims that the single most critical factor in the consolidation of democracy is not only civil society but also political institutionalization. Though the article focuses on Sri Lanka, it does provide lessons for other developing countries that encounter democratic recession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the County War Agricultural Executive Committees (CWAEC), known colloquially as 'War Ags', during World War Two has been well documented, but how they were affected by local political culture has received little attention. This study examines the East Riding's 'War Ag' and demonstrates that by using the county's existing political mechanisms, implementation of the government's war time agricultural strategy was both rapid and efficient. At the outbreak of war, the landed classes and experienced farmers held significant power within the East Riding County Council, a position which was different from many other authorities where such power was in decline. Upon formation the majority of those assigned to the 'War Ag' were from this cohort, including its chairman. Crucially their established power base, coupled with their professional credibility, allowed them to commence implementation quickly. Their success was not a given, because at the outbreak of war the morale of the county's farmers was low, and their relationship with government strained and distrusting. However, they quickly adapted to the nation's needs, adopting modern practices which resulted in increased efficiencies and profitability, both of which continued into the post war era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the prevalence and significance of ritual in the early modern world, focusing on the case of the early Qing surrender ceremony. It argues that as empires expanded and societies became more diverse, rulers relied on ritual to incorporate new political actors and govern different cultures and ethnicities. The article explores how ritual constructed and reconstructed social and political orders in a rapidly changing world, and suggests that ritual proliferated during this time period due to increased social interactions and the emergence of large empires. It discusses the role of ritual in the Qing surrender ceremony, which was used to incorporate surrendered generals and their troops into the Manchu political order. The article highlights how rituals were used to establish and reinforce power dynamics, create political relationships, and navigate conflicts, emphasizing the crucial role of ritual in state-building and the construction of political order in early modern societies. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractDrawing on ethnographic fieldwork with Workers’ Party supporters in Northeast Brazil, and analysis of electoral campaign materials, I show that left-wing populist discourse can activate aspects of a traditional and apparently illiberal political culture that are compatible with liberal democracy, particularly the principles and ideals of representation, accountability and redistribution of economic growth. By political culture, I refer to the intersection between, on the one hand, cultural aspects such as religion, power relations rooted in history and life trajectories dictated by political and economic constraints, and, on the other hand, political discourses, leaders and policies. Moreover, I show that Workers’ Party voters are not irrational actors, as some scholars of populism argue, but vote for politicians and parties that radically transformed their lives. Using Northeast Brazil as a case study, the paper contributes to debates about the relationship between populism and liberal democracy, showing how the two are not incompatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Shakespeare's interest in masques and their impact on his plays, specifically The Tempest and The Winter's Tale. It delves into the controversy surrounding the antimasque in The Tempest and Shakespeare's perspective on masques and the absolutist ideology they promoted. The article emphasizes the significance of considering non-Jonsonian masques, like those by Samuel Daniel and Thomas Campion, in comprehending Shakespeare's involvement with masquing. It highlights the personal involvement of Shakespeare and his company, the King's Men, in producing masques and collaborating with the Master of the Revels. The text explores the influence of court masques on Shakespeare's plays The Winter's Tale and The Tempest, drawing parallels between Campion's masques and certain scenes in The Winter's Tale, such as the animation of Hermione's statue. However, it advises against assuming that Shakespeare endorsed Campion's views on royal pageantry and power. The text also mentions the impact of Jonson's masques on Shakespeare's plays and suggests that further research is necessary to fully comprehend Shakespeare's engagement with masques and their ideological implications. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractWhile it is obvious that the space for protests in Hong Kong has declined significantly, it is far less apparent how the political culture has been transformed. Based on an analytical framework using the Lefebvrian concept of space, the paper draws on the July 1st protest march to trace how the political space of the population has been reduced. Relatively quickly, Hong Kong has transformed from a vibrant civil society to one marked by fear and self-censorship similar to other authoritarian regimes. Following an expansion of protest space during the 2019 anti-extradition bill movement, the Chinese government has enacted a National Security Law to eliminate most political activism. The study shows the success of the government’s repression although the long-term impact is not yet clear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central debate over the Blueshirt movement has centred on whether the movement can be classified as fascist. The two most significant accounts of Blueshirtism, by Maurice Manning (1971) and Mike Cronin (1997) have largely avoided explicit comparisons between the Blueshirts and other European fascist movements. While John Newsinger (2001) has argued that the Blueshirts may be usefully compared to the British Blackshirts, and Fearghal McGarry (2005) has highlighted aspects of Eoin O'Duffy's engagement with Italian Fascist ideas and practices, there is still more work to be done in exploring transnational links and possible comparisons between the Blueshirts and continental European fascist movements. This article argues that by interrogating the political culture of Blueshirtism, we can better understand its place within the spectrum of European fascisms. This article considers both the "high" and "low" aspects of Blueshirt culture. It examines the links between the Blueshirts and European fascist movements by analysing both political thought and political uniforms. By applying a transnational lens, we can thus gain a more holistic understanding of one of the most controversial political movements in modern Irish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chartist songs, and the movement's culture more generally, have received growing scholarly attention in recent decades. This article uses a case study of the many Chartist songs written to the tune of Robert Burns's 'Scots wha hae' to explore the ways in which Chartist songwriters participated in the reworking of radical culture and ideas taking place in the 1830s and 1840s. These Chartist versions of 'Scots wha hae' – new words to an old tune – engaged in a conscious and creative dialogue between the Chartist present and the radical past. As such, they are an ideal source for exploring continuity and change in nineteenth-century radicalism, a topic of sustained historical controversy since the 1980s. Rather than indicating continuity, these re-writes of 'Scots wha hae' reveal how the Chartists saw themselves as a new phase of radicalism, facing novel political and economic challenges, appealing to broader constituencies of nationality, class and gender, and foregrounding working-class, rather than gentlemanly, leadership. Moreover, the act of showcasing this plebeian musical creativity on a scale unmatched by previous radical movements illustrates Chartism's commitment to songwriting as both a key form of democratic activism and an innovative challenge to the cultural hierarchies of Victorian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of a pirate ship in Loch Craignish in 1720 was an episodic occurrence, which introduced a local community in Argyllshire to the process of globalisation, a process marked by the transoceanic movements of people, goods and ideas. For literate Scots, the wider horizons of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries were opened up by novels, travel literature and newsprint. While reading material stimulated the mind and promoted discussion about matters of global interest, actual commodities from overseas variously engaged all the senses. Globalisation became an active rather than a passive experience. Sight, hearing, smell, touch and taste affected all, from the social, commercial and intellectual elites to the woman in the field and the man in the street in early modern Scotland. Nevertheless, public knowledge of where colonial commodities came from became distanced by time. A global awareness of place was retained in families and communities overtly engaged in mercantile and military adventuring, especially when accompanied by death whether through natural causes, misadventure or mortal combat. Illicit activities had a no less profound impact. Indeed, covert people trafficking, enslavement, smuggling, shipwrecking and piracy had a more local immediacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1106, Constance, the daughter of King Philip I of France, married Bohemond of Antioch, a hero of the First Crusade. After their wedding, the couple returned to Bohemond’s territories in Apulia. However, their marriage proved short-lived. Bohemond’s untimely death in 1111 left Constance with the task of securing the inheritance of their only surviving son, Bohemond II, still a minor at the time. Throughout the course of the next fifteen years, Constance was relentless in her determination to preserve Bohemond II’s patrimony, enduring repeated captivities and working tirelessly to secure the military and diplomatic support necessary to establish permanent control of his inheritance. This article argues that these actions on behalf of her son and the experiences that informed them reflect her expectations about motherhood and her understanding of her role in that capacity. It integrates a range of sources, most notable among them her unique seal, to demonstrate how her conception of motherhood was informed by her own experiences as a child and her observations of other powerful women acting on behalf of their own sons. Her tenacity was a direct reflection of her emotional investment in and maternal commitment to Bohemond II, providing insight into the medieval mother-son bond. Her determination to physically protect her son in the present as well as ensure his future safety by establishing control of the lands he inherited from his father were impulses she would have shared with noble mothers across medieval Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The securitisation theory (ST) often gives rise to the debate on the positive and negative dimensions of security. ST is frequently quoted in this debate to explore what happens when threats are labelled as a security issue. The positive and negative points in the debate on ST are closely related to migration, environment, and health. However, like other international relations (IR) theories, the ST debate often fails to reflect the voices and experiences of different regional contexts. This article contributed to the securitisation debates by adding the perspectives and experiences of the Southeast Asia region by applying critical literature review analysis, using primary and secondary sources data collection. Although public health challenges are global phenomena, the way they are addressed may vary across geographical regions. The article reviews the consequences of securitising on contagious diseases in Southeast Asia as the region is often associated with distinctive political cultures that shape the governing norms. Securitisation has clearly made a positive impact on the health security cooperation in the region. Instead of encouraging state-centric thinking, the securitisation of health crises has prompted ASEAN countries to be more region-centric, ultimately challenging the regional norms that have historically obstructed cooperation across the nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Salah Ben Youssef et les youssefistes: Au tournant de l'indépendance tunisienne, 1955–1956" by M'hamed Oualdi explores the rise and fall of the Youssefist movement in the Tunisian national movement. The author focuses on Salah Ben Youssef's leadership position in the Neo-Destour party, his expulsion from the party, and the support he garnered across Tunisia. The book also delves into the violent suppression of the movement after its official ban in 1956. The author draws on French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and French military archives for information. The book offers insights into Ben Youssef's background and his vision for Tunisia as a constitutional monarchy. The author questions why Tunisia did not evolve into a multiparty state like Morocco. However, the book could have benefited from further analysis of the rivalry between Bourguiba and Ben Youssef and the perspectives of other key figures. The book provides a useful chronology of events but lacks an index. [Extracted from the article]

The main objective of this study was to analyze democracy legitimacy in a non-WEIRD country from a political psychology perspective. More specifically, two dimensions of democracy legitimacy were empirically isolated: diffuse and specific support. We tested a system justification model of democracy legitimacy, while also assessing the role of sociodemographic and context evaluation variables. We applied a questionnaire with closed-ended response choices to a non-probabilistic quota sample of adults from Cordoba, Argentina (n = 450). Besides descriptively analyzing democracy legitimacy, two hierarchical multiple regression analyzes were performed, one for each criterion variable. The results evidenced that diffuse support for democracy remains relatively high, while specific support for Argentine political system is markedly low. Different variables explained each dimension of political legitimacy: those regarding ideological system justification—right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and political conservatism—explained an important amount of the variance of diffuse support but had only a marginal role in explaining specific support. The latter was better predicted by context evaluation variables, suggesting that system performance is more relevant than ideology when it comes to specific support. Thus, although democracy legitimacy could be based on a relatively developed civic culture, a poor system performance is not innocuous. The authors discuss how the theoretical explanations developed and framed in Western democracies may be not adequate to comprehend Latin American political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about treason and anxiety in a small country. In particular, it examines how anxiety of treason as a core political affect and as a form of collective sentimentality has been shaping Georgia's political culture, especially since independence. I approach treason first and foremost as a category embedded in the collective memory narratives to demonstrate how it has been used to frame political processes. At the same time, I treat controversies involving accusations of treason as ramifications of collective anxiety over the notions of peoplehood and sovereignty in a small country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that a systematic change was introduced into Icelandic society between 1096 and 1133. The main events concerning this change were the introduction of the tithe in 1096, the Icelandic Church changing allegiance from the archdiocese of Hamburg-Bremen to a newly constituted archbishopric of Lund in 1104, the foundation of a new see at Hólar in 1106, the codification of Icelandic laws in 1118, and finally the establishment of Christian law and the composition of The Book of Icelanders sometime between 1122 and 1133. These changes all took place within a single generation, and they were led by the same individuals. Together, they heralded a cultural revolution that changed the constitution and the status of the Church in society. Among the major components were the advent of literacy and formal education, the institutionalization of the Church, and the territorialization of ecclesiastical authority. These radical changes affected secular institutions and led to a reorganization of society on many levels. Within a few decades, the political culture of Iceland had been transformed. Because Iceland was a country without any executive authority, this transformation, enacted through the willful submission of the leading people to their ecclesiastical leaders, was remarkable. It led to the Europeanization of Icelandic society in cultural matters, and at a later stage, to the introduction of an executive government in the thirteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of service in Castilian political culture between 1250 and 1350. Many interactions between different elements of political society were discussed and understood in terms of service, from holding office to military service, grants and royal taxation. The study traces the development of phrases which harnessed the discursive power of service through royal documents, Cortes records, political writings and letters. I argue that service was sufficiently resonant that it ought to be considered the central ethic of political interaction between the king and the kingdom. Moreover, by regularly justifying actions because they were "God's service and mine, and the profit and safeguard of all my land," Castilian kings made a discursive link between service and the common good. By contrast with England, where parliament considered "the profit of the king and the kingdom," the Castilian formulation left service more closed off in political discourse: it was only for the king to decide what contributed to his service. Concluding that the moral discourse of service acted as a powerful force for integration in Castilian politics, this article contributes to a broader debate about the role of political language in shaping the development of late medieval polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article summarises current developments in rural and infrastructurally disadvantaged areas and focuses on issues relating to the development of democratic culture: What challenges do rural regions face today in terms of strengthening democratic structures and social cohesion, particularly with the rise of right-wing extremist tendencies in these regions? And what role does political education play in overcoming these challenges? It will be shown that rural areas exhibit diverse social, economic and societal differences, with structurally weak regions often suffering from a lack of resources and civic engagement. Various strategies and measures are proposed to counteract these developments. In particular, the importance of voluntary organisations and associations in rural areas, which can act as important actors for strengthening democratic structures, is emphasised. In this context, the federal programme "Zusammenhalt durch Teilhabe" (social cohesion through participation) is discussed, which aims to contribute to the development and stabilisation of a democratic political culture in rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Marmara University Social Sciences Institute / Öneri is the property of Marmara University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Our main goal is to provide a preliminary, descriptive, and thematic overview of civic education courses in Serbia until 2020 from the perspectives of international political sociology, critical pedagogy and critical curriculum studies. After clarifying pertinent conceptual assumptions of curriculum analysis, we review the methodology employed to examine the curriculum. Firstly, our task is to describe how a civic education course in Serbia looks in relevant educational aspects. Secondly, we explore the role civic education plays in postsocialist and post-conflict Serbian society within the educational system and policies, considering transformative processes and reconciliation goals. Among the main findings, we emphasise the inadequacy of the initial phase of implementation of civic education in Serbia. There is insufficient recognition in the broader public regarding the cosmopolitan and social justice values crucial for generating a democratic political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a systematic review of 192 scientific articles published from 2019 to 2023. In journals included in the list of peer-reviewed publications of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation, two main strategies for studying the political orientations of Russians are distinguished: dominant and critical. Within the first, a consensus was reached that the basis of the political orientations of Russian citizens are ideas that can be united under the leadership of traditionalism and analytically examined in the conceptual prism of moderate conservatism. The authors adhering to the second strategy problematize the accepted interpretation of tradition and aim at revealing the contradictions present in the worldview of Russians, showing the significance of the chronic fragmentation of Russian society. A comparison is also made of the areas of research on political orientations in Russia and in other countries. It is indicated that foreign scientists pay very little attention to Russian political culture itself; the available works are focused on its protest aspects and on the historical context of the formation of its specificity. Unlike their foreign colleagues, Russian scientists are most interested in studying the current political orientations of young people. The author concludes that solutions to some of the most pressing research problems are revealed in the civilizational and other approaches developed by Russian researchers, which contribute to the convergence of both strategies, the unification of their positive potential and at the same time can shed light on what seems to be a long-standing and truly most important and the current problem of the political orientations of Russian society - inconsistency, polarization, fragmentation, which may have taken shape in the civilizational specifics of Russia.