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A telephone survey was administered to residents of a historically conservative southern state to assess resident's level of support for comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) in schools and support for the availability of condoms and contraception to reduce unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections. Data were obtained from 841 residents and findings revealed that the majority of residents: (a) support CSE, (b) support access to birth control, and (c) support the availability of condoms. Data were analyzed to determine characteristics of those in support of these prevention strategies so that data could inform key stakeholders, policy makers and health promotion strategies.

The purpose of this article was to determine opinions on the use of abstinence only versus comprehensive sex education by registered voters in South Carolina. A cross-sectional, random-digit dial sample was utilized. Approximately 81% of respondents indicated support for sex education that emphasizes abstinence but also teaches about the benefits and importance of using contraceptives to prevent pregnancy and/or sexually transmitted diseases. Results suggest that registered voters in South Carolina support teaching a comprehensive approach to sex education and favor a variety of sex education topics, regardless of political ideology, religion, or parental status. (Contains 7 tables and 1 figure.)

As the United States moves from being a predominantly biracial to a multiracial society, racial attitudes continue to become more diverse and more complex. Scholars need to address these changes not only in terms of black and white Americans, but also how these changes involve and affect other racial groups, particularly Asian and Hispanic Americans. This inquiry looks at some of these complexities by examining how social construction differentials in the minds of white Americans affect their attitudes toward the issues of equal opportunity and multiculturalism. The analysis shows that differences in the cognitive images whites hold of minority groups in comparison to their own race have a significant impact in determining white attitudes toward group-based issues. In effect, negative constructions of racial groups lower one's support for policies aimed at these groups.

This study compares the dimensions of elite (political leaders) and mass (general public) opinions towards foreign policy. A factor analysis revealed the elite's five major concerns (internationalism, international organization, Americanism, defense spending, and interventionism) and an overall preference for structured approaches. The masses also included leadership to this list of concerns.

Willingness to support funding for government programs, particularly social programs, has been a key difference between Democrats and Republicans since the New Deal era. In recent years, considerable research has pointed to increasing differences between partisans. The current research uses General Social Survey data from 1973 to 2014 to examine the extent to which differences between Democrats and Republicans on spending issues have increased over time, have been consistent across domains, or have fluctuated differentially during this period. The results demonstrate that while Democrats and Republicans have distinct and opposing views on questions of government spending, partisan differences in support for spending are not uniform across issue areas, with larger differences on social welfare issues than on issues that are seen as redistributive, but not entitlements. The changes in liberalism that have occurred among partisans on these issues vary across domains and fluctuate at various points during this 40-year period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In exploring the role that racism plays in voters’ evaluation of candidates, recent research has provided evidence that white voters do not discriminate against conservative minority candidates in high-profile general elections. In situations in which a candidate’s race and his or her party identification would seemingly lead voters in opposite directions, partisanship takes precedence over race in influencing the vote decision. The 2014 U.S. Senate election in South Carolina, in which both seats—one held by a white Republican, the other by a black Republican—were contested presented a unique opportunity to test this premise. In a hypothetical trial heat between similar white and black candidates, white voters did not appear to discriminate against a black Republican candidate. Moreover, white voters who scored high on a symbolic racism measure were no less likely to express support for a conservative black candidate than those with more tolerant racial attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Conducting studies in national practice-based research networks presents logistic and methodologic challenges. Pediatric Research in Office Settings (PROS) has learned valuable lessons in implementing new strategies and adapting to challenges. We describe practical challenges and results of novel applied strategies in implementing and testing the Clinical Effort Against Secondhand Smoke Exposure (CEASE) intervention as part of a national-level cluster-randomized controlled trial.Methods: In the trial, 20 PROS practices were randomized to either a CEASE intervention arm or a control arm. Parents of children seen in the office who indicated smoking in the past 7 days were asked to complete a postvisit enrollment interview and telephone interviews 3 and 12 months later. Identified challenges included (1) recruiting 20 practices serving a high percentage of parent smokers; (2) screening all parents bringing children for visits and enrolling eligible parents who smoked; and (3) achieving an acceptable 12-month telephone response rate.Results: A total of 47 interested practices completed the Practice Population Survey, of which 20 practices in 16 states completed parent enrollment. Thirty-two research assistants screened 18,607 parents and enrolled 1,980 of them. The initial telephone interview response rate was 56% at 12 months, with incorrect and disconnected numbers accounting for nearly 60% of nonresponses. The response rate rose to 67% after practices supplied 532 new contact numbers and 754 text messages were sent, with 389 parents completing interviews.Conclusion: The strategies we used to overcome methodologic barriers in conducting a national intervention trial allowed data collection to be completed in the office setting and increased the telephone interview response rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. With an increasing proportion of Americans using complementary or alternative medicine (CAM), physicians need to know which patients are using CAM to effectively manage care. Methods. In this cross-sectional study, telephone interviews were conducted with 1,584 South Carolina adults (ages 18 and older); 66% responded to the survey of demographics, general health, frequency of CAM use, perceived CAM effectiveness, and physician knowledge of CAM use. Results. A total of 44% had used a CAM during the past year. Increasing age and higher education were significantly associated with CAM use. More than 60% perceived CAM therapy as very effective, and 89% said they would recommend CAM to others. Physicians were unaware of CAM use in 57% of their patients using CAM. Conclusion. Complementary or alternative medicine use in this rural Southern state is similar to national usage. Users view CAM as effective. Physicians are frequently unaware of patients' CAM use. More research is needed to establish CAM effectiveness and how CAM affects medical care, training, and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a mailed survey, 268 primary care physicians used a 5-point Likert scale to rate 23 items regarding geriatrics curriculum in terms of the quality of their postgraduate preparation on the topic and in terms of importance for their subsequent practice. All mean preparation ratings were lower than importance ratings. Mean ratings scores were ranked, and importance minus preparation rankings suggest areas where more geriatric education is needed. Results indicate geriatrics is perceived as an under emphasized component of postgraduate training in internal medicine and family practice residencies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Examines rise and fall of a movement associated with United States-based politician, George Wallace. Failure to generate support that would have given him a major role in determining the Democratic presidential nominee; Emergence of third parties in the midst of national crises; Alterations in the social psychological bases of Wallace support.

Before the 1976 presidential primaries had begun, the figure of George Wallace loomed large in the American political arena. Pollsters and journalists speculated widely on how many Democratic convention delegates Wallace would win, what influence he would have on the Democratic convention, and whether he would lead a third-party movement if denied the Democratic nomination. Events from the New Hampshire through the California primaries proved much of this speculation to be idle, for Wallace never did mount a serious challenge within the Democratic party. Using data from the 1968 through 1976 SRC/CPS Election Studies, this work traces the sources of Wallace support over time and advances several hypotheses as to why the "Wallace Factor" was relatively absent in the 1976 campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]