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TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1139 I. RACIALIZED CITIZENSHIP 1140 A. Time One (1790-1868): American Means White Persons 1143 B. Time Two (1868-1952): American Means Black and White Persons 1144 C. [...], In The "Free White Person" Clause of the Naturalization Act of 1790 as Super-Statute, Gabriel Jack Chin and Paul Finkelman argue that racist results in naturalization have arisen despite, or maybe because of, the race neutral interpretation. This happened in a manner that could have been predicted by the federal government's attitudes toward non-White persons in the Naturalization Act of 1790 and the nearly unbroken chain of legal developments. This leads them to think of the law as a "super-statute." While I agree that this is the path actually taken in history, I view the mid-1960s civil rights era as a "critical juncture" when the U.S. government could have taken a counterfactual path that was less racist. The counterfactual path would have required legal interpretations of Constitutional equality and statutory nondiscrimination that remained cognizant of racial implications of purportedly race neutral laws, which was briefly captured in language rights and voting rights statutes in the late 1960s to 1970s. But the egalitarian interpretations unraveled due to contradictions within the liberal national ideology that permitted a post-racial pragmatism about colorblindness that stalled the political incorporation of some non-White immigrants--Asian, Latino/a, Arab--due to their racialization as perpetual foreigners (racialized foreigners).

In this Symposium, scholars across disciplines discuss the key themes of the volume and questions that arise from Containing Diversity: Canada and the Politics of Immigration in the 21st Century. The book's authors, Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Ethel Tungohan and Christina Gabriel document and analyze the shifts that marked Canadian immigration, citizenship and multiculturalism in the period 2001-2021. They argue that these policy changes can be understood through the dynamic of containing diversity--a process involving the racialization and control of specific groups, alongside contradictory impulses exhibited in all these policies between closure to threatening outsiders and openness to valued workers and citizens. This symposium further advances the discussion of shifts within immigration, citizenship and multiculturalism policy by featuring the responses of Alexandra Dobrowolsky, Shanti Fernando, Shibao Guo, J. Adam Perry, and Lyubov Zhyznomirska to key contentions of the volume. Dobrowolsky questions whether neoliberalism and securitization are the only dynamics at play. She also invites a further consideration of whether and how interactions existed between migrants and Indigenous peoples historically. Fernando asks the authors to consider the degree to which the state can move beyond the neoliberal logics that characterize current policies and embrace the authors' call for an ethics of migration grounded in care and relationality. In a similar vein, J. Adam Perry focuses on the role of an ethics of care approach within grassroots mobilizations. Guo's contribution invites the authors to consider how the process of containing diversity is linked to the increase in the growth of racism and xenophobia and what actions can be taken to achieve racial justice. In her intervention, Zhyznomirska comments on the rise of populism and questions to what extent this development may lead to a more restrictive immigration system. The symposium concludes with the authors' responses to some of these questions and in doing so, the symposium prompts a call for a broader conversation about the future of these policies and practices. Keywords: Containing diversity, immigration, multiculturalism, citizenship, neoliberalism, ethics of care. Keywords: Containing diversity, immigration, multiculturalism, citizenship, neoliberalism, ethics of care. Dans ce symposium, des chercheurs de toutes les disciplines discutent des themes cles de l'ouvrage et des questions qui tournent autour d'Endiguer la diversite : le Canada et les politiques de l'immigration au 21e siecle. Les auteurs du livre, Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Ethel Tungohan et Christina Gabriel, documentent et analysent les changements qui ont marque l'immigration, la citoyennete et le multiculturalisme canadiens entre 2001 et 2021. Elles postulent que ces changements de politique peuvent etre compris a travers la dynamique de la diversite endiguee--un processus impliquant la racialisation et le controle de groupes specifiques, ainsi que des impulsions contradictoires exposees dans toutes ces politiques entre la fermeture aux etrangers menacants et l'ouverture aux travailleurs et citoyens apprecies. Ce symposium fait evoluer la discussion sur les changements dans les politiques d'immigration, de citoyennete et de multiculturalisme en presentant les reponses d'Alexandra Dobrowolsky, Shanti Fernando, Shibao Guo, J. Adam Perry et Lyubov Zhyznomirska aux principales affirmations du volume. Dobrowolsky se demande si le neoliberalisme et la securisation sont les seules dynamiques en jeu. Elle invite egalement a se demander si et comment les interactions entre les migrants et les peuples autochtones ont existe historiquement. Fernando demande aux auteurs d'examiner dans quelle mesure l'Etat peut aller au-dela des logiques neoliberales qui caracterisent les politiques actuelles et de repondre a l'appel des auteurs en faveur d'une ethique de la migration fondee sur l'assistance et la relationnalite. Dans le meme ordre d'idees, J. Adam Perry se concentre sur le role d'une approche de l'ethique du soin au sein des mobilisations populaires. La contribution de Guo invite les auteurs a se demander comment le processus d'endiguement de la diversite est lie a l'augmentation de la croissance du racisme et de la xenophobie et quelles actions peuvent etre entreprises pour aspirer a la justice raciale. Dans son intervention, Zhyznomirska commente la montee du populisme et se demande dans quelle mesure cette evolution peut conduire a un systeme d'immigration plus restrictif. Le symposium se termine par les reponses des auteurs a certaines de ces questions et, ce faisant, le symposium lance un appel a une conversation plus large sur l'avenir de ces politiques et pratiques. Mots-cles : Endiguer la diversite, immigration, multiculturalisme, citoyennete, neoliberalisme, ethique d'assistance., AUTHORS' INTRODUCTION Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Ethel Tungohan and Christina Gabriel We welcome this symposium devoted to our book, Containing Diversity: Canada and the Politics of Immigration in the 21st Century. We [...]

I. Introduction Legal pluralism is, at its core, a description of the extent and sources of legal obligations beyond state law. (1) While that boundary may be difficult to identify [...]

This article focuses on racialisation as a signifying practice and cultural process that attributes difference in Malaysia. It attempts to think with and against the concept of racialisation with an aim to add to a clearer understanding of the cultural politics of 'race'. It focuses on the hierarchies of power and marginalisation, visibility and invisibility, inclusion and exclusion that are built into dominant discourses and modes of knowledge production about race, citizenship, and culture in Malaysia. This article aims to show how the political mobilisation of race as a remnant of colonial governmentality disciplines social processes through the notion of multiculturalism. For this reason, it sets up state-endorsed 'multiracialism' and a people-driven 'multiculturalism' as oppositional ways of thinking about race. It concludes by briefly identifying some key drivers for cultural transformation and speculating if these people-centred processes can offer a more imaginative racial horizon., This article is an attempt to think with, through, and against the concept of racialisation with an aim to add to a clearer understanding of the cultural politics of 'race' [...]

This paper explores the relationship between the participation in organized ice hockey by immigrants and racialized minorities (compared to those born in Canada and who are white) and their sense of national identity and sense of belonging to Canada. A Bourdieusian theoretical framework is utilized to conceptualize hockey in terms of a field, habitus, and cultural and symbolic capital. The argument is made that hockey is Janus-faced and a contested terrain with a tension between exclusion and inclusion whereby human agency is vitally important. Yet the hockey arena and engagement in the game, either as players or fans or in some other capacity, provides a multicultural common space potentially enabling an interactive pluralism amongst diverse communities. The data are derived from qualitative semi-structured interviews with hockey players, fans and key informants in Calgary and Toronto. Overall, the findings show that for most immigrants and racialized minorities engaged in organized ice hockey, there is more likely a sense of Canadian national identity and a sense of belonging to Canada compared to the Canadian-born and to whites. These findings further add to the value of making hockey more inclusive via equity, diversity and inclusion policies and initiatives. Keywords: Hockey, immigrants, newcomers, racialized minorities, Canadian identity, sense of belonging, integration, pluralism, multiculturalism, Bourdieu. Cet article explore la relation entre la participation au hockey sur glace organise par des immigrants et minorites raciales (compare avec ceux qui sont nes au Canada et qui sont blancs) ainsi que leur sens d'identite nationale et leur sens d'appartenance au Canada. Utilisant les theories de Bourdieu pour conceptualiser le hockey en termes d'un champ social, habitus, et capital culturel et symbolique. L'argument est fait que le hockey est un terrain conteste et il est en conflit avec un aspect d'exclusion et d'inclusion ou l'action humaine est d'une importance vitale. Pourtant, l'arene de hockey et l'engagement dans le jeu, soit comme joueur ou admirateur, fournissent un espace commun multiculturel qui peut egalement promouvoir un pluralisme interactif parmi les diverses communautes. Les donnees sont derivees des entrevues qualitatives semi-structurees avec des joueurs de hockey, des admirateurs de hockey et des informateurs cles a Calgary et Toronto. En tout, les resultats demontrent que pour la plupart des immigrants et minorites raciales qui sont engages dans le hockey organise, leur sens d'identite nationale et sens d'appartenance au Canada est plus fort par rapport a ceux qui sont nes au Canada et ceux qui sont blancs. Les resultats demontrent davantage la valeur rattachee au besoin de faire le hockey plus inclusif a travers des politiques et initiatives touchant a l'equite, la diversite, et l'inclusion. Mots-cles : Hockey, immigrants, nouveaux arrivants, minorites raciales, identite canadienne, sens d'appartenance, integration, pluralisme, multiculturalisme, Bourdieu., INTRODUCTION The game and sport of hockey is embedded in Canada's national culture and identity both mythically and literally. Worldwide, there are approximately 1.8 million people who are registered hockey [...]

The writer and politician John Stuart Mill played an important role in the two greatest constitutional moments of nineteenth-century Canada: he publicly supported Lord Durham's 1838 report on Canada and he voted for the British North American Act (1867) that formed the Dominion of Canada. Mill had a part, in his own mind an important part, in Canada's evolution from colony to self-governing dominion. I argue that his attitude to Canada was broadly consistent across these three decades and was consistent with his principled defence of liberal imperialism. But it was complicated by Mill's relatively low opinion of the French Canadians who, he thought, lagged behind the rest of Canada in their development. That is why Mill supported Durham's recommendation that they be assimilated into the English-speaking mainstream. I conclude that French Canada exposed the limits of Mill's form of liberalism, which gave priority to the 'civilising' imperative over cultural diversity. And it remains questionable just how capacious Millian liberalism really is in accommodating cultural diversity. Keywords: Mill, Canada, liberalism, imperialism, multiculturalism, Quebec L'ecrivain et homme politique John Stuart Mill a joue un role important dans les deux plus grands moments constitutionnels du Canada au XIXe siecle : il a publiquement appuye le rapport de 1838 de Lord Durham sur le Canada et il a vote pour l'Acte de l'Amerique du Nord britannique (1867) qui a forme le Dominion du Canada. Mill a joue un role, a son avis un role important, dans l'evolution du Canada de colonie a un dominion autonome. Je soutiens que son attitude a l'egard du Canada etait globalement la meme au cours de ces trois decennies et etait conforme a sa defense de principe de l'imperialisme liberal. Mais cela a ete complique par l'opinion relativement faible de Mill sur les Canadiens francais qui, pensait-il, etaient a la trame du reste du Canada dans leur developpement. C'est la raison pour laquelle Mill a appuye la recommandation de Durham d'etre assimiles au grand public anglophone. Je conclus que le Canada francais a expose les limites de la forme de liberalisme de Mill, qui donnait la priorite a l'imperatif << civilisateur >> sur la diversite culturelle. Et on peut se demander a quel point le liberalisme millien est vraiment vaste pour accueillir la diversite culturelle. Mots cles: Mill, Canada, liberalisme, imperialisme, multiculturalisme, Quebec, Introduction The writer, politician, and leading public intellectual John Stuart Mill played an important, if little known, role in the two greatest constitutional moments of nineteenth-century Canada. He was a [...]

A decade ago, the Congressional Hispanic Staff Association (CHSA) released a groundbreaking report, 'Unrepresented: A Blueprint for Solving the Diversity Crisis on Capitol Hill.' The 2010 report found that Latinos were drastically underrepresented in the Senate and House of Representatives, especially among senior positions. The report made several recommendations to improve diversity so that the halls of Congress would look more like the America it represents. 'There is a crisis afflicting Capitol Hill.'--2010 CHSA Report There have been some positive developments over the past decade, with Latinos making up a greater portion of congressional staff than ever before. In the House, Latinos have grown from making up 5.8 percent of all staff to 12.2 percent. There are now more Latinos in senior positions in the Senate, and more Latinos are being hired for entry-level positions. However, the diversity crisis remains. Latinos, who make up nearly one in every five Americans, are still drastically underrepresented among senior positions and on key committees. There are no Latino staff directors in the Senate. There is almost no Democratic Latino staff on the three top Senate committees. In the House, the number of Latino chiefs of staff would have to increase more than five times to be representative of the nearly one in five Americans of Latino descent. Unfortunately, looking at the newly elected members provides little optimism. Newly elected Senators hired Latinos for only 3.7 percent of their top positions, and newly elected House members hired Latinos for only 6.5 percent of their senior staff. There were several positive steps taken over the past decade to improve diversity on Capitol Hill. Senate Democrats have led the way with establishing a robust diversity office, and the result has been a significant increase in Latinos breaking into senior positions. Senate Democrats started collecting demographic data in 2017. The House of Representatives has followed suite, with House Democrats establishing a diversity office in 2017. In 2019, Democrats and Republicans in the House established the Office of Diversity and Inclusion to work for both parties and conducted a House-wide diversity compensation study. The diversity offices are making a positive difference, but much more work remains to have a congressional staff makeup that embodies all Americans. Enacting CHSA's recommendations in this report will help address the diversity crisis. Together, we can help Congress better reflect and serve America, Introduction Policies impacting all Americans are decided in a Congress where Latinos are largely absent from top-level staff positions. Nearly one in every five Americans is Latino, but Congress gets [...]

Meeting the Challenge of Cultural Diversity in Europe: Moving Beyond the Crisis. By Robin Wilson. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2018. Cloth. 240 p. $120. The title of Robin Wilson's book, [...]

The appointment of Supreme Court Justice Rowe was significant in a multitude of ways. The Ivan C. Rand Memorial Lecture of 2016, delivered by Professor Peter H. Russell, highlighted many [...], The 2016 Ivan C. Rand Memorial Lecture was given in the immediate wake of the appointment of Justice Malcolm Rowe of Newfoundland and Labrador to the Supreme Court of Canada which allayed many fears concerning the elimination of Atlantic Region representation at the Supreme Court of Canada. Professor Peter H. Russell spoke of the inception of regional representation and the transient reconstruction of the appointment of Supreme Court justices which, in the wake of the new Trudeau approach, inspires further questions of what exactly a Supreme Court justice should be and where regional representation fits amidst the structure of the judiciary whilst also working towards diversity.La Ivan C. Rand Memorial Lecture 2016 fut prononcee immediatement apres que le Juge Malcolm Rowe de Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador fut nomme a la Cour supreme du Canada. Cette nomination elimina plusieurs inquietudes entourant la representation de l'Atlantique a la Cour supreme. Le Professeur Peter H. Russell a discute du rapport entre la representation regionale et la reconstruction du processus de nomination des juges de la Cour supreme du Premier Ministre Trudeau et les questions soulevees par les changements et les circonstances entourant nos conceptions du juge ideal pour sieger a la Cour supreme et la place de la representation regionale au sein de la structure judiciaire tout en travaillant vers la diversite.

BackgroundAlthough some may question this view, the Supreme Court of Canada is a constitutional court in three different ways. (2) First, it is a constitutional court in that it is [...]

INTRODUCTIONLe 2 aout 2016, le gouvernement canadien annoncait la mise sur pied d'un comite consultatif independant sur la nomination des juges a la Cour supreme du Canada. (1) Le comite [...]

IntroductionThe Ivan C. Rand Memorial Lecture Series has a history of topicality. (1) On October 20, 2016, Professor Peter H. Russell delivered the 23rd lecture, (2) a thoughtful analysis of [...]

On August 2, 2016, Prime Minister Trudeau announced a new process for selecting Supreme Court of Canada justices. The lack of a guarantee in the new process for observing the [...]

Early in my professionalization to equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) work, I would often speak up during event Q&As to ask the experts my most pressing and challenging question: How [...]

Abstract This article reviews and critiques the current immigration policies in Canada, which are increasingly focused primarily on economic considerations. Data from a sample of 182 immigrant Chinese families (including [...]

BILINGUAL, BINATIONAL, BICULTURAL: CANADIAN FOUNDING MYTHS On March 7, 2012, the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) in Toronto held a public event on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the final installment in the [...]

THE MULTICULTURAL MOVE TO LANGUAGE It is always worth reminding Canadians that when Pierre Elliott Trudeau introduced the Multiculturalism Policy to Parliament in October 1971, it was not an attempt [...]

National leaders have the ultimate responsibility to balance the needs of a diverse set of constituents in society while using their country's unique set of resources to grow the economy […]

ABSTRACT During the Great Depression the federal government created several federally-funded programs to help employ outof-work Americans. One of these programs was the Federal Music Project (FMP). The Federal Music [...]

Canada's 2008 apology to Indigenous peoples addressed a history of institutionalized racism and aggressive assimilation. Grounded in an ongoing experiment in multinational compromise, the event serves as a case study for the capacities of public argument to motivate productive inter-community exchange in contexts animated by power asymmetries and historical injustice. Acknowledging the limits of an education-based approach to reconciliation, I offer a twofold argument. First, the apology was a crucial (albeit partial) step towards fostering conditions amenable to dialogic (but still strategic) negotiations regarding a common future. Second, such negotiations may be productively conceptualized through the theory of coalescent argumentation. Key Words. coalescent argumentation, public memory, colonialism, Native studies, reconciliation, political apology, dialogue, While visiting London in 2006, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper avowed that the British Empire's approach to Canada's Aboriginal population, 'while far from perfect,' was one of 'the fairest and [...]

ABSTRACT This article probes the consequences of Germany's 1999 citizenship reform as it pertains to the incorporation of immigrants. We maintain that the law's principled rejection of dual citizenship and [...]

In her paper, 'Undressing Difference: Hijab in the West,' Anita Allen claims that the French ban on wearing the hijab in public schools was a misguided attempt toward religious neutrality. [...]

Abstract: This article analyzes the processes by which multicultural discourses and practices are implemented and adapted in local settings. Based on five years of ethnographic fieldwork in an Israeli NGO [...]

Abstract The content of this paper stems from an interactive workshop conducted by its authors at the 2nd Joint Annual Conference of the Association for Canadian Studies and the Canadian [...]

Abstract In this paper, I argue that the conflict between Canada's linguistically defined founding nations helped to consolidate multiculturalism as part of Canadian national identity in the 1990s. As a [...]

Activists throughout Poland have been grappling with the problems of representing Poland's Jewish community since the collapse of communism in 1989. These 'memory activists' choose particular objects of memory and [...]

The conventional sovereignty that has prevailed for the past several centuries restricts the options open to ethnic minorities in multiethnic populations that are subject to a single sovereign authority. Minorities will either trend toward integration with majority populations or else the direction of change will be toward separation and the establishment of new, smaller sovereign states. There are serious problems with both options. The present proposal is for a form of diluted or 'attenuated' sovereignty whereby, in its most basic form, a particular ethnic minority would be afforded limited sovereignty in a specified area within an existing sovereign state's overall territory. An attenuated-sovereignty government established in the specified area would be answerable to--and have authority over--only those persons of the designated ethnic minority who have opted to affiliate themselves with it. Distinctive to this proposal, all other persons, irrespective of their ethnicity, could remain in the delimited area and remain subject to the pre-existing, conventionally sovereign authority. This proposal includes various strategies to make attenuated sovereignty a practical, workable option. The notion of attenuated sovereignty is not as fantastical as it may seem at first glance. Re this assertion, the conventionally sovereign state is everywhere at bay. Its best days are behind it. Under the circumstances, in some situations, attenuated sovereignty could prove advantageous to both ethnic minorities and majority populations willing to accommodate them in the creative manner here proposed. Keywords Sovereignty * Ethnic diversity * Multiethnic populations * Ethnic conflict, Sovereignty is the sticking point. Its two essential elements, of who makes government's peremptory decisions and where those decisions have their binding effect, must inform any meaningful strategy to ease [...]

Introduction State controlled educational systems in heterogeneous societies with power structures of group inequality and multiple forms of oppression are notorious for their role in hindering rather than promoting the [...]

Abstract This article provides background on the Government of Uganda's disarmament campaign in Karamoja. We discuss the recent history of and motivations for the disarmament campaign, and the experiences and [...]

Abstract This essay reads Colum McCann's novels Dancer and Zoli as an important contribution to recent discussions about Irish multiculturalism. Because these works suggest that cultural diversity should be considered [...]

For much of the 1990s, the academic literature on multiculturalism was heavily normative, dominated by political philosophers who developed idealized theories of a distinctly liberal--democratic form of multicultural citizenship. This 'liberal multiculturalism hypothesis'--the notion that multiculturalism policies can be adopted without jeopardizing core liberal--democratic values--has been quite influential, shaping debates not just within the field of philosophy, but more widely in academia and indeed in public life. Many social scientists, however, question whether multiculturalism in the real world has been so benign. This paper considers the available evidence, empirically testing the liberal multiculturalism hypothesis, both in Canada and cross-nationally. What does this evidence tell us about the prospects for liberal--democratic multiculturalism and about the impact of multicultural policies on liberal--democratic values? Au cours des annees 1990, la litterature academique sur le multiculturalisme etait decidement normative, dominee par des philosophes politiques qui ont developpe des theories idealisees d'une forme de citoyennete multiculturelle nettement liberale-democrate. Cette <>--la notion que des politiques de multiculturalisme peuvent etre adoptees sans compromettre les valeurs fondamentales de la democratie liberale--s'est averee tres influente, structurant les debats non seulement dans l'enceinte de la philosophie, mais aussi dans l'arene plus vaste du milieu academique et meme dans la vie publique. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines, cependant, se demandent si le multiculturalisme dans le monde reel a ete si benin. Cet article examine la preuve disponible tout en evaluant empiriquement l'hypothese du multiculturalisme liberal, tant au Canada qu'ailleurs. Que nous indique cette preuve concernant l'avenir du multiculturalisme liberal democratique et l'impact des politiques multiculturelles sur les valeurs de la democratie liberale? doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000041

In recent years, there has been increasing popular and academic debate about how ethnic and racial diversity affects democratic politics and social cohesion in industrialized liberal democracies. In this introduction, different interdisciplinary theoretical approaches for understanding the role of diversity for intergroup relations and social cohesion are reviewed and four extensions to the current literature are proposed. These include taking advantage of a comparative framework to understand how generalizable the consequences of diversity are. A comparative country approach also helps to reveal which policies might be able to mitigate any potential negative consequences of diversity. Most importantly, we propose that the research in this area should include other aspects of social cohesion beyond measures of generalized trust, such as solidarity, attitudes about the welfare state and redistributive justice, as well as political and social tolerance. Finally, research on the effects of diversity might gain more insights from taking less of a majority-centric approach to include the effects on various minority groups as well. Ces dernieres annees ont procure un sol fertile au debat populaire et universitaire autour des effets de la diversite ethnique et raciale sur la politique democratique et sur la cohesion sociale dans les democraties liberales industrialisees. Dans cette introduction, nous passons en revue diverses approches theoriques interdisciplinaires permettant de clarifier le role de la diversite dans les relations entre les groupes et dans la cohesion sociale et nous proposons quatre ajouts a la litterature courante. Nous suggerons, entre autres, de tirer profit d'un cadre comparatif pour comprendre a quel point les consequences de la diversite sont generalisables. Une etude comparative des pays aide egalement a cerner les politiques qui pourraient attenuer les consequences negatives potentielles de la diversite. Par-dessus tout, nous avancons que la recherche dans ce domaine devrait inclure d'autres aspects de la cohesion sociale a part les mesures de la confiance generalisee, des aspects tels que la solidarite, les attitudes envers l'Etat-providence et la justice redistributive, ainsi que la tolerance politique et sociale. Finalement, la recherche sur les effets de la diversite pourrait devenir plus instructive en adoptant une approche moins centree sur la majorite afin d'inclure egalement les effets sur divers groupes minoritaires. doi: 10.1017/S000842391000003X

Abstract Although the authority for hiring a community college president resides with the board of trustees, few studies have directly explored trustees' perceptions of the desired qualifications for presidents. Using [...]

Drawing on research undertaken at a remote Aboriginal settlement, the paper describes the interpersonal interactions occurring in the practice of local governance, by conceptualising an intercultural field on which actors from a variety of institutional positions practice. Local governance in Kowanyama exhibited a political pluralism, encompassing a complex array of competing and at times balancing interests. Informal and formal checks and balances operated to curb the excesses of leaders. There was considerable diversity in the personal characteristics of leaders and of local organizations and forums. The pluralism and specialisation observed was an innovative response to the complexity of local governance and indicative of a political maturity in leadership and their constituency. Critical to local governance was productive relationships operating locally between leaders and trusted outsiders. The bulk of administrative burden was borne by a surprisingly small number of leaders and trusted outsiders, raising questions about how to broaden public participation in decision-making. The paper concludes by encouraging researchers and commentators to move beyond the notion of a narrow interface between monolithic opposing cultures, to the rich sociality that is occurring in the intercultural practice of local governance. Key words: Australia, aboriginal peoples, local governance, intercultural practice.

'Race relations' are an ever-present topic of public discourse and state policy formation in New Zealand. The emphasis is generally upon the relationship between the indigenous Maori, on the one hand, and the state and the majority ethno-cultural population group, the European(especially British)-derived Pakeha, on the other. In particular, the past, present, and future of the nation's foundational document, the Treaty of Waitangi, signed between the first nations and the British Crown in 1840, has dominated popular debate and official policy in recent decades. Other ethno-cultural and politico-constitutional relationships, including those between Maori and significant immigrant populations from countries within the Pacific region (Pasifika peoples), have received scant attention. This article examines Maori-Pasifika relations in the context of an emergent sociocultural and official biculturalism in New Zealand, investigating attempts to fit multicultural policies and practices within a broad bicultural framework. DOI 10.1215/00141801-2009-064

Introduction For those following politics in Quebec, the 2007-2008 period was an opportune time to conduct research on the dynamics of race and national identity. This paper follows a path [...]

ABSTRACT Germans are inordinately preoccupied with the question of national integration. From the Kulturkampf to the Weimar Republic to the separation of East and West, social fractiousness is deeply ingrained [...]

This paper argues for a rethinking of how we approach the study of Canadian public policies on diversity and human rights. I explain how human rights can be considered as a distinctive policy field and I consider the advantages and disadvantages of this conceptualization. I then argue for a particular theoretical approach to understanding the evolution of comparative public policies on diversity over time, focusing on a historical, structural and institutional approach to Canadian political development. The development of a specific field of Canadian political development--akin to the subfield of American political development in American politics--can provide a focal point for empirically and historically grounded theorizing about the Canadian case in its North American, comparative and global context. Resume. Le present article propose un nouveau regard sur l'etude des politiques publiques canadiennes en matiere de diversite et de droits de la personne. J'y explique que les droits de la personne peuvent etre consideres comme un champ de politiques distinct et j'y presente les avantages et les inconvenients de cerre conceptualisation. Je defends ensuite une approche theorique permettant de cerner l'evolution, au fil des ans, des politiques publiques comparees en matiere de diversite, approche qui prend appui sur les dimensions historique, structurelle et institutionnelle du developpement politique canadien. L'emergence d'un domaine distinct d'analyse du developpement politique canadien--qui s'apparente au sous-domaine du developpement politique americain dans la politique americaine--peut servir d'assise a une conceptualisation, ancree dans l'analyse empirique et historique, du cas canadien dans une perspective nord-americaine, comparative et mondiale. doi: 10.1017/S0008423909990692

We shall try to investigate in the following whether exporting democracy can prove beneficial for the envisioned countries, on the condition of being conducted in an appropriate manner, or, on the contrary, identify the reasons for it cannot, given the local cultural specificities and the civilizational differences between the U.S. and the targeted countries. In this respect, we shall highlight several theoretical considerations regarding the key concepts of interculturalism and the need for intercultural and intercivilizational dialogue, along with the allegations in favor or against U.S. interventionism and regime change, in order to see whether they are mutually compatible and/or what has to be done for the betterment of today's ongoing tendencies in the field. Keywords: civilizations, interculturalism, interventionism, local specificities, export of democracy, 1. Preliminary theoretical considerations Given the high degree of interconnectedness between all the disciplines involved in having a good command of statesmanship in the world of ever-increasing interdependences, one should [...]

In a bilingual or multilingual society, certain sectors may be regarded as disloyal should they speak the language of state enemies or be associated in one way or another with neighboring hostile countries. Within this framework, the present article analyzes how two deeply divided democracies, India and Israel, determined and implemented language and educational policies with respect to two major minority languages, Urdu and Arabic. A comparison is conducted between the policies of secular democratic India, regarding Urdu, a language of its Muslims minority, and of Israel, an ethnic democracy, regarding Arabic, the language of its Arab-Palestinian minority. The findings indicate that both states have consigned the minority language to a marginal position on the public stage. Moreover, albeit that a certain level of autonomy in the educational sphere is given to the minority, the educational status of the minority is markedly low in comparison to the majority. En una sociedad bilingue o multilingue, ciertos sectores pueden ser considerados como desleales si hablan el idioma de estados enemigos o fueran asociados de una u otra forma con paises vecinos hostiles. Dentro de este marco, el presente articulo analiza como dos democracias sumamente divididas, India e Israel, determinaron e implementaron las politicas linguisticas y educacionales de los dos mas importantes idiomas minoritarios, el Urdu y el Arabe, respectivamente. Se lleva a cabo una comparacion entre las politicas de la democracia secular de India, en lo que respecta al Urdu, un idioma de su minoria Musulmana, y de la democracia etnica Israeli, con respecto al Arabe, el idioma de su minoria Arabe-Palestina. Las conclusiones indican que ambos estados han consignado el idioma minoritario a una posicion marginal en el escenario de la vida publica. Ademas, el status educativo de la minoria es considerablemente bajo en comparacion con el de la mayoria, aunque un cierto nivel de autonomia en la esfera educacional es dado al idioma., Linguistic identity plays a pivotal role in every political and cultural interaction and is of great importance. Apart from being a national symbol and one of the most important social [...]

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00745.x Byline: Nasar Meer (1), Tariq Modood (1) Abstract: British multiculturalism is alleged to have buckled under various Muslim-related pressures. Indeed, some intellectuals, commentators and politicians of different political persuasions have pointed to evidence of a 'retreat' to be found in an increased governmental emphasis upon 'integration' and 'social cohesion'. One response to these developments, from defenders of diversity-related politics, has comprised a discursive reorientation of British multiculturalism to focus upon an anti-essentialist 'multiculture' that can transcend the alleged hitherto reification of British multiculturalism. This article offers an alternative appraisal of British multiculturalism. We contest the idea that British multiculturalism is subject to a wholesale 'retreat' and suggest instead that it has been, and continues to be, subject to a productive critique that is resulting in something best characterised as a 'civic re-balancing'. Simultaneously, and rather than seeking comfort in a depoliticised 'multiculture' view, we defend the ideal of a dynamic political multiculturalism, comprised of a body of discourses and policies originating from a racial equality paradigm inaugurated by the first Race Relations Act (1965). It is argued that this tradition has successfully and legislatively embedded a recognition of 'difference'- with the goal of promoting equality of access and opportunity - into Britain's self-image which has led to some significant accommodations for certain groups. Muslim minorities are currently appealing to this tradition as one means of achieving greater civic inclusion. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Bristol Article History: (Accepted: 5 December 2007)

Much recent literature on indigenous identity politics in Latin America has emphasized the emergence of new discourses on ethnic citizenship. However, the ways in which state-sponsored efforts to validate and revitalize the Yucatec Maya language become relevant to rural Yucatecans reflect far more continuity with older local narratives about the relationship between language use and modernity. Situating contemporary engagements with multicultural language policies within a broader history of locally meaningful language practices complicates the general model of indigenous language communities that has informed many recent studies of Latin American identity politics and reframes scholarly debates that have emphasized contrasts between emergent forms of essentialism or purism and more-traditional means of identity formation. This, in turn, suggests new routes through which multicultural and multilingual policies can be conceptualized for heterogeneous communities of indigenous language speakers. [Keywords: multiculturalism, language ideology, Maya, Mexico, Yucatan]

Quantitative scholarship on civil wars has long debated whether ethnic diversity breeds armed conflict. We go beyond this debate and show that highly diverse societies are not more conflict prone. Rather, states characterized by certain ethnopolitical configurations of power are more likely to experience violent conflict. First, armed rebellions are more likely to challenge states that exclude large portions of the population on the basis of ethnic background. Second, when a large number of competing elites share power in a segmented state, the risk of violent infighting increases. Third, incohesive states with a short history of direct rule are more likely to experience secessionist conflicts. We test these hypotheses for all independent states since 1945 using the new Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) data set. Cross-national analysis demonstrates that ethnic politics is as powerful and robust in predicting civil wars as is a country's level of economic development. Using multinomial logit regression, we show that rebellion, infighting, and secession result from high degrees of exclusion, segmentation, and incohesion, respectively. More diverse states, on the other hand, are not more likely to suffer from violent conflict.

A key objective of Inuit political leaders in pushing for the creation of a Nunavut Territory was the establishment of a governance regime that would not only be numerically controlled by Inuit, but would also in a real sense be an Inuit government. Among other things, this would entail developing institutions and processes congruent with Inuit culture and values, and ensuring that the new regime did not 'duplicate Yellowknife'--that is, simply replicate the structures, processes, and attitudes that characterized the Government of the Northwest Territories prior to division. This essay assesses the governance regime in Nunavut against these objectives. Specific attention will be devoted to the basic structure and operation of the Government of Nunavut, including its decentralization initiative and its efforts to achieve high rates of Inuit participation in the public service; the political-governmental role of Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated, the lnuit land-claim organization; the activities of the co-management and regulatory boards established under the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement; and municipal government. Un des objectifs cles des leaders politiques inuits concernant la creation du territoire de Nunavut etait l'etablissement d'un regime de gouvernance qui ne serait pas seulement controle du point de vue numerique par les Inuits mais serait egalement dans un sens reel un gouvernement inuit. Notamment, ceci comprendrait la mise sur pied d'institutions et de processus qui sont en harmonie avec la culture et les valeurs inuites ainsi que l'assurance que le nouveau regime n'est pas un << calque de Yellowknife >>--c'est-a-dire qu'il n'est pas simplement une reproduction des structures, des processus et des attitudes qui ont caracterise le gouvernement des Territoires du Nord-Ouest avant la division. Le present article evalue le regime de gouvernance de Nunavut d'apres ces objectifs. On examine plus particulierement la structure et le fonctionnement de base du gouvernement de Nunavut, y compris l'initiative de decentralisation et ses efforts pour essayer d'obtenir des taux eleves de participation inuite dans la fonction publique; le role politique-gouvernemental de Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated--l'organisme axe sur les revendications territoriales inuites; les activites des conseils de gestion conjointe et de reglementation etablis en vertu de l'Accord sur les revendications territoriales du Nunavut; et le gouvernement municipal.

L'auteure veut ici contribuer aux critiques faites au Quebec sur les debats autour des accommodements raisonnables en suggerant de conjuguer les subventions accordees aux recherches sur les handicapes et les [...]

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2009.00838.x Byline: LIETTE GILBERT (1) Abstract: Abstract Small town governments in North America have, in recent years, posed the most aggressive challenge to national immigration policy and multiculturalism. Immigration-related municipal ordinances were introduced by local officials to defend the rights of local residents from the adverse effects of (unauthorized) immigration. Municipal measures proposed to control im/migrants not only present a constitutional challenge to the federal pre-emption in matters of immigration law (which ineptitude they purport to redress), they expand on what Didier Bigo called a 'governmentality of unease', where migration is increasingly rationalized as a security problem. Municipal measures are re-bordering the inclusion/exclusion of (unauthorized) migrants by expanding the territorial and political rationality of immigration control from the border to the interior, and by imposing and dispersing new mechanisms of control into the everyday spaces and practices of im/migrants regarded as 'illegal' and undesirable. This article examines two immigration-related municipal measures (Hazleton, PA and Herouxville, QC) which impose a logic of immigration control and identity protection through deterrence and incapacitation strategies, and thus erode civil rights of im/migrants. Resume Certaines petites municipalites nord-americaines ont recemment bouscule les politiques d'immigration nationales et le multiculturalisme. Les autorites locales en question ont fait voter des arretes municipaux lies a l'immigration afin de defendre les droits de leurs concitoyens contre les perceptions nefastes de l'immigration (irreguliere). Tout en representant un defi constitutionnel a l'egard de la preemption federale en matiere de legislation sur l'immigration (dont l'inadequation est censee etre corrigee), les propositions municipales de controler les (im)migrants prolongent ce que Didier Bigo a appele une 'gouvernementalite du malaise' qui voit de plus en plus la migration comme un probleme de securite. Les mesures municipales redessinent les limites de l'inclusion-exclusion des migrants (irreguliers) en amenant, de la frontiere jusqu'a l'interieur, la logique territoriale et politique propre au controle de l'immigration, tout en imposant et en diffusant de nouveaux mecanismes de controle dans les pratiques et espaces quotidiens des (im)migrants juges 'illegaux' et indesirables. L'article etudie deux mesures municipales liees a l'immigration (a Hazleton en Pennsylvanie et a Herouxville au Quebec), lesquelles dictent une logique de controle de l'immigration et de protection identitaire au travers de strategies de dissuasion et de creation d'incapacites; ce faisant, ces dispositions amoindrissent les droits civils des (im)migrants. Author Affiliation: (1)Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, Canada Article note: Liette Gilbert (gilbertL@yorku.ca), Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, Ontario M3J 1P3, Canada.

Introduction Sybil Shack helped define education in the province of Manitoba, Canada, as much as Manitoba and its schools defined her. She was a teacher, teaching principal, textbook writer, educational [...]