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Im vorliegenden Beitrag macht sich die Autorin Gedanken zu Kriegen und setzt sie in ein Verhältnis zu Frauen und Friedensbewegungen. Historische Fragmente feministischer Friedensinitiativen sollen dem von der Autorin attestierten Vergessen friedensbewegter Frauen entgegenwirken. In den 1970er und 1980er Jahren setzte sich z.B. die Bewegung „Frauen für den Frieden“ in Westdeutschland und Österreich gegen Militarisierung sowie gegen die Einbeziehung von Frauen in die Bundeswehr ein. Im Kontext aktueller Kriegsgeschehen lässt sich in Bezug auf feministische Bewegungen statt des Anknüpfens an Widerstandsbemühungen der Vergangenheit allerdings ein Richtungswechsel erkennen, der die Beteiligung an Militarismen als Emanzipation verkauft. In diesem Sinn wirbt auch das Bundesministerium für Landesverteidigung (Verteidigungsministerium) in Österreich mit dem „freiwilligen Grundwehrdienst“ für Frauen und die Nordatlantikpakt-Organisation (NATO) bemüht sich, Frauen an kriegstreibenden Militärplänen zu beteiligen. Die Autorin plädiert dafür, nicht mehr Frauen an Machtpositionen zu beteiligen, sondern die Machtpositionen an sich in Frage zu stellen. Bildlich nach Sheena Anderson gesprochen: Es gehe nicht darum, mehr Frauen an den Tisch zu bekommen, sondern vielmehr brauche es einen neuen Tisch. Dafür bedarf es kritischer und eben auch feministischer Friedensbildung, die an die Bemühungen historischer Friedensbewegungen anknüpft. (Red.)

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In this article, the author explores the cooperative aspects of mound construction in Late Iron Age Scandinavia. Arguing against the outdated but widely held view that only centralized rule could organize monument construction, he investigates how participation in mound construction affected the people of Sør-Fron in south-eastern Norway. He contends, first, that repeated participation in mound construction helped create a sense of belonging and shared identity, which was maintained through centuries of major environmental and political turmoil. Second, mound construction was part of an active and conscious strategy to limit aggrandizement and prevent centralization and concentration of power. Rejection of Christianity arguably worked in similar ways. The author concludes with considerations of approaches to Iron Age monuments, emphasizing the importance of consensus and community-building and the role of communal opposition to centralized rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article "At first they are scared and afterwards they walk all over you" - Power dynamics in work relationships in the judicial coercive context" deals with the significance of power in the work relationship between social workers and delinquent youth. An empirical study from German-speaking Switzerland shows that power dynamics and interdependencies play an important role in collaboration. The article discusses how power phenomena in offender assistance could be addressed. The study examines power dynamics and dependencies between social workers and youth in the youth prosecution. Various aspects are critically questioned and possibilities for improving work relationships are highlighted. The author of the article is Prof. Dr. Patrick Zobrist from the Lucerne University of Applied Sciences and Arts - Social Work. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gruppe. Interaktion. Organisation: Zeitschrift für Angewandte Organisationspsychologie (GIO) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Emancipatie is goed, identiteitspolitiek is fout, zo luidt de strekking van het recente boek van politiek filosoof Gijs van Oenen, getiteld Culturele veldslagen: Filosofie van de culture wars. Kritiek op identiteitspolitiek - vooral die in de woke vorm – is vandaag de dag niks bijzonders. Ook de analyse van Van Oenen dat er net zo goed een identiteitspolitiek van rechts als van links bestaat is niet nieuw, evenmin als zijn ‘oplossing’ namelijk liberalisme en de rechtsstaat – beide treffen we bijvoorbeeld aan bij Anthony Appiah’s The Lies That Bind: Rethinking Identity (2019). Nieuw is wel dat Van Oenen - die zich als links intellectueel afficheert – hierbij etiketten gebruikt die momenteel gangbaar zijn in de hoek van alt right. De termen ‘cultuurmarxisme’ en ‘culture wars’ - zie de titel van zijn boek - worden door hem als neutraal gepresenteerd, maar het is de vraag wat hij daarmee binnen haalt.

The article focuses on the intersection of ableism and racism and examines the extent to which this has a structural, preventive effect on social participation and the use of disability services. For this purpose, a critical look is first taken at the often observed practice of culturalization in (disability) education. Subsequently, exemplary barriers for multiple-discriminated persons will be pointed out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Planning in pluralistic societies implies to propose measurements in situations of dissent and unsolved conflicts. Insofar it is congruent with the domain of politics, inclusive the involvement in the network of effects on existing or awakened, mostly divergent interests. In the resulting case of conflict, their respective representatives try to influence the plan - by their arguments in a rational discourse and by means of power. However, argumentation itself turns out to be a mean of power: As their agents try to push through themselves against resistance, they definitively enter the mechanisms of power acting. Following these considerations, a power model of planning is developed, with its logical structure, its calculi, means and instruments, as it is embedded in its societal conditions, with its ethical positions and including trials to hinder its misuse by procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Der Beitrag nimmt eine Verhältnisbestimmung zwischen einem wissenschaftlichen und einem feministischen Geschlechterwissen vor und basiert auf empirischen Daten aus problemzentrierten, leitfadengestützten Interviews mit Feminist*innen zu deren widerständigen Praktiken sowie einer Diskursanalyse des Spezialdiskurses der Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung. Feministische Widerstandspraktiken werden als diskursive und nicht-diskursive Praktiken verstanden, die sich gegen die Hervorbringungen des Geschlechterdispositivs wenden. Ihnen liegt ein spezifisches Geschlechterwissen zugrunde, welches sich als Reflexionswissen darstellt, in einem Zusammenspiel aus (eigenen und fremden) Erfahrungen, dem Austausch sowie der eigenen Antwortensuche – z. B. in der Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung – entsteht und zu feministischen Praktiken führt, die u. a. durch Ambivalenzen geprägt sind.

The article discusses the inclusion of the question of power in theological social ethics. It argues that moral liberalism ignores the dependence on power structures in the ethical justification of moral norms. Using Augustine's theological theory of the political, a concept of theological ethics is developed that includes the question of power in ethical reflection. The article emphasizes the necessity of a political ethics that deals with the responsible handling of political power. The article discusses the challenges in enforcing ethical norms and the relationship between rational argumentation and political power. It is noted that there is often no rational consensus and that political measures are necessary to enforce certain behaviors. The article also examines the criticism of moral liberalism and argues that under the historical conditions of a racialized society, it can lead to the stabilization of racism. It is pointed out that the imagination of the participants in the discussion is limited and that perspectives beyond their imagination are excluded from the discourse. The theological reflection on political power is based on Augustine's work "De Civitate Dei" (The City of God). Augustine distinguishes between the civitas Dei (City of God) and the civitas terrena (earthly city). The civitas Dei represents a redeemed sociality in which all power lies with God and there is hope for a post-political sociality. The civitas terrena, on the other hand, is characterized by power desires and power structures and cannot achieve true justice. However, Augustine recognizes that political rule is necessary to at least ensure an imperfect earthly peace. The hope for a healed sociality lies solely in faith in the civitas Dei. The article discusses theological social ethics as political ethics, referring to Augustine. Augustine sees the political as a direct counterpart to religious hope and emphasizes that there is no possibility to transcend power relations in human coexistence beyond religion. The debate between proponents of moral liberalism and critics revolves around the question of whether human reason could be such a third element that represents a moral corrective to political power. Theological ethics deals with the question of how people can live together peacefully in a world where the good remains an unattainable ideal. It is emphasized that a theologically reflected morality must always be considered under the conditions of exercising power and that the understanding of rules of coexistence is always a political process. The article concludes by emphasizing that a liberal order of society must critically reflect on power structures and processes of exclusion in public communication and that a universally recognized morality requires continuous efforts to include everyone in the discourse. [Extracted from the article]

Während Adorno bisher kaum in den zeitgenössischen Debatten des affective turn rezipiert wird, sucht der vorliegende Aufsatz eine bisher weitestgehend vernachlässigte affekttheoretische Lektüre von Adornos Schriften zu entwickeln. Mit Adornos Formulierung ‚unter dem und wider den Bann des Einheitsprinzips‘, die er in der Negativen Dialektik von 1966 entwickelt hat, soll eine bis heute relativ vernachlässigte Doppelperspektive auf Adornos Verständnis von Affekten herausgearbeitet werden: Zum einen wird die affektive Bereitschaft der Subjekte gezeigt, sich mit der Macht der „verwalteten Welt“ zu identifizieren und sich also an sie zu binden. Diese Perspektive wird in dem Aufsatz anhand der Formulierung ‚unter dem Bann des Einheitsprinzips‘ skizziert. Zum anderen wird ebenso die affektive Bereitschaft der Subjekte herausgearbeitet, durch die Subjekte sich auch von ihren Bindungen an die Mächte der „verwalteten Welt“ desidentifizieren und tiefere Klarheit über den Zustand ihres Weltbezugs und ihrer eigenen Situation gewinnen können. Diese Sicht wird durch die Formulierung ‚wider den Bann des Einheitsprinzips‘ erläutert.

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper offers a brief overview of diverse burial rites in cultures at the end of the Eneolithic period in Moravia, which reflect the emergent stratification of society. These social changes are mirrored in archaeological record through the funerary customs as a ritualised reflection of prehistoric reality with a symbolical role of grave goods and their affiliations or rather demonstrations of identity. Funerary equipment can at the same time also reflect social and working (craft) position of the deceased individual. Social differences in the studied entities (least of all in the Proto-Únětice Culture) become evident through their allocation in isolated positions or within small burial groups, their conspicuous grave architecture (inner construction, ring ditches surrounding the graves, houses of the dead), and the rich and variegated grave goods (including the prestige packages) with their manifestations of social status, power and identity. A special category is represented by burials of wealthy men – metallurgists (clear predominance in the Bell Beaker Culture). In the earliest phase of the BBC we can even speak of burials of social elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In diesem Essay zu meiner Sicht auf Schule werden die persönlichen Geschichten von Lehramtsstudierenden, die in diesem Themenheft veröffentlicht werden, eingeordnet in das System, in dem sie sich zugetragen haben. Meine Hauptthese ist, dass es sich nicht nur um persönliches Fehlverhalten handelt, sondern dass das System Schule derartige Szenen in den Klassenzimmern ermöglicht oder sogar provoziert.

Politische Intelligenz kann als eine besondere Form mentaler Prozesse verstanden werden, die einen Akteur befähigt, zielgerichtet auf seine politische Umwelt einzuwirken und darin erkannte Probleme durch flexibles Denken und Handeln einer Lösung zuzuführen. In diesem Beitrag wird zunächst historisch vergleichend zwischen der sittlich-geprägten Weisheit bei Aristoteles und der Nutzen-geprägten Schlauheit bei Macchiavelli verortet. Sodann werden die Intelligenzvorstellungen unterschiedlicher Theorien über die internationale Politik und die Außenpolitik von Staaten anhand aktueller Beispiele diskutiert. Abschließend wird kritisch reflektiert, inwiefern in einer Zeit der „breiten Gegenwart“ (Humbrich) – in der Vergangenheit und Zukunft zunehmend zum Gegenstand heutiger Politikvorstellungen wird – politische Intelligenz neu gedacht werden sollte.

The article examines physical touch as an intervention in the psychotherapeutic process. There is little empirical data on this, most of which dates back to the 1990s. This article is based on Bernhard Siller’s master’s thesis (MT) on the subject of touch from 2021. The MT data was collected using guided interviews with five experts. The data was evaluated as part of the MT using qualitative content analysis and independently subjected to a criticalhermeneutic analysis for this article by another author. The result is that the experts describe a variety of possible uses for touch, which is evaluated as an effective, unique intervention with corresponding indications and contraindications. The possible trigger and re-traumatization potential and the resulting need to pay particular attention to the principle of »informed consent« are pointed out. The aspect of power in the therapeutic relationship, which is not discussed in the MT, is taken up in the critical-hermeneutic analysis. In order to get a more accurate picture of the actual benefits and risks of physical contact, current surveys with patients would be necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Angesichts der angeblichen axiologischen Neutralität des Wissens, die in Teilen der Wissenschaft proklamiert wird, bieten seit langem mehrere philosophische Strömungen verschiedene Darstellungen der internen Verbindung zwischen Wissen und Machtverhältnissen. Diese reiche Geschichte umfasst Beiträge u. a. aus dem Poststrukturalismus, dem Marxismus, der Kritischen Theorie, den Decolonial und Critical Race Studies, dem Feminismus und den Theorien der epistemischen Ungerechtigkeit. Trotz ihrer vielen theoretischen Divergenzen stimmen sie alle mit der grundlegenden diagnostischen Prämisse überein, dass Machtungleichheiten eine bedeutsame Rolle bei der Definition dessen spielen, was als „Wissen“ zählt, und dass infolgedessen sozial und politisch unterdrückte Gruppen dazu neigen, auch im Bereich der epistemischen Praktiken wie der Systematisierung, Legitimierung und Übertragung von Wissen unterdrückt zu werden. Diese Kritiker:innen einer positivistischen Objektivität des Wissens haben jedoch sehr unterschiedliche Ansichten über die Wurzeln, die Auswirkungen und das Funktionieren der Verbindung zwischen epistemischen Praktiken und Machtungleichheiten. In diesem Beitrag wird eine dieser Differenzen untersucht, nämlich in Bezug auf die Frage: Bedeutet soziale und politische Unterdrückung notwendigerweise, dass die betroffenen Subjekte im Vergleich zu privilegierten Gruppen in einer schlechteren Position sind, um ihre Unterdrückung zu verstehen und ihr Widerstand zu leisten? Zwei möglichen Antworten auf diese Frage werden hier unter Rekurs auf eine Gegenüberstellung von Miranda Frickers Theorie der epistemischen Ungerechtigkeit einerseits und der feministischen Standpunkttheorie von Dorothy Smith andererseits untersucht. Während der erstgenannte Ansatz Unterdrückung vor allem als epistemisch und politisch schwächend ansieht, betrachtet der letztere die einzigartige Position der Unterdrückten als potenzielle Quelle von Wissen und politischem Handeln. Diese Gegenüberstellung wird eine Kritik einseitiger Darstellungen der Erfahrung von Unterdrückung ermöglichen. Eine Vermittlung zwischen den Polen dieses Gegensatzes wird anschließend durch das Konzept der Verwundbarkeit versucht. Um angesichts der Mehrdeutigkeit des Konzepts genauer zu bestimmen, was mit „Verwundbarkeit“ gemeint ist, wird eine analytische Unterscheidung zwischen Verwundbarkeit als einerseits konstitutiv und andererseits kontingent getroffen. Die Hypothese ist, dass ein vielschichtiges Verständnis von Verwundbarkeit – zeitgleich als kontingentes Risiko der Unterwerfung unter die Fremdheit und als konstitutive Öffnung zum Anderssein – ein wichtiges konzeptionelles Instrument sein kann, um die epistemischen und politischen Ambiguitäten sozialer Ungerechtigkeiten zu erfassen.

Education as Operation. A Critical Theory The article examines how education can be determined in general and universal terms in the face of modernity and postmodernity. In doing so, the theory of operative pedagogy is taken up and linked with motifs of a critical way of thinking. The thesis is that the operative core of education today can only be formulated with the inclusion of a critical examination of power and domination in society. This leads to the development of education as a multi-perspective steering of learning processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The abuse of power, which appears to be symptomatic in the fields of special education, and which only refers to individual cases and is deplored with regret from the outside, »de-legitimizes« the law (Agamben) and disregards the dignity of people living, learning, working and living in these fields. The focus on the individual case cleverly distracts from the realization that the power relations expressed in domination-like relations of personal and institutional violence towards those for whom the subject and the institutions would have to assume a recognition-based caring, protective and also advocatory function are not only constitutive components of the system as such, but their very own ideological subsoil and superstructure at the same time. In them, the dominant social ideas, which are reflected in the »spirit of the state« (Bourdieu), interlock, just as they are created by it and become the intrinsically effective habitus of the individual and the cement of social agreements. This results in »fog formations in the brain« that constitute curative and special education as a science and institutionalize its fields of action without becoming aware of the dialectics of the processes of exclusion and inclusion as inherent power relations and structures of domination. The discipline itself is an artifact of these relations, whose central task seems to be the euphemistic trivialization of the tragedy of their social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Organisationsberatung, Supervision, Coaching is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)