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The LEAP States initiative was started by the Association of American Colleges and Universities as a formal collaborative of institutions organized at the state or system level that offers educators [...]

The September 2008 financial market collapse and subsequent world economic crisis have significantly influenced international scholarly debate, policy practice, and economic relations. The economic crisis has led experts and policy actors to redefine core aspects of economic governance. I analyze current competing perspectives on economic issues within the Group of Twenty (G20) and argue that discursive contestation has delegitimized previous neoclassical conventional wisdom, especially the efficient markets hypothesis. This has been rejected as a core principle of economic policy by industrialized and developing states, plus international fora. As a consequence, the bounds of rationality of individual actors and policy norms have been reconstituted. Also Keynesian policies have been implemented in important national and international contexts. I compare the contemporary situation with the post-war 'Bretton Woods era' of embedded liberalism, concluding that many recent national policies and the consolidation of international economic governance constitute an ad hoc embedded liberalism. Keywords: G20, Embedded Liberalism, Economic Governance, Keynesian, Neoclassical, Ordoliberal, Crisis, Bretton Woods, Multilateralism, Dissensus, Conventional Wisdom. El colapso de los mercados financieros en septiembre del 2008 y la subsecuente crisis economica mundial han influenciado significativamente los debates academicos internacionales, la practica legislativa y las relaciones economicas. La crisis economica ha obligado a expertos y actores politicos a redefinir aspectos fundamentales de la gobernanza economica. Analizo diferentes perspectivas sobre asuntos economicos dentro del Grupo de los Veinte (G20) durante este periodo y sostengo que el debate discursivo ha deslegitimizado paradigmas neo-clasicos anteriores, especialmente la hipotesis de los mercados eficientes. Esta ha sido rechazada como un principio fundamental de las politicas economicas por paises industrializados y en vias de desarrollo, ademas de foros internacionales. Como consecuencia, los limites de la racionalidad de los actores individuales y las disposiciones legislativas han sido reformulados. Ademas, las politicas keynesianas han sido implementadas en importantes contextos nacionales e internacionales. Comparando la situacion actual con la 'era Bretton Woods' de liberalismo incorporado de la posguerra, concluyo que muchas politicas nacionales recientes y la consolidacion de la gobernabilidad economica internacional constituyen un liberalismo incorporado ad hoc., The Group of Twenty (G20) has become a key forum for international economic governance since 2008. It has been a significant focus for international attempts to resolve a series of [...]

I SPINOZA IS OFTEN LAUDED as a founder of modern liberalism. Most recently, Jonathan Israel has argued that Spinoza was a central figure in what he calls the 'Radical Enlightenment.' [...]

This paper is an attempt to identify certain consonances between contemporary liberalism and classical pragmatism. I first analyze four of the most trenchant criticisms of classical liberalism presented by pragmatist figures such as James, Peirce, Dewey, Addams, and Hocking: that liberalism overemphasizes negative liberty, that it is overly individualistic, that its pluralism is suspect, that it is overly abstract. I then argue that these deficits of liberalism in its historical incarnations are being addressed by contemporary liberals. Contemporary liberals, I show, have taken on board a surprising number of classical pragmatist insights and have responded to a surprising number of classical pragmatist criticisms. I thus argue that both contemporary pragmatism and contemporary liberalism have much to gain by joining forces. Keywords: liberalism, pragmatism, negative liberty, individualism, pluralism, abstraction, In 1930, John Dewey wrote Individualism Old and New. (1) When he wrote this book, political and economic events such as World War I and the beginnings of the Great [...]

For many liberals, the value of individual autonomy is the foundation of liberal political morality; it underwrites individuals' rights and liberties and liberal notions of justice, marks the limits of [...]

1. Introduction The U.S. federal government could exempt Lakota from laws prohibiting smoking mescaline or Buddhists from military conscription. A local government could exempt Mormons from laws prohibiting polygamy or [...]

The fact that certain versions of multiculturalism conflict with basic democratic and liberal principles should no longer come as a surprise. Rather, it may be taken to define 'hard' multiculturalism [...]

1. Introduction How should a liberal state respond to a nonliberal state that is however a decent society? By 'decent,' I mean, adopting John Rawls's terminology, that the so described [...]

The influence of business-government relations' influence on postwar liberalism in the American encounter with the Middle East is examined. American oilmen have helped to formulate United States president Harry S. Truman's policies. Historians are seen to need to consider global factors in order to study the American impulse to reform the world.

Political conservatism has been characterized by resistance to change and acceptance of inequality, with liberalism characterized by the polar opposite of these values. Political attitudes are heritable and may be influenced by basic personality traits. In previous research, conservatism (vs. liberalism) has been associated positively with Conscientiousness and negatively with Openness-Intellect, consistent with the association of conservatism with resistance to change. Less clear, however, are the personality traits relating to egalitarianism. In two studies, using a personality model that divides each of the Big Five into two aspects, the present research found that one aspect of Agreeableness (Compassion) was associated with liberalism and egalitarianism, whereas the other (Politeness) was associated with conservatism and traditionalism. In addition, conservatism and moral traditionalism were positively associated with the Orderliness aspect of Conscientiousness and negatively with Openness-Intellect. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of personality's relation to political attitudes and values.

A study was conducted to develop the idea of 'configuration of ownership' to distinguish among liberalism, conservatism, and leftism. The semantics of these three primary political ideologies are interpreted by the formulation of configurations. It is concluded that existing parties and movements are admixtures of these ideologies.

After the fall of Ethiopia's socialist government, people in Konso in the south appropriated idioms associated with neoliberal economic reforms to describe and to shape their reconfiguration of hereditary status groups, as some historically despised Xauta artisans and merchants became wealthy and some dominant Etenta cultivators adopted Xauta identity. Countering scholarship that assumes a recent break with previously separate and stable status groups, I argue that, throughout the 20th century, people in Konso reshaped inherited social categories through interactions with novel information and changing political-economic circumstances. Emergent relations today are shaped in an increasingly transnational postsocialist context, and they reconfigure, rather than eliminate, local hegemonies. [hereditary status groups, emergence, neoliberalism, hegemony, marginality, Konso, Ethiopia]

This research examines the prosecutions of four noted libertarians: free love advocate Ezra Heywood; Dr. Edward Bond Foote, a well-known New York physician and medical publisher; two prominent free thought publishers, DeRobigne M. Bennett and Moses Harman; and the subsequent libertarian campaign for broad First Amendment protection for all citizens which ensued from their arrests and prosecutions. That individuals were putting forth a libertarian philosophy of free expression in the 1870s (albeit largely under the auspices of individual rights rather than the later interpretation of social benefits), demonstrates the formative period of modern First Amendment development occurred decades earlier than is often acknowledged. The research argues that these liberal thinkers, all too cognizant of the suppression power of obscenity statutes, sought, and eventually helped to create, an expansive interpretation of the First Amendment. As will be demonstrated, these libertarians brought the related issues of the social and legal boundaries of freedom of expression and federal First Amendment protection for ideas, which heretofore were not part of common social discourse, into the public arena. By emphasizing the necessity of free expression rights in a democratic society, the libertarians hoped to spur broad public, legal, and legislative discourse about the First Amendment, its applications, and the limits of state legal controls over individuals and society.

Whatever their eventual outcome, the current round of international trade negotiations taking place as part of the Doha Development Round offers a clear demonstration of the growing influence of a neoliberal agenda for international agricultural policy reform. Despite being powerfully supported by an alliance of agribusiness interests and country groupings, neoliberalism is far from universally accepted as the model for the future governance of an agriculture which is both commodifying and market led. This paper assesses the nature of the resulting debate and the range of alternative visions being proposed. It analyses the development of the European negotiating stance within the current round of trade talks and compares the merits of a decoupled policy approach to managing the rural environment with one much more closely linked to the practice of farming. The paper concludes by suggesting that an outcome of the continuing liberalization of agricultural policy will be a more demarcated countryside, in which productive and internationally competitive operators will increasingly be removed in space and in terms of policy treatment from the large number of economically marginal producers whose role will be to supply the public environmental goods under contract from the state. KEY WORDS: WTO, neoliberalism, multifunctionality, rural governance

Belgium's policy of not permitting Catholic hospitals to refuse euthanasia services rests on ethical presuppositions concerning the secular justification of political power which reveal the paradoxical character of European liberalism: In endorsing freedom as a value (rather than as a side constraint), liberalism prioritizes first-order intentions, thus discouraging lasting moral commitments and the authority of moral communities in supporting such commitments. The state itself is thus transformed into a moral community of its own. Alternative policies (such as an explicit moral diversification of public healthcare or the greater tolerance for Christian institutions in the Netherlands) are shown to be incompatible with Europe's liberal concern with securing social and material freedom resources, as well as the concern with equality of opportunity, as embodied in the European Union's anti-discrimination labor law. The essay's argument for the preferability of a libertarian solution closes with the challenge that only if the provision of public healthcare can be shown to be rationally indispensable for a morally justified polity, could the exposed incoherence of modern European liberalism be generously discounted. Keywords: discrimination, libertarianism, moral justification of power, public healthcare

Free above Scot-free, that observes no laws, Obey no governor, use no religion But what they draw from their own ancient custom, Or constitute themselves, yet they are no rebels. [...]

1. Virtue and Individuality This is a paper about John Stuart Mill's contention that individualism is a precondition of virtue. Mill advances this doctrine in his On Liberty to support [...]

In this article, I offer a reading of James Scott's Domination and the Arts of Resistance. Hidden Transcripts (1990) from an inverted standpoint: Whereas Scott's focus is on resistance from below, mine is on resistance from above. My case study involves some of the more prominent legal and political responses to the attacks of September 11, 2001--notably the President's Military Order of November 13, 2001, establishing military tribunals for noncitizen detainees charged with terrorism. My analysis supports Scott's thesis regarding the discursivity of resistance while challenging some of his conclusions regarding the form and content of hegemony, as read in the current neoliberal milieu. With respect to the military tribunals, I argue that their establishment represents an extension of executive power rehearsed prior to the attacks, and that the politicization of security in the United States involves institutions and issues that have long antecedents in partisan political terms. [Keywords: discourse, states, hegemony, neoliberalism, partisan politics]

This article examines the process of structural adjustment in Jamaica, and the various ways in which the contradictory tensions embedded in the current order are being contained. Although political, economic and social realities are deeply inequitable and potentially unstable, there are serious barriers to understanding, dialogue, organisation and optimism among the poor, which have produced implosive intra-class dynamics. Assessing these barriers provides insight into the challenge of re-inspiring alternative imaginations and collective opposition to class structures in Jamaica, as well as in other adjusted and heavily-indebted countries where a neoliberal fatalism is contributing to social atomisation, rather than to mobilisation., Everyone is cryin' out for peace No one is cryin' out for justice. Peter Tosh in 'Equal Rights' ... laws for the constraining of violence are laws of the ghetto, [...]

Tolerance is at the heart of Western liberalism, permitting mutually exclusive ideas and practices to coexist peacefully with one another, without the proponents of the differing ideas and practices killing one another. Yet, nothing challenges tolerance like the practice of sunna, female circumcision, clitorectomy, or genital mutilation. In this essay, I critique the Western critics of the practices, not in order to defend these practices, but rather to show that Western liberalism itself does not offer transcultural and transtemporal principles, for these principles only cohere within the tradition of liberalism. The Western critique of sunna often maps onto the bodies of African women Western symbolic notions of sexual and political freedom, as symbolized in the clitoris. The practices of stoma cohere within the web of beliefs, the tradition, of those who practice them and, thus, are rationally justified within those traditions. I offer Alasdair MacIntyre's notion of moral inquiry as a guide through the complex world of cultural and moral dialogue between differing traditions. Keywords: female circumcision, female genital mutilation, liberalism, multiculturalism, pluralism, principlism, situated reason

Attempts by Christian social theorists to harmonize Austrian liberalism and Christian tradition ignore serious contradictions in their respective moral systems. Friedrich Hayek's conception of the 'spontaneous order portends potentially harmful consequences for corporate religion by elevating the subjective individual as the singular source of value in human culture. Thus, Hayek's ideas on cultural evolution may provide insight into the perceived loss of moral voice among American religious institutions. Reinhold Niebuhr's economic realism is more conducive to exploring the moral persistence of liberal society recognizing the need for balance between subjective and collective expressions of the good. Key concepts in Niebuhr's economic thought are a unique value theory, a holistic conception of the individual and society, an understanding of the moral ambiguities associated with technological innovation, and recognition that balances of power are necessary to preserve social organicism and the Christian conception of personality.

The neoliberal reforms that swept across Latin America during the last two decades have profoundly affected the region's socioeconomic and political development. In the minds of many observers, they constitute [...], The present set of Research Notes, which were first presented at a forum on Latin America's market reforms held at the 2003 Latin American Studies Association Congress, investigates the economic and social repercussions of the neoliberal wave that swept across the region during the 1990s. Have market reforms brought greater economic stability and stimulated growth? How have they affected crucial social issues, such as unemployment, poverty, and inequality? After Weyland's introductory explication of these questions, the Research Notes by Evelyne Huber and Fred Solt and by Michael Walton advance divergent assessments of neoliberalism's successes and failures. Huber and Solt argue that overall, Latin America's market reforms have yielded disappointing results in terms of economic stability and growth, social equity, and the quality of democracy. In particular, countries that enacted more radical reforms or that took especially drastic steps towards change performed less well than nations that proceeded more cautiously and gradually. By contrast, Walton argues that market reforms have increased growth while not significantly exacerbating economic instability and social inequality. And to the extent that neoliberalism fell short of expectations, the problem did not emerge from market reforms as such, but from deficiencies in the institutional context in which these reforms were enacted.

This Research Note looks at the recent Latin American record in economic and social development from the perspective of the effects of "neoliberalism." There are at least two ways in [...]

As Kurt Weyland points out in his introduction, we have a rich scholarly literature on the causes and processes of neoliberal reforms in Latin America and elsewhere.* In contrast, much [...]

Byline: Daniel Nolan (1), Caroline West (2) Author Affiliation: (1) Department of Philosophy, University of St Andrews, Edgecliffe, The Scores, KY16 9AL, St Andrews, Fife, Scotland (2) Department of Philosophy, The University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia Article History: Registration Date: 30/12/2004

A burgeoning policy shift from neo-liberal economics is underway, with leadership by presidential candidate Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio). His platform positions stem in part from his negative experiences with neo-liberalism when he was Mayor of Cleveland more than 30 years ago. Although his response as Mayor was based on confrontation politics, examples of community-based economies built on collaborative planning, ownership, and management have since become more widely known. We can now show that the successful Grameen Bank and the Mondragon Cooperatives were constructed on principles consistent with Integral Science. KEYWORDS: Collaborative processes, Grameen Bank, Integral Science, Jeffersonian democracy, Mondragon Cooperatives, neo-liberal economics, social learning, triune brain, urban populism.

This article explores the linkages between representations of race, culture, and social structure in the San Quintin Valley, Baja California, an area of northwestern Mexico that produces tomatoes for export to the United States using an indigenous migrant labor force. I focus on a day laborers' riot that took place in 1996. The press debate that followed the event exposed the articulation between local cultural images, social relations, and global political-economic processes. I argue that the modern agro-export sector takes advantage of and reshapes colonial and postcolonial caste-based social relations that are most likely associated with 'tradition.' The use of indigenous day laborers in segmented labor markets typical of 'flexible capitalism' is interpreted locally as a return to the past. Contract farming, an arrangement between Mexican entrepreneurs, and transnational corporations, creates some confusion. Some blame Mexican caciques (ruthless landowners), whereas others blame transnational firms for the exploitation of indigenous peasants. Those who blame caciques evoke images of backward Latin American regions that need to be modernized by the revolutionary state. Those who hold global corporations responsible interpret neoliberal agriculture as a return to the nineteenth-century Porfiriato, a period of foreign capital penetration in Mexico. Paradoxically, 'modernity' is associated with revolutionary social justice as the ideals and values of the Mexican Revolution are being radically reworked by the introduction of neoliberal policies. Key Words: Race, Indigenous Peoples, Mixtecs, Migration, Mexico, Neoliberalism, Agriculture

Drawing on the proliferating literature on multiculturalism, this article provides a theoretical and critical argument in support of public funding for minority cultural schools, as well as a critique of the Ontario Conservative government's proposal in 2001 to extend tax credits to parents who enrol their children in private schools in Ontario. It argues that governments in Canada committed to the idea of multiculturalism have an obligation to promote the maintenance and flourishing of minority cultures through education and financial support. The article first outlines and refutes neutralist liberal arguments against public funding for minority religious and culturally education, and demonstrates what is meant by a right to culture and the attendant duties such rights impose on the state. It then raises and responds to concerns about such cultural pluralist policies and suggests ways to balance group demands for public funding with other values the state wishes to support. It argues that the Ontario government's proposal to provide tax credits for private education without regulation does not respond to concerns about balancing the right to culture and teaching liberal citizenship values, and offers alternative policy recommendations in the conclusion.

Inspired by Habermasian critiques of liberalism, supporters of deliberative democracy seek an extension of social democratic institutions to further a reinvigorated communicative rationality against the 'atomism' of market processes. This paper offers a critique of deliberative democratic theory from a Hayekian perspective. For Hayek, the case against the social democratic state rests with the superior capacity of markets to extend communicative rationality beyond the realm of verbal discourse.

Political pressures exerted by environmental movements have forced governments otherwise committed to neoliberal policies to find reconciliatory policy positions between two contradictory political imperatives--economic growth and environmental protection. This article explores some ideological means of reconciliation, as with notions of sustainable development, which appear to bridge the impassable divide, and some of the institutional means for dealing with contradiction, as with the displacement of political power upward, away from elected national governments and toward international agreements and nonelected global governance institutions. Through these two strategic maneuvers, the authors argue, environmental concern has been ideologically and institutionally incorporated into the global neoliberal hegemony of the late twentieth century. The global capitalist economy can grow, if not with clear environmental conscience, then with one effectively assuaged. This process of neoliberal deflection is illustrated using the case of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the World Trade Organization. Keywords: environmental agreements; growth; ideology; neoliberalism; WTO

This article compares Mexico and India's experiences with neoliberalism to propose that the collapse of the developmentalist state generates countermovements. In both nations, neoliberalism is associated with the decline of the one-party dominant system, and a restructuring of civil society. Variations emerge in the timing of democratization in these countries. In India, democratization preceded neoliberal reforms, whereas in Mexico democratization followed neoliberal reforms, but in both cases democratization mitigates the effects of neoliberalism on civil society. Conclusions drawn from the comparative analysis of Mexico and India concur with Karl Polanyi's proposition that there is a double movement of marketization and protectionist countermovements. The case studies suggest a pattern to these countermovements. Actors are confronted abruptly with threats to their well-being; not only economic threats but also environmental, political, and symbolic threats. The threatened value in each case is a former entitlement, typically a form of protection ensured by the state. Thus, even in the presence of countermovements, neoliberalism mediates a divergence of state and civil society relationships creating uncertain futures for democratic possibilities., Introduction The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the beginning of a major transformation of international political economy, a sea change that continues to play itself out in the [...]

The idea of human rights has become one of the central moral notions of both the theory and practice of international politics. While its foundation and future in the practice of politics looks bright, it is an idea that still causes great trouble at the theoretical level. What are human rights? Why do we have them? To what should we attribute the authority of their moral claims? The theorist Michael Freeman has suggested one theory that by addressing such questions may serve as a foundation for human rights. His theory, however, ends by begging the questions it set out to answer.

The long-standing disagreement between the international community and African leaders over an appropriate development strategy has been settled by the World Bank's Comprehensive Development Framework (CDF) and African leaders' New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD), Both documents support neoliberalism and see increased global integration as the key to Africa's development. This paper traces Africa's journey from the dependency/ neoliberalism debate in the early 1980s to the current endorsement of neoliberalism. It is argued that the overwhelming global attention and support enjoyed by NEPAD derives from its embrace of Western development ideas as well as changes in the global political economy that have made reformist ideas more acceptable. NEPAD's success will, however, depend on how African leaders and the international community respond to the initiative. Key words--Africa, neoliberalism, globalization, the World Bank, comprehensive development framework (CDF), new partnership for Africa's development (NEPAD)

A core research question in economic geography is the impact of neoliberal economic reforms on the environment. This question has particular urgency in Latin America, where developmental pressures on ecologically [...]

Is neoliberalism a new social structure of accumulation (SSA)? The attempt to answer this question leads to possible reconceptualizations of SSA theory. These include alternating structures of regulation and the free market, and institutions created as a result of the temporary stabilization of class and intraclass conflicts among industry, finance, and labor. Thus neoliberalism is not a new SSA, but rather a stage of capitalism based upon the (temporary) dominance of capital over labor. JEL classification: N12 Keywords: neoliberalism; social structure of accumulation

While critics of liberalism argue that liberal individualism promotes political apathy, defenders of liberalism charge their rivals with promoting another type of political docility, namely conformist membership. Neither liberals nor [...]

This research examines the positive influence of democracy and economic liberalism on citizens' quality of life (QOL). The statistical analysis relies on extreme-bounds analysis, the Tobit-maximum likelihood estimator, and robust two-stage least squares to test this hypothesis. The relationship between democracy and QOL is a parabolic inverted U-shaped curve, so that democracy first enhances QOL and over time it hampers it. On the other hand, QOL strengthens democracy. QOL suffers from a market economy in middle-income countries. Openness to trade enhances QOL everywhere but sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. A market economy consolidates democracy everywhere else but sub-Saharan Africa. Openness enhances democracy around the globe, except in Latin America and the Middle East. Economic development and QOL exhibit a reciprocal normal U-shaped curve, whereas democracy and economic development are linearly dependent. These contradictory results cast some doubt on the pursuit of both democracy and a liberal economy in fostering development. The current pursuit of the liberal ethos can be destructive, and it is time to modify our vision of the furore.

This article's purpose is to assess the arguments of democratic peace scholars as they apply to the states of the former Soviet Union. The claim that liberalism is associated with nonviolent means of conflict resolution, in particular, is questionable in the case of newly independent states, in which liberalism bears a closer resemblance to nineteenth-century European liberal nationalism than it does to the universalist liberalism envisioned by theories of the democratic peace. I argue that this nonuniversalist form of liberalism is in fact widespread among the Soviet successor states and that, as a result, liberalism's implications for peace are not nearly as benign as had previously been believed. In other regards, however, the attitudes of elites, the mass public, and liberals are in fact fairly consistent with those posited by democratic peace theory, though relative elite bellicosity declines as the policy-making arena broadens. A democratic peace in the region is therefore viable but particularly vulnerable to national issues, as well as to the effects of concentration of political power in the hands of a narrow group of elites.

The origins of Lesbian studies as coming from an intellectually engaged grassroots lesbian community and an emergent Women's Studies within the academy was discussed. Lesbian Studies in the UK was compared with that of the US, which has 'professionalized' work in Lesbian and Gay Studies. The axiom, 'the personal is political,' which has been bequeathed by feminism to Lesbian Studies was explained as both a positive and negative inheritance. The ambivalent relationship to liberalism which had created a limited space for Lesbian Studies was also identified.

This article examines the deductive basis upon which domestic-level theorizing may be combined with liberal and realist systemic-level theory in order to account for international outcomes. It is particularly concerned with whether existing systemic theory can incorporate domestic-level variables in a causally consistent rather than ad hoc manner. In addressing such a concern, it confronts the widely held assumption in the IR theory literature that liberalism is more accommodating of domestic-level variables and their potential causal impact than is realism. When the deductive logic of systemic liberal and realist theory is examined, however, it becomes clear that domestic-level variables can be consistently causal in systemic realist theory, but are accorded little causal weight in systemic liberal theory. The article concludes that realism is actually more accommodating of domestic-level variables and theorizing than is liberalism. Given the common misconceptions within the field regarding the relationship between systemic theories and domestic-level theorizing, issues of theoretical causal compatibility must be considered if domestic-level variables are going to be incorporated in a rigorous rather than ad hoc manner.