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The history of slavery cannot be separated from the history of business in the United States, especially in the context of the relationship between public power and individual property rights. This essay suggests that the American devotion to “sacred” property rights stemsmore from the vulnerability of slaveholding elites than to a political heritage of protection for the “common man.”

The history of slavery cannot be separated from the history of business in the United States, especially in the context of the relationship between public power and individual property rights. This essay suggests that the American devotion to “sacred” property rights stemsmore from the vulnerability of slaveholding elites than to a political heritage of protection for the “common man.”

On August 13, 1782, Alexander Hamilton complained to Robert Morris about the deplorable condition of politics in the state of New York, and especially the condition of taxation. Morris had appointed Hamilton as receiver of continental taxes for New York, meaning that Hamilton was in charge of collecting New York's share of the “requisitions” of Congress. Under Article 8 of the Articles of Confederation, Congress could raise the tax revenue it needed for the ongoing Revolutionary War only by making “requisitions” on the states—that is, by asking each state to raise a specified sum. Like other states, New York was falling short; four years later, an aggressive tax levy in Massachusetts (to pay requisitions and fund the state debt) would provoke the armed insurrection known as Shays's Rebellion. The decentralized regime that Congress had established under the Articles of Confederation made the national treasury depend on the productivity of the state tax systems. Ironically, this very decentralization invited national officials like Hamilton to tackle the problem of tax reform within the states.

Economic historians have traced the origin of the uniform property tax in the United States to the insertion of uniformity clauses into state constitutions in the Northwest and to efforts to tax commercial wealth. This article shows that the tax was created by legislation in the Northeast and that the first constitutional clauses were adopted in the South to protect slaveholders. It is time for historians of the U.S. political economy to abandon the dated paradigms of the “progressive history” tradition.

Aims: To determine the rate of HER-2/neu positivity of germ cell tumours by immunohistochemistry (IHC) and by fluorescence in situ hybridisation (FISH). Patients/Methods: Ninety six archival, paraffin wax embedded pathology specimens were chosen from four groups of germ cell tumours. IHC for HER-2/neu was performed with the HercepTest kit; FISH analysis was performed with the INFORM assay and confirmed with a centromere 17 probe. Results: Twenty two of 96 specimens overexpressed the HER-2/neu protein when measured by IHC. Only three specimens showed HER-2/neu gene amplification by FISH. There was no correlation between the results obtained by IHC and FISH. Conclusions: The lack of concordance between IHC and FISH makes it unlikely that overexpression of the HER-2/neu protein in germ cell tumours is of prognostic or therapeutic relevance. Because of the low rate of HER-2/neu gene amplification in germ cell tumours, a clinical trial of trastuzumab treatment in patients with germ cell tumours is not warranted.

Although limited available data suggest that AIDS is currently less common among lesbians than among heterosexual women, this study suggests considerable HIV-risk behavior among our sample of lesbians and bisexual women. In addition, a majority of respondents, including women at risk, do not use safer-sex practices.

Chicago has been something of an anomaly in historical studies. Urban historians have written extensively on the politics, society, and economies of such major cities as New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. They have chronicled the history of small cities whose past is less complicated, more amenable to the case study approach favored by many researchers. But, the nation's second-now third-largest city for decades attracted, more often than not, those who saw it as a dysfunctional environment, either for its lack of political reform, epitomized by its so-called machine politics, or for its ethnic and racial strife. Reading the titles on any shelf of books on Chicago history, sociology, and political science easily suggests more of an urban pathology than an urban history. Fortunately this situation has begun to change. The last five years have produced a flurry of new works on Chicago. Some of these examine the city's social groups, placing the city's residents into their urban context. 1 Other very recent works explore economic and technological aspects of the city's history that not only challenge us to rethink our preconceptions about how and why Chicago developed as it did, but also to see the growth of its political and social fabric as a function of the city's history, not as a pathology.2 Still, very little has yet been written about the development of Chicago's political structures, about the history of its municipal government. That is one reason why Robin Einhorn's book, Property Rules, is such a welcome addition to the literature on this fascinating city. Moreover, her examination of Chicago's political structures during its early years as an incorporated city illuminates a period of Chicago political history that has been even more neglected than others. In this book Einhorn reconstructs the workings of Chicago's municipal government in its initial decades, from the city's incorporation in 1833 to the immediate aftermath of its tragic fire in 1871. These forty years were the for

Since August 1974, 50 patients with histologically proven oat cell carcinoma of the lung were treated at Indiana University Hospitals with a combination of adriamycin, cyclophosphamide, Oncovin, BCG immunotherapy, and radiation therapy to the primary lung tumor and whole brain. Twenty-nine patients are eligible for a 6-month follow-up and are included in this report. All 29 patients responded to therapy; 12 patients (41%) had a minimum of 50% reduction in tumor mass and 17 patients (59%) had complete clinical remission of disease. Eight (38%) of the 29 patients have remained in complete remission from 6 to 14 months, and 90% of the patients survived a minimum of 6 months. This represents a considerable improvement in survival rates over what had been obtained at Indiana University Hospitals previously.

Serum and plasma bleomycin concentrations were determined in a patient with renal dysfunction at two creatinine clearances. The results obtained with a new radioimmunoassay and the microbiologic assay were compared. It was shown: 1) that the clearance of bleomycin from the blood is markedly retarded in severe renal dysfunction, 2) that clearance of bleomycin varies with creatinine clearance, 3) that bleomycin is probably not dialyzable, 4) that determinations on serum and plasma were equivalent, and 5) that the radioimmunoassay and microbiologic assays gave equivalent results (P less than 0.001).