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Facial first impressions are known to influence how we behave towards others. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, we often view incomplete faces due to the commonplace wearing of face masks. Previous research has shown that perceptions of attractiveness are often increased due to these coverings, with initial evidence suggesting that this may be caused by viewers using a mental representation of the average face to complete any missing information. Here, we directly address this hypothesis by presenting participants with incomplete faces (either the lower or upper half removed) and asking them to decide how they thought the actual, full face looked. Participants were able to manipulate the missing half of the face onscreen by increasing or decreasing the averageness of its shape. Our results demonstrated that participants did not select the original versions of the faces but instead chose more average versions when manipulating both the lower and upper face. Further, the typicality of the original image influenced responses, with less typical faces (in comparison with more typical ones) being completed using an even more average version of the missing half of the faces. Taken together, these findings provide the first direct evidence that people utilise an average/typical internal representation when inferring information about incomplete faces. This result has theoretical importance in terms of visual perception, as well as real-world relevance in a time where face masks are commonplace due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Deciding whether two different face photographs or voice samples are from the same person represent fundamental challenges within applied settings. To date, most research has focussed on average performance in these tests, failing to consider individual differences and within-person consistency in responses. Here, participants completed the same face (Experiment 1) or voice matching test (Experiment 2) on two separate occasions, allowing comparison of overall accuracy across the two timepoints as well as consistency in trial-level responses. In both experiments, participants were highly consistent in their performances. In addition, we demonstrated a large association between consistency and accuracy, with the most accurate participants also tending to be the most consistent. This is an important result for applied settings in which organisational groups of super-matchers are deployed in real-world contexts. Being able to reliably identify these high performers based upon only a single test informs regarding recruitment for law enforcement agencies worldwide.

First impressions based on facial appearance affect our behaviour towards others. Since the same face will appear different across images, over time, and so on, our impressions may not be equally weighted across exposures but are instead disproportionately influenced by earlier or later instances. Here, we followed up on previous work which identified an anchoring effect, whereby higher attractiveness ratings were given to a person after viewing naturally varying images of their face presented in descending (high-to-low), rather than ascending (low-to-high), order of attractiveness of these images. In Experiment 1 (n = 301), we compared these 'descending' and 'ascending' conditions for unfamiliar identities by presenting six-image sequences. Although we found higher attractiveness ratings for the 'descending' condition, this small effect equated to only 0.22 points on a 1–7 response scale. In Experiment 2 (n = 307), we presented these six-image sequences in a random order and found no difference in attractiveness ratings given to these randomly ordered sequences when compared with those resulting from both our 'descending' and 'ascending' conditions. Further, we failed to detect an influence of the earlier images in these random sequences on attractiveness ratings. Taken together, we found no compelling evidence that anchoring could have an effect on real-world impression formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the domain of face processing, researchers have been interested in quantifying the relationship between objective (i.e., performance on laboratory tests of recognition and matching) and subjective measures of ability (typically, self-report questionnaires). Put simply, do people show high levels of metacognitive insight into their own abilities with faces? Although several studies have suggested that the association between these two types of measures may only be moderate, there remain several important issues that require consideration before this question can be sensibly investigated. First, specificity is needed regarding both objective and subjective measurements because both tend to span a wide range of potentially separable abilities. Second, experimental tasks appear to focus on different contexts to those tapped in self-report questionnaire items. Third, recent issues with statistical approaches and visualisation can result in numerical artefacts and misinterpretations. Finally, the sizes of population-level insights suggested by recent work provide only limited information regarding individuals within these populations, and so researchers aiming to identify people at the extremes of ability must be careful when drawing conclusions. Taken together, we argue that more attention to these issues is needed when attempting to investigate metacognitive insight within this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facial first impressions influence jurors in both laboratory experiments and real courtrooms. Often, more attractive defendants are perceived as less guilty and receive more lenient sentences. However, the type of crime under consideration, as well as the ecological validity of the stimuli presented, may determine the nature of this bias. Here, extending previous work, we considered three crime types (robbery, sexual assault, and murder) and utilised short video clips of male defendants, accompanied by real-world crime descriptions. Crucially, we varied attractiveness by presenting a large set of identities, in comparison with the typical use of one "high" and one "low" attractive face. Using null hypothesis significance testing, we found no evidence that either attractiveness or crime type influenced guilt perceptions. Taking a Bayesian perspective, our results provided some evidence that more attractive defendants were rated as less guilty of murder but more guilty of sexual assault, with no bias observed for robbery. Importantly, however, none of these effects had high certainty and all were small in size. By comparing the extremes of attractiveness, we again found inconclusive evidence of any attractiveness effects, with small differences in all cases. The implications for this departure from previous findings are discussed in terms of ecological validity and the need to consider attractiveness as a continuous rather than binary measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Objectives: It is vital to identify children whose weight status means that they may benefit from medical or behavioural support, but adult visual judgements of child weight status are inaccurate, and children are seldom routinely weighed and measured. Consequently, there is a need for validated visual tools for use in training, communication, and interventions relating to child weight. Methods: This paper presents validation data for a set of innovative photo-realistic colour body size scales depicting boys and girls aged 4–5 and 10–11. Each age- and gender-specific scale consists of 7 figures based on three-dimensional (3D) scans of 388 children to accurately represent the change in body size caused by changing adiposity. To assess scale validity, 238 adult participants (105 men, 132 women, 1 non-binary individual) undertook two tasks: rating figure adiposity using a visual analogue scale and ranking figures in ascending order of adiposity (OSF Reference: gdp9j). Results: Participants accurately estimated the relative adiposity of each figure, i.e., they were able to tell the difference between figures and correctly rank them by size. This demonstrates scale validity for use in body size tasks. One hundred and fifty-one participants also provided 3-day test–retest data, which demonstrates excellent short-term reliability. Conclusions: Overall, the MapMe child body size scales provide an anthropometrically accurate, valid, reliable, and usable tool for size-related tasks and communication with adults regarding child weight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is unclear whether witness mental illness and special measures used with witnesses in court impacts juror decision-making. Participants (N = 204) from the general public and student population completed a measure assessing attitudes towards mental illness before reading a mock trial vignette where witness mental illness (depression, schizophrenia, no mental illness) and the special measure used in court (screen, intermediary, no special measure) were manipulated. Participants were then instructed to formulate judgements about the witness testimony provided (reliability, competency, credibility) and their likelihood of finding the defendant guilty. The findings showed that witnesses with depression were perceived as significantly more competent than witnesses with schizophrenia, or with no mental illness. Witnesses with depression were also perceived as significantly more competent than witnesses with schizophrenia when a screen was used in court. There was however no difference in competency ratings for witnesses with depression versus those with schizophrenia when no special measure was used, or when an intermediary was used, although witnesses with depression were still viewed more favourably overall. These findings suggest that some awareness of these biases is needed in court. Improving clarity about why special measures are used in court might also go some way towards addressing this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cheerleader effect describes how faces are perceived as more attractive when presented in a group rather than alone. Given differences in how familiar versus unfamiliar faces are perceived and represented, we hypothesized that the cheerleader effect may be diminished/absent for familiar faces. In Experiment 1, targets were rated for attractiveness when presented alone and in groups, with these selected to span the continuum of prior familiarity. Our results identified the cheerleader effect, alongside an increase in attractiveness with increasing familiarity, but no interaction between these two effects. In Experiment 2, we instructed participants to rate the target “person” rather than “face” to increase the salience of any pre-existing impressions. Again, the results showed no influence of familiarity on the size of the cheerleader effect. Taken together, the cheerleader effect was robust with respect to face familiarity, perhaps suggesting underlying mechanisms that are more general rather than face specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial intelligence can now synthesise face images which people cannot distinguish from real faces. Here, we investigated the wisdom of the (outer) crowd (averaging individuals' responses to the same trial) and inner crowd (averaging the same individual's responses to the same trial after completing the test twice) as routes to increased performance. In Experiment 1, participants viewed synthetic and real faces, and rated whether they thought each face was synthetic or real using a 1–7 scale. Each participant completed the task twice. Inner crowds showed little benefit over individual responses, and we found no associations between performance and personality factors. However, we found increases in performance with increasing sizes of outer crowd. In Experiment 2, participants judged each face only once, providing a binary 'synthetic/real' response, along with a confidence rating and an estimate of the percentage of other participants that they thought agreed with their answer. We compared three methods of aggregation for outer crowd decisions, finding that the majority vote provided the best performance for small crowds. However, the 'surprisingly popular' solution outperformed the majority vote and the confidence‐weighted approach for larger crowds. Taken together, we demonstrate the use of outer crowds as a robust method of improvement during synthetic face detection, comparable with previous approaches based on training interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceiving facial attractiveness is an important behaviour across psychological science due to these judgments having real-world consequences. However, there is little consensus on the measurement of this behaviour, and practices differ widely. Research typically asks participants to provide ratings of attractiveness across a multitude of different response scales, with little consideration of the psychometric properties of these scales. Here, we make psychometric comparisons across nine different response scales. Specifically, we analysed the psychometric properties of a binary response, a 0–100 scale, a visual analogue scale, and a set of Likert scales (1–3, 1–5, 1–7, 1–8, 1–9, 1–10) as tools to measure attractiveness, calculating a range of commonly used statistics for each. While certain properties suggested researchers might choose to favour the 1–5, 1–7 and 1–8 scales, we generally found little evidence of an advantage for one scale over any other. Taken together, our investigation provides consideration of currently used techniques for measuring facial attractiveness and makes recommendations for researchers in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigations of face identification have typically focussed on matching faces to photographic IDs. Few researchers have considered the task of searching for a face in a crowd. In Experiment 1, we created the Chokepoint Search Test to simulate real-time search for a target. Performance on this test was poor (39% accuracy) and showed moderate associations with tests of face matching and memory. In addition, trial-level confidence predicted accuracy, and for those participants who were previously familiar with one or more targets, higher familiarity was associated with increased accuracy. In Experiment 2, we found improvements in performance on the test when three recent images of the target, but not three social media images, were displayed during searches. Taken together, our results highlight the difficulties inherent in real-time searching for faces, with important implications for those security personnel who carry out this task on a daily basis.

Eyewitness descriptions provide critical information for the police and other agencies to use during investigations. While researchers have typically considered the impact of memory, little consideration has been given to the utility of facial descriptions themselves, without the additional memory demands. In Experiment 1, participants described face images to their partners, who were then required to select these faces from photographic lineups. Performance was error-prone when the same image appeared in the lineup (73% correct), and decreased further when a different image of the same face was presented (22% correct). We found some evidence to suggest this was due, in part, to difficulties with recognizing that two different images depicted the same person. In Experiment 2, we demonstrated that descriptions of the same face given by different people showed only moderate agreement. Taken together, these results highlight the problematic nature of facial descriptions, even without memory, and their limited utility.

This letter to the editor discusses two problematic analysis strategies used in recent studies on the metacognition of face perception. The first strategy involves dividing a sample into quartiles based on one measure and studying the relationship between paired measures. This can lead to numerical artifacts that may be mistaken for meaningful patterns of behavior. The second strategy involves studying the correlation between self-estimates of ability and actual performance within quartiles, which can be influenced by range restriction. The authors recommend alternative methods for assessing metacognitive insight in face perception research. [Extracted from the article]

Low-quality images are problematic for face identification, for example, when the police identify faces from CCTV images. Here, we test whether face averages, comprising multiple poor-quality images, can improve both human and computer recognition. We created averages from multiple pixelated or nonpixelated images and compared accuracy using these images and exemplars. To provide a broad assessment of the potential benefits of this method, we tested human observers (n = 88; Experiment 1), and also computer recognition, using a smartphone application (Experiment 2) and a commercial one-to-many face recognition system used in forensic settings (Experiment 3). The third experiment used large image databases of 900 ambient images and 7,980 passport images. In all three experiments, we found a substantial increase in performance by averaging multiple pixelated images of a person's face. These results have implications for forensic settings in which faces are identified from poor-quality images, such as CCTV.

Research in face recognition has tended to focus on discriminating between individuals, or "telling people apart." It has recently become clear that it is also necessary to understand how images of the same person can vary, or "telling people together." Learning a new face, and tracking its representation as it changes from unfamiliar to familiar, involves an abstraction of the variability in different images of that person's face. Here, we present an application of principal components analysis computed across different photos of the same person. We demonstrate that people vary in systematic ways, and that this variability is idiosyncratic--the dimensions of variability in one face do not generalize well to another. Learning a new face therefore entails learning how that face varies. We present evidence for this proposal and suggest that it provides an explanation for various effects in face recognition. We conclude by making a number of testable predictions derived from this framework.

Identification often involves determining whether two face photographs or voice samples originated from the same person. Here, we investigated the wisdom of the (outer) crowd (averaging two individuals' responses to the same trial) and inner crowd (averaging the same individual's responses to the same trial after completing the test twice) as routes to increased performance. Participants completed the same face (Experiment 1) or voice matching test (Experiment 2) twice with no delay. In addition, we reanalysed previously collected data where these tests were completed with a one‐week interval between sessions. For both tests, whether with or without a delay, inner crowds outperformed participants' individual test responses and were equivalent to outer crowds of two participants. Taken together, we demonstrate the use of inner crowds as a robust method of improvement during identification. In contexts where outer crowds are not feasible, agencies should consider inner crowds as a promising alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is becoming increasingly common for face morphs (weighted combinations of two people's photographs) to be submitted for inclusion in an official document, such as a passport. These images may sufficiently resemble both individuals that they can be used by either person in a 'fraudulently obtained genuine' document. Problematically, people are poor at detecting face morphs and there is limited evidence that this can be improved. Here, we tested whether the 'pairs training effect' (working in pairs, which we know improves unfamiliar face matching) can improve face morph detection. We found morph detection was more accurate when working in a pair. Further, the lower performer in the pair maintained this benefit when completing the task again individually. We conclude that the pairs training effect translates to face morph detection, and these findings have important implications for improving the detection of face morphs at the initial application stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although several studies in recent years have provided evidence of a relationship between month of birth and height during childhood, the association remains less clear for adult (final) height. Here, I investigated this relationship using a large international sample of adult actors. Analyses considered both the sample as a whole, as well as subsamples based on nationality, and treated men and women separately. In all instances, I found no relationship between birth month or season and height, even after controlling for year of birth. This may be due to the particular nature of samples of actors, who are taller than the general population, or could suggest more broadly that birth month effects are minimal or absent in adults.

To what extent does information in a person's face predict their likely behavior? There is increasing evidence for association between relatively neutral, static facial appearance and personality traits. By using composite images rendered from three dimensional (3D) scans of women scoring high and low on health and personality dimensions, we aimed to examine the separate contributions of facial shape, skin texture and viewing angle to the detection of these traits, while controlling for crucial posture variables. After controlling for such cues, participants were able to identify Agreeableness, Neuroticism, and Physical Health. For personality traits, we found a reliable laterality bias, in that the right side of the face afforded higher accuracy than the left. The separate contributions of shape and texture cues varied with the traits being judged. Our findings are consistent with signaling theories suggesting multiple channels to convey multiple messages. (Contains 1 table and 7 figures.)

We often feel that people's first names suit their faces in some way. Evidence has already shown that we share common stereotypes about how people with particular names should look. Here, we investigate whether there is any accuracy to these beliefs. Simply, can we match people's names to their faces? Across two experiments, we tested whether American (Experiment 1) and British participants (Experiment 2) were able to match the first names of strangers with photographs of their faces. Although Experiment 1 provided some initial support for accuracy in female participants, we were unable to replicate this result in Experiment 2. Therefore, we find no overall evidence to suggest that particular names and faces are associated with each other. Key Words: first names, facial appearance, facial stereotypes, face perception, 'What's in a name?' Although Shakespeare might argue how unimportant or arbitrary names are, there is a growing body of research investigating the link between our names and who we [...]

Introduction: To determinemen's body ideals and the factors that influence these choices, this study used a matrix of computer generated (CG) male bodies (based on an analysis of 3D scanned real bodies) which independently varied in fat and muscle content. Methods: Two hundred and fifty-eight male participants completed a range of psychometricmeasures to index body concerns and body ideal internalization and then chose the CG body that best reflected their own current body, as well as the body that reflected their personal ideal. A subset of participants was then retested to check that these judgements were stable over time. Results: While judgements of the ideal body seem to be influenced by a shared appearance ideal, the degree to which this ideal was internalized showed significant variability between participants. The effect of this internalization was reflected in the difference between the estimated current body and the ideal. Discussion: Higher internalization led to a preference for highermuscle and lower fat content. This preference was most marked for fat content, although reducing adiposity also made the underlying musculature more salient. Additionally, the ideal body composition was modulated by the composition the participant believed his current body had (i.e., it seemed that a participant's ideal body was anchored by what they believed to be their current body and what change was possible from this starting point). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The other race effect (ORE) in part describes how people are poorer at identifying faces of other races compared to own-race faces. While well-established with face memory, more recent studies have begun to demonstrate its presence in face matching tasks, with minimal memory requirements. However, several of these studies failed to compare both races of faces and participants in order to fully test the predictions of the ORE. Here, we utilized images of both Black and White individuals, and Black and White participants, as well as tasks measuring perceptions of face matching and similarity. In addition, human judgements were directly compared with computer algorithms. First, we found only partial support for an ORE in face matching. Second, a deep convolutional neural network (residual network with 29 layers) performed exceptionally well with both races. The DCNN's representations were strongly associated with human perceptions. Taken together, we found that the ORE was not robust or compelling in our human data, and was absent in the computer algorithms we tested. We discuss our results in the context of ORE literature, and the importance of state-of-the-art algorithms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although researchers have begun to consider metacognitive insight during face matching, little is known about the underlying mechanism. Here, I investigated whether objective ability, as well as self-assessed ability, were able to predict metacognitive performance, that is, the ability to differentiate correct and incorrect responses in terms of confidence. In addition, I considered whether a training intervention resulted in improvements to both face matching performance and metacognitive insight. Methods: In this experiment (N = 220), participants completed a face matching task, with either a diagnostic feature training course or a control course presented at the halfway point. In addition, a second face matching task, as well as a self-report questionnaire regarding ability, were completed to provide measures of objective and self-assessed ability respectively. Results: Higher self-assessed ability with faces, as well as higher objective ability with face matching, predicted better metacognitive performance, i.e., greater confidence in correct, in comparison with incorrect, responses. This pattern of results was evident both when objective ability was measured through performance on the same task used to measure metacognitive insight and when a different task was used. Finally, the training intervention failed to produce improvements in face matching performance and showed no evidence of altering metacognitive ability. Discussion: The current work begins to address the mechanism underlying individual differences in metacognitive insight during face matching. Although support was provided for a competence-based account, where better face matchers showed greater performance on the task and were more successful in monitoring their performance, further work might focus on decoupling task performance and competence in order to more conclusively explain why some people are more insightful than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]