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The hypothesis that father absence during childhood, as well as other forms of childhood psychosocial stress, might influence the timing of sexual maturity and adult reproductive behaviors has been the focus of considerable research. However, the majority of studies that have examined this prediction have used samples of women of European descent living in industrialized, low-fertility nations. This paper tests the father-absence hypothesis using the Cape Area Panel Study (CAPS), which samples young adults in Cape Town, South Africa. The sample contains multiple racial groups (blacks, coloureds [mixed race], and whites) and includes both males and females. Dependent variables include age at menarche, age at first sexual intercourse, and age at first pregnancy. Childhood stress is measured by father absence by age six (either never lived with father or lived with father some but not all years) and an index of childhood exposure to violence (measuring threatened or actual verbal or physical abuse). The hypothesis received no support for effect on age at menarche but was supported for age at first sex and first pregnancy. The model showed stronger support for coloureds and whites than blacks and had no predictive power at all for black males.

The establishment of a legal father for children of unmarried parents reflects both high paternity confidence and male willingness to commit to paternal investment. Whether an unmarried man voluntarily acknowledges paternity after a child is born has important consequences for both the mother and child. This paper brings to bear a life history perspective on paternity establishment, noting that men face trade-offs between mating and parental effort and that women will adjust their investment in children based on expected male investment. I predict that paternity establishment will be more likely when the mother has high socioeconomic status, when maternal health is good, and when the child is male, low parity, or a singleton (versus multiple) birth. I further predict that establishment of paternity will be associated with increased maternal investment in offspring, resulting in healthier babies with higher birthweights who are more likely to be breastfed. These predictions are tested using data on 5.4 million births in the United States from 2009 through 2013. Overall the results are consistent with the hypothesis that the trade-offs men face between reproductive and parental investment influence whether men voluntarily acknowledge paternity when a child is born.

Objectives To examine the relationships between prepregnancy diabetes mellitus (DM), gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM), and prepregnancy body mass index, with several adverse birth outcomes: preterm delivery (PTB), low birthweight (LBW), and macrosomia, comparing American Indians and Alaska Natives (AI/AN) with other race/ethnic groups. Methods The sample includes 5,193,386 singleton US first births from 2009-2013. Logistic regression is used to calculate adjusted odds ratios controlling for calendar year, maternal age, education, marital status, Kotelchuck prenatal care index, and child's sex. Results AI/AN have higher rates of diabetes than all other groups, and higher rates of overweight and obesity than whites or Hispanics. Neither overweight nor obesity predict PTB for AI/AN, in contrast to other groups, while diabetes predicts increased odds of PTB for all groups. Being overweight predicts reduced odds of LBW for all groups, but obesity is not predictive of LBW for AI/AN. Diabetes status also does not predict LBW for AI/AN; for other groups, LBW is more likely for women with DM or GDM. Overweight, obesity, DM, and GDM all predict higher odds of macrosomia for all race/ethnic groups. Conclusions for Practice Controlling diabetes in pregnancy, as well as prepregnancy weight gain, may help decrease preterm birth and macrosomia among AI/AN.

Due to tradeoffs between mating and parental effort, men who pay child support to children from previous unions should be less likely to have subsequent children or to remarry than men who do not pay child support. I evaluate this prediction using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), a nationally representative sample of American households. As predicted, child support payment is associated with lower probability of subsequent birth. However, the prediction was not met for marriage: men who paid child support were more, rather than less, likely to remarry. One interpretation of this result is that child support payment is an honest signal of men's willingness to commit to parental investment: by continuing to pay child support, men signal to prospective mates that they are good investors. Child support may thus function to some extent as mating effort, by attracting subsequent long-term mates.

Life history theory predicts that greater extrinsic mortality will lead to earlier and higher fertility. To test this prediction, I examine the relationship between life expectancy at birth and several proxies for life history traits (ages at first sex and first marriage, total fertility rate, and ideal number of children), measured for both men and women. Data on sexual behaviors come from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). Two separate samples are analyzed: a cross-sectional sample of 62 countries and a panel sample that includes multiple cross-sectional panels from 48 countries. Multivariate regression analysis is used to control for potential confounding variables. The results provide only partial support for the predictions, with greater support among women than men. However, the prediction is not supported in sub-Saharan African countries, most likely owing to the nonequilibrium conditions observed in sub-Saharan Africa with respect to life expectancy. The applicability of the model to understanding HIV/AIDS risk behaviors is discussed.

There is high demand for care among the Hispanic population in states along the U.S.-Mexico border. The objective is to describe the standard of care received by people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWH/A) at enrollment into one of five Special Projects of National Significance (SPNS) Sites located along the U.S.-Mexico border. This cross-sectional study describes the presence of opportunistic infections (OIs), AIDS status and two types of standard of care received by 707 PLWH/A participating in SPNS. Patients receiving care through SPNS in one of the five sites between June 1, 2002 and December 31, 2003 were invited to participate to the medical chart review component of the study. The association between sociodemographic variables and the prevalence of OIs and AIDS at enrollment was estimated using multivariate hierarchical logistic models. More than one quarter of the 707 participants had at least one OI recorded and 58% of new and 60% of existing patients had AIDS at enrollment in SPNS. The association between being Hispanic and having higher prevalence of OI and AIDS at entry varied by SPNS site. Standard of care was well followed overall. This is the first study describing HIV stage and OI prevalences and standard of care in PLWH/A in all U.S.-Mexico bordering states. Being of Hispanic ethnicity may not fully explain discrepancy in access to care along the border.

South Africa, a country that is highly stratified by race, is an important location for studying the relationship between race and educational expectations. Using a longitudinal data set, we examine the educational expectations of black (African), colored (mixed race), and white (European ancestry) parents and children in Cape Town, South Africa. We find that parents and children have high educational expectations regardless of race, but black parents and children have higher educational expectations than coloreds and whites once socioeconomic and other factors are controlled. We also find that parents' and children's expectations tend to agree more and are more closely correlated among coloreds and whites than blacks. We test two explanations for the educational expectations of parents and children, finding more support for the status attainment perspective among coloreds and whites than blacks and support for the family social capital perspective among blacks and coloreds only.

Educational expectations, in particular the relationship between race/ ethnicity and educational expectations, have been understudied in less developed countries. We use data from the Cape Area Panel Study (CAPS) to examine the educational expectations of black (African), coloured (mixed race), and white (European ancestry) youth in Cape Town, South Africa. The educational expectations of all three racial groups are high, although coloured youth are less likely than black and white youth to expect to complete postsecondary or postgraduate schooling. Supporting research on educational expectations in the United States and other more developed countries, our findings indicate that socioeconomic status and academic performance matter for educational expectations in South Africa, although their importance varies by racial group. In contrast to U.S. studies that have found effects of family composition for whites only, we found virtually no effects of family composition on the educational expectations of whites or nonwhites. Our findings suggest possible similarities and differences across social contexts in the processes shaping the educational expectations of youth from disadvantaged groups. Because of their potential to influence educational outcomes, educational expectations have been of considerable interest to sociologists. A great deal of research has examined educational expectations in the United States and other more developed countries (e.g., Buchmann and Dalton 2002; Cheng and Starks 2002; Hao and Bonstead-Bruns 1998; Hauser, Tsai, and Sewell 1983; Looker and Pineo 1983; Marjoribanks 2002; Sewell, Haller, and Portes 1969). Relatively few studies have investigated educational expectations in less developed countries (e.g., Adams, Wasikhongo, and Nahemow 1987; Forste, Heaton, and Haas 2004; Moller 1995; Post 1990), particularly the relationship between race/ethnicity and educational expectations. How educational expectations are formed in parts of the world with social structures that may differ from those in the United States and other more developed countries is not well understood. South Africa presents an ideal location for considering how context may influence educational expectations, as a number of social and economic features distinguish it from the United States and other more developed countries. One is the tremendous economic stratification of the country. Wage inequality in South Africa is among the highest in the world, and unemployment rates are as high as 40% (Burger and Woolard 2005; Kingdon and Knight 2001; Klasen 1997; Leibbrandt, Woolard, and Woolard 2000). As a result, there is tremendous variation in access to educational capital, which may influence educational expectations. second is the nature of racial stratification in South Africa: under apartheid (the policy of extreme racial segregation practiced until the early 1990s), individuals were placed into one of three groups on the basis of race-an advantaged group composed of whites (those of European ancestry), a moderately disadvantaged group consisting of both coloureds (those of mixed race) and Asians (mostly from India), and a severely disadvantaged group made up of blacks (Africans) (e.g., Klasen 1997; Mwabu and Schultz 1996; Thomas 1996). Although de jure discrimination ended with the dismantling of apartheid, racial inequality persists in South Africa (e.g., Burgard and Treiman 2006; Burger and Woolard 2005; Charasse-Pouele" and Fournier 2006; Lestrade-Jefferis 2002). By studying educational expectations in a country with a clearly defined racial status hierarchy, we may improve our understanding of the relationship between race and educational expectations. Third, South Africa provides a different schooling context in which to examine educational expectations. For example, school fees (tuition) are generally charged for school enrollment, even for primary and secondary education. Last, dramatic social changes have occurred in South Africa over the past fifteen years. …

Using a sample of men living in Albuquerque, NM, we examined the relationship between paternity confidence and men's investment in children. In humans, men may reduce their investment in a child in two ways: indirectly, by ending their relationship with the child's mother and ceasing to cohabit with the child (e.g., divorce), and directly, by allocating less time and fewer resources to the child. In this article, we tested two hypotheses regarding the effect of paternity confidence on investment in children: (1) men will be more likely to divorce women if they suspect or are sure that they are not the father of their wife's child, and (2) controlling for divorce, men will reduce direct investments in low paternity confidence children relative to high paternity confidence children. The first hypothesis was supported by the data. The second hypothesis was supported for two out of three measures of paternal investment we examined; low paternity confidence reduces the time men spend with a child in a group with other children or adults, and it reduces extensive involvement with the child's educational progress; there was no effect of paternity confidence on the amount of time men spend with children in one-on-one interactions. We also examined the effects of unstated paternity confidence (e.g., when men decline to answer the question) on divorce and paternal investment. Overall, the results suggested that paternity confidence plays an important role in shaping men's relationships with women and with their putative genetic children.

The purpose of this study is to provide a description of personal lifestyles and demographic characteristics of 1,200 HIV seropositive individuals who volunteered to participate in a Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA), Special Projects of National Significance (SPNS) Initiative conducted in five U.S. demonstration projects located along the U.S.-Mexico border between 2001 and 2004. The results show that HIV/AIDS patients receiving care along the U.S.-Mexico border are predominantly Hispanics (81%) and men who have sex with men (56%). In general, SPNS participants appear to be sociodemographically similar to the general HIV/AIDS population in the U.S. with a few noted exceptions such as age, labor force participation, and variations in mode of transmission by age and gender.

Investment in children is examined using a nationally representative sample of 11,211 black (African) households in South Africa. I randomly selected one child from each household in the sample and calculated the average genetic relatedness of the other household members to the focal child. Using multivariate statistical analysis to control for background variables such as age and sex of child, household size, and socioeconomic status, I examine whether the coefficient of relatedness predicts greater household expenditures on food, on health care, and on children's clothing. I also test whether relatedness is associated with health and schooling outcomes. The results are consistent with an inclusive fitness model: Households invest more in children who are more closely related. Two exceptions were found: in rural areas, genetic relatedness was negatively associated with money spent on food and on health care. Explanations for these results are discussed.

The stepfather relationship provides a source of potential conflict in remarriage families, because the mother and partner may have different interests in the well-being of children from a prior union. Using three different theoretical perspectives—biology, sociology, and selection—this paper examines the engagement, availability, participation, and warmth of residential fathers in married biological parent, unmarried biological parent, married stepparent, and cohabiting father families. The data come from 2,531 children and their parents who were interviewed during the 1997 wave of the Child Development Supplement to the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Biology explains less of father involvement than anticipated once differences between fathers are controlled. Marriage continues to differentiate paternal investment levels, as do age of child and financial responsibility to nonresidential children.

This paper provides an overview of evidence on education in South Africa provided by household survey data, with a particular focus on large national surveys such as the 1993 South African Living Standards Survey and the annual October Household Survey. These surveys indicate that racial gaps in schooling persist in South Africa, although they have declined steadily over time. There is essentially no gender gap in schooling, however, with almost identical schooling outcomes for men and women in all racial groups. The racial gap in schooling can be largely attributed to a high rate of grade repetition for Africans, with only small differences in enrollment rates across racial groups. School quality has an important effect on both grade attainment and adult economic outcomes, and is clearly an important component of the racial gap in schooling. Survey data clearly demonstrate a large effect of schooling on earnings beginning in late primary years, with a higher rate of return to schooling for Africans than for whites. Datasets Used October Household Survey (OHS): South Africa, 1995 Schooling outcomes in South Africa

This paper presents an analysis of the characteristics of men who become stepfathers, and their subsequent fertility patterns and lifetime reproductive success. Because women who already have children are ranked lower in the marriage market than women without children, men who marry women with children (e.g., stepfathers) are likely to have lower rankings in the marriage market as well. Using retrospective fertility and marital histories from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), I show that men who become stepfathers have lower levels of education, less income, and are more likely to have been divorced before and to already have children, all characteristics that lower their rankings in the marriage market. Men with one or two stepchildren are just as likely to have children within a marriage as non-stepfathers, although men with three stepchildren show decreased fertility. Among men age 45 and older, stepfathers have lower lifetime fertility than non-stepfathers, although the difference disappears when men's age at first marriage is controlled for. Additionally, stepfathers have significantly higher fertility than men who never marry. The results suggest that some men become stepfathers to procure mates and fertility benefits that they would otherwise have been unlikely to obtain; for these men, raising other men's children serves as a form of mating effort.

HIV prevalence is high among South African youth. Health behavior models posit that the perceived level of risk of HIV infection is associated with the level of HIV risk behavior; however, there has been limited research in Sub-Saharan Africa on factors associated with perceived risk or on the relationship between perceived risk and risk behaviors.Longitudinal data collected in 2002 and 2005 from 3,017 black, colored and white youth in Cape Town, South Africa, were analyzed using multivariate regression to examine whether a reciprocal relationship exists between sexual experience and perceived HIV risk. Independent variables taken from the 2002 survey were used to predict dependent variables taken from the 2005 survey.In 2005, most youth (82% of males and 83% of females) viewed themselves as being at no or small risk of HIV infection. A reciprocal relationship in which higher perceived HIV risk was associated with a delay in sexual debut (odds ratio, 0.8) and sexual experience was associated with higher perceived risk (1.4) was found for females, but not for males. Knowing someone who had died of AIDS was associated with sexual debut and with an elevated perceived HIV risk among females (1.7 and 1.3, respectively). The associations between race and perceived risk of HIV infection varied by gender.HIV/AIDS education and prevention programs should consider more carefully how gender and race may intersect to influence risk perceptions and risk behaviors. In addition, possible reciprocal relationships between risk behaviors and risk perceptions should be considered in education and intervention programs.