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This study investigates vocalic creak in connection to the demarcation of prosodic boundaries in Spanish. Data from a picture task from 10 native Spanish speakers from diverse dialects was examined word-medially and word-finally. A total of 800 vowels were analyzed acoustically to determine if they involved creak; duration of creak relative to vowel duration was also recorded. The role of prosodic context, vowel quality and gender were examined. Our results show that creak is one of the cues that signals the end of prosodic constituents, particularly at higher prosodic levels: it averages 64% of realizations word-finally, but only 4% medially; and it is more pervasive in higher prosodic domains. Creak is more likely in males than females (80 vs. 53%), and vowel quality has no effect on creak word-finally, although word-medially /a/ is more frequently creaked than other vowels. We discuss the implications of our results in comparison with previous studies on creaky voice in Spanish and English, in particular Garellek, Marc & Patricia Keating. 2015. Phrase-final creak: Articulation, acoustics, and distribution. In Paper presented at the 89th meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Portland, Oregon, 8–11 January, which report a higher rate of creak for Mexican Spanish females compared to males utterance-finally, and Kim, Ji Young. 2017. Voice quality transfer in the production of Spanish heritage speakers and English L2 learners of Spanish. Silvia Perpiñán. In David Heap, Itziri Moreno-Villamar & Adriana Soto-Corominas (eds.), Selected papers from the 44th linguistic symposium on romance languages (LSRL), 191–207. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, which found creaky voice utterance-finally in L2 Spanish and heritage Spanish speakers, but not in L1 Spanish participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the turn of the 21st century, research on phonation (the production of sound via the vibration of the vocal folds, also known as voice quality) has increased significantly. However, non-modal phonation is highly understudied in Spanish. Therefore, this study comprises a sociophonetic analysis of voice quality in Spanish, examining voice quality categorically from sociolinguistic interview speech conducted with 41 native monolingual Chilean Spanish speakers. The aim of the present paper is to interrogate how phonation varies among residents of Santiago, Chile. Specifically, it asks: what is the sociolinguistic distribution of non-modal voice quality in Chilean Spanish? How does this distribution align with work on voice quality in Spanish and in other languages? Results indicate that non-modal voice quality is used by speakers to mark prosodic boundaries such as phrase finality, aligning with robust cross- linguistic findings. Non-modal phonation is also incorporated when speakers are reporting speech, as well as when they are speaking about emotionally-charged subjects. I draw connections between these findings and those of other dialects of Spanish, and show that utterance-final devoicing, while often associated with "tierras altas" dialects of Spanish, may be more frequent in other dialects than previously indicated. I argue that further examinations of non-modal phonation should also examine third-wave approaches of attitude, emotion, and stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the developmental stages of the acquisition of estar in stage-level predicate constructions in the L2 Spanish grammar of native speakers of French and Portuguese. Copular verbs exist in the L1s of both learner groups; however, only in Portuguese is there an aspectual contrast, with copula selection conditions that partially differ from those of ser and estar in Spanish. The study used data extracted from the Corpus de Aprendices de Español (CAES), made up of written texts produced by L2 Spanish learners from CEFR A1 to C1 levels. We attempt to analyse whether, and to what degree, these L2 learners are sensitive to estar copula restrictions in adjective constructions. Our analysis of the written production of 143 L1 French speakers and 361 L1 Portuguese speakers showed differing acquisitional patterns depending on the L1. We consider that the estar overextension, found in the learners' productions, is related to the process of developing the ability to identify the specific features that distinguish the use of copular verbs in the interlanguage of our learners. Our findings, thus, provide a more fine-grained description of the semantic representation and access of interpretable features in L2 Spanish with special relevance to current hypotheses on Second Language Acquisition such as the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis (Lardiere 2009). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that constructions with subject-experiencer psychological verbs are adjectival passives, contra the received view that constructions are verbal passives across the board. We put forth a battery of morphological, syntactic and semantic tests to support our claim. The divide, we argue, is based on the individual-level/stage-level distinction, rather than on the lexical category of the participle. We provide a theoretical, aspect-based account that generates the distribution of ser and estar in verbal and adjectival participles and paves the way for a comprehensive analysis of the ser and estar distribution across other constructions where the alternation is attested, such as underived adjectives and prepositions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes an explanatory account for the developmental stages of the acquisition of ser and estar in locative constructions. We propose that this copular distribution is regulated by two aspectual features, dynamicity and temporal boundedness. These features are crucial for the interpretation of nominals such as dinner, which refers to the physical food [–dynamic] with estar and to the event of having a meal [+dynamic] with ser. In a Picture Matching Task and an Elicited Production Task, English-speaking learners of Spanish had to comprehend, locate, and distinguish objects from events by employing the two Spanish copulas. We questioned whether L2 learners would be sensitive to the aspectual nature of subjects and copulas in locative constructions. We found that participants had difficulties interpreting the feature [+dynamic] in nominal subjects and propose that this is the last feature acquired, offering a revised developmental path of the acquisition of ser/estar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]