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Moving race from the margins of research paradigms entails a deconstruction of "Whiteness" as the norm against which all "others" are measured. Researchers must stop hiding behind scientific neutrality and being indifferent to how findings are used. To engage in emancipatory research, we must engage in the process of researching for the greater good of our communities. (Contains 27 references.) (TD)

Suggests that "Ties That Bind" is an exemplary model of critical dramaturgy. Offers a framework of organizational theatrics to provide a context for understanding the author's view of critical dramaturgy. Suggests that Taylor's play is critical dramaturgy because it addresses hegemony and "cooptation." Presents a discussion of the self-reflective aspects of critical dramaturgy that find hegemony and cooptation dynamics in the liberating ambiguity of the play's ending. (SG)

Teaching about Indigenous culture from an Indigenous perspective in a Western educational institution involves unresolvable contradictions. A Metis faculty member describes how she has changed traditional academic practices by normalizing relationships with her students, taking students out of the classroom and bringing the outside in, encouraging participatory and experiential learning, and providing hands-on and relevant learning opportunities. A Coyote story is included. (SV)

Native American scholars committed to the long-term health and vitality of Indigenous peoples see decolonization and empowerment as central to their struggles. However, those who maintain the colonial power structure do not want to connect the past to the present or use Native perspectives or theories. Common examples of discriminatory practice against Natives in the academy are presented. (TD)

Football in Turkey has a framework that, by the discourses it generates in the social and cultural spheres, creates, and reinforces hegemonic masculinity. In Turkey, newspapers and magazines have produced discourses aimed at alienating women from football. Since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, very few news articles about women playing football have been published in the newspapers and magazines, and those that have been published work to distance women from football. However, from 1960 onward, news about women's football slowly began to find its place more frequently in newspapers. In this study, we assess the history of women's football in the Republic of Turkey, which has a 100-year history, considering developments that ensued from the past to the present. Newspapers and magazines were analyzed to offer an interpretation of the development of women's football in Turkey, as these media serve as important sources to comprehend how women were distanced from a field perceived as a bastion of hegemonic masculinity, such as football, in traditional societies. Despite the number of news articles about women's football in Turkish newspapers increasing over the years, we conclude that women's football did not progress over the course of a century in Turkey and still remains very much in the background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes on the nexus between arms control and religious tolerance during the French Wars of Religion. As part of the peace process, royal and provincial authorities attempted to implement arms control measures on French subjects irrespective of confessional allegiance during the 1560s, before arms control mutated into a tool of confessional hegemony from the 1570s onwards. To support this observation, the Valentinois-Diois region of southeastern France serves as the geographical focus for this analysis. Although authorities in the region could never remove all illicit weapons, they carried out royal legislation on arms control with vigor to promote peace. The situation changed as repeated warfare in the region, starting in 1567, prompted many communities to abandon measures of religious tolerance, including biconfessional arms control. Henceforth, arms prohibitions reflected local religious power dynamics, whereby only those of the majority confession could legally possess arms for local defense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hegemonic masculinity is a key theory in research about men and masculinities, including in human geography. We focus on its spatial and temporal specificity, the ways it is practised and performed, and the relationalities that are a key component of it, advocating for the importance of geographical contributions. For each, we review important work and suggest ways forward for scholarship. We also outline ways in which the concept could be advanced through paying attention to spatial issues relating to bodies, embodiment, and intersectionality, in geographic research about work, employment, and migration, and in studies about climate, sustainability, and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Degrowth has become particularly important in the environmental movement in recent years. However, there is no consensus on how to achieve the shift from a growth-oriented society to a degrowth-oriented society. We suggest that a productive means of addressing this issue is by turning to debates concerning processes of institutional change and sustainability transitions. This approach has two key implications. On the one hand, accounts of degrowth transitions resonate with broader theories of institutional change. For instance, some, in common with historical institutionalism, emphasise the path dependencies of existing growth-oriented institutions while others, in common with discursive institutionalism, highlight the role of ideas in facilitating the creation of a degrowth-oriented society. On the other hand, there are serious limitations to these theories of institutional change. From the perspective of critical political economy, they fail to situate institutions in the broader context of capitalist power dynamics and thus do not engage with social interests. On the basis of two case studies, we argue that degrowth needs to address the question 'who wants degrowth?', or how its demands advance the interests of the working class, with its different intersections, in the contemporary moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The course of contemporary international affairs has catapulted the scholarship on inter-state hegemony into an important period of progress and development. Forwarded as Hegemony Studies 3.0, a new and ambitious research program has consolidated these scholarly endeavors and emphasized the interconnectedness between hegemony and international order. In an attempt to advance this research agenda even further, I argue that Hegemony Studies 3.0 currently limits itself from realizing its full potential by conceptualizing hegemony too narrowly. Consequently, I find that hegemony research in its present form suffers from widespread methodological statism. This is evident in the way the analytical and methodological strategies of the scholarship equate the entirety of the domestic sphere of the hegemon with the state and its formal institutions. Moving onwards, I suggest a much broader conceptualization of hegemony and point toward avenues ahead for the scholarship which are inspired by the everyday turn in International Political Economy and the general (re)historicization of the field. These ways forward open up a myriad of new paths of research for hegemony scholars to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenge of sustaining development-oriented political coalitions in 'dependent intermediate democratic economies' (IDDEs). Scholars have pointed out that the absence of upgrading coalitions in IDDEs, particularly in Latin America, results from weak economic and political institutions and fragmented political support, as well as from the political and social turbulences introduced by economic dependency. Our argument, however, is that some Latin American IDDEs have managed to craft semi-stable political configurations capable of sustaining development and reform processes with relative success. These intermediate coalitions pivot on context-specific stabilization mechanisms that balance institutional, political, and economic fragilities and tensions. To support this argument, we take issue with three countries in Latin America's Southern Cone – Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay – and distinguish three different types of stabilization mechanism at play in each of these cases: an Argentine-style variant based on the hegemonic role played by a dominant political party, a Chilean-style variant based on elite consensus and the atomization of collective organization, and a Uruguayan-style variant sustained by stable links between and within economic and social sectors. Additionally, we explore how each of these configurations, due to their structure, carry inherent hazards that envision specific trajectories of destabilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of pluriversal politics, which encompasses the vast array of alternatives to ecologically destructive and colonial capitalism, is crucial for envisioning emancipatory futures. However, the diversity of the initiatives composing the pluriverse poses obstacles to the unity necessary to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, thus creating an intrinsic dilemma between diversity and unity. This paper explores the navigation of this challenge within emancipatory and pluriversal projects, drawing on material from ethnographic research on the Neapolitan Commons movement. The case study illuminates how social movement actors achieve simultaneous unity and diversity through the grassroots-developed concept of 'hegemony of non-hegemony.' In the Neapolitan context, this framework allows diversity to thrive while maintaining essential unity, crucial for confronting economic and political powers. The findings underscore how grassroots, autonomous, and pluriversal degrowth practices can challenge capitalist growth dynamics through unity in diversity, hence suggesting the unnecessary nature of state-led, top-down, or uniformizing approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overcoming the destructive power of the capitalist world system requires bringing relevant alternatives together in a way that respects their diversity. In this article, we investigate the significance of care – in its ethical, practical, and affective dimensions – in the task of uniting the pluriverse alternatives at moments and sites of counter-hegemonic struggle. Our analysis focuses on the degrowth movement and environmental justice movements. Adopting a post-Marxist discourse theory lens, we argue that care can mobilize and coalesce these pluriverse alternatives into temporarily united counter-hegemonic coalitions. For effectively disrupting the hegemony of the capitalist world system, we suggest that the pluriverse should meet the following three conditions: (1) the symbolic construction of the world system as an enemy to mobilize against, (2) a vision recognizing the foundational nature of care-based relations for pluriversal futures, and (3) practices of care fitting together with the parallel understandings and visions of the pluriverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One way that the United States conducted the Cold War was through its surplus food programmes (Public Law 480), which fed the hungry and supported anticommunist regimes. Consequently, South Koreans consumed over fourteen times more wheat flour by 1960 than during the preceding Japanese colonial period. This study presents a nuanced exploration of 1950s South Korea, using wheat flour — a central commodity in US aid — as a focal point to unravel complex political dynamics. It challenges the traditional binary narrative of authoritarianism versus liberalism, demonstrating how the Rhee regime's promotion of wheat flour consumption reflected multifaceted strategies of corruption. This article underscores the unintended consequences of US aid, highlighting the intricate interactions between foreign assistance and local political, economic and social forces. By analysing the local responses to wheat flour distribution, it reveals how US aid, while aimed at bolstering anticommunism, inadvertently facilitated corruption and influenced public sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food plays a central role in the construction of national and ethnic identities. This article examines the marginalization of Ashkenazi (Jews of European descent) cuisine in Israel/Palestine, despite the dominance and hegemonic status of Ashkenazi identity in Israeli society. By examining the foodways of a 'hegemonic ethnicity', we expand upon previous research on ethnic identities in migrant communities. By analyzing the culinary processes of adaptation, simplification, and vulgarization that East-European fare underwent in Israel/Palestine, as well as the social contexts of the centrality of the Holocaust in Israeli cosmology and the consolidation of Mizrahi identity, we explain the rise, demise (and, perhaps, revival) of Ashkenazi cuisine in this country. Drawing on ethnographic and primary historical sources, this socio-historical analysis uncovers the intermittent processes of marginalization and estrangement, as well as the dynamic and contingent nature of the de-ethnization and re-ethnization of hegemonic ethnicities' cultural practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2022, FIFA announced that female referees, Stéphanie Frappart, Neuza Back and Karen Diaz, would officiate at the 2022 men's football World Cup held in Qatar that year, making them the first women to do so, at the top level of the sport, which is regarded as the bastion of hegemonic masculinity. The present study examines on a global scale the appearance of Frappart, Back and Diaz at the World Cup within the context of its reflections on Twitter. The expressions produced by media organizations and users on Twitter were investigated through social network analysis and netnography. As a result of the study, it was determined that media outlets approached this event with normalizing and hegemonic/gendering statements towards Frappart, Back and Diaz, while users resorted to mocking/condescending expressions as well as those involving profanity and insults. Media outlets covering this event, which was viewed as a turning point, and users discussing this topic developed a counter-intervention with sexist and hegemonic discourses against the presence of "female" referees, which they regarded as an intervention in the legitimate sphere of hegemonic masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the spatiality of sounding and listening practices has been broadly and deeply discussed within humanities in general and sound studies in particular, the implications of such "place-taking" and "place-making" characteristics remain highly relevant nowadays. Starting from Peter Sloterdijk's concept of the phonotope, through which sound and space are closely related in the production of social, it will be argued, following philosopher and ethologist Vinciane Despret, that the importance of sound for "making place" matters far beyond human-centered thought. In what she calls the Phonocene, Despret invites us not only to listen to others, humans and nonhumans, but also to compose with multiple modes of existence, through the sonic. In short, the Phonocene addresses the importance of sonic thinking, which, for instance in sociology, challenges hegemonic and anthropocentric practices of knowledge production. Experimenting with "thinking-with sounds" within social sciences and philosophy thus implies not only to understand the spatiality inherent to the practices of sounding and listening, but to engage with those practices critically, as they are also always "situated," in the sense of Donna Haraway, and therefore, in the midst of multiple "interests," as understood in Actor-Network Theory, including a multiplicity of human, nonhuman, and more-than-human actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we tried to understand the status of the Marma language and identity in Bangladesh. Being an Indigenous community in a country where Bengalis form a numerous as well as political majority, the Marmas in Bangladesh experience cultural and linguistic marginalisation. An added dimension of hegemony comes from the Chakmas who, arguably, are the most prominent Indigenous community in Bangladesh with an active political history. Given the multiple layers of marginalisation, we examined how the Marmas in Bangladesh negotiate their language and identity. Using an ethnographic approach through interviews and focus group discussions, we collected data from 14 Marma community members from Rangamati, Bangladesh. A thematic analysis confirmed the double marginalisation of the Marmas in Bangladesh. The findings also showed a shift in language use primarily driven by socio-economic concerns and an intergenerational negotiation of identity among the community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores experiences of ex-incels—men who have withdrawn from incel communities—through eleven qualitative interviews analysed using R.W. Connell’s hegemonic masculinity (HM) framework. Findings reveal some ex-incels adopt flexible masculinities, while others struggle with prescriptive norms perpetuated by the anti-feminist ‘manosphere’. Findings spotlight identity reconstructions, where men both reject and remain influenced by rigid archetypes, performing hybrid masculinities. This study deepens understanding of incel ideology, its impact on identity, and interplay between inceldom and masculinities via contributing to hybrid masculinities theorising. Insights presents applications for gender theory and inform further research on HM’s influence within unique cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of podcasting in Singapore’s political communication, using a Gramscian lens to explore its dual function as a tool of hegemonic reinforcement and a site of ideological resistance. Within Singapore’s tightly managed media ecosystem, the People’s Action Party (PAP) uses podcasts strategically to soften its technocratic image, humanize its leaders, and address legitimacy challenges. By contrast, opposition politicians leverage podcasts to bypass mainstream media filters, highlight PAP shortcomings, and present alternative narratives that resonate with disillusioned Singaporeans. Through textual and sentiment analysis of YouTube comments and Reddit discussions, the article highlights how podcasts enable authentic engagement, bridging the gap between political elites and an increasingly critical public. However, they also expose fractures in the PAP’s narrative control, exacerbated by leadership inadequacy, scandals, and the contradictions of late-stage neoliberal globalization. These tensions, set against the backdrop of Singapore’s organic crisis, are especially pertinent as the 2025 general election approaches. The findings underscore the potential of podcasts to reshape political discourse, offering both opportunities for dissent and challenges to hegemonic dominance, while positioning podcasters as pivotal intermediaries in the interplay of power, media, and resistance in Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn 2012, two keystone scholarly institutions in U.S. public administration, NASPAA and Public Administration Review (PAR), began describing themselves as global enterprises, concerned with research and teaching on a globally inclusive basis. At first glance, this promise of a shift from national to global focus might reassure Global South scholars concerned about longstanding U.S. hegemony in public administration scholarship. However, these claims about a shift toward globality are unsupported by the evidence that has accumulated over the past decade. Neither NASPAA nor PAR has adequately addressed barriers to participation by the Global South in their activities, and neither has strong incentives to do so. In fact, false claims about global inclusivity may reinforce U.S. dominance within the field of public administration around the world. To promote diversity and inclusion within public administration scholarship, we must begin by questioning globality claims made by institutions like NASPAA and PAR, and adopting an approach to dialogue built on the principle of epistemic pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Zimbabwe, discourses on healthcare during the socio-economic and political crisis period since the turn of the century have largely centred around the quantitative and physiological dimensions of healthcare. Yet the healthcare crisis manifests many varied dimensions and dynamics whose origins, effects, nature, and trajectories over time may not be fully comprehended through conventional inquiries steeped in death counts, rates of infections, the extent of outbreaks, etc. Going beyond the quantifiable and measurable manifestations of the Zimbabwean healthcare crisis, this article shifts focus to visuality in its attempt to unsettle notions of ‘data’, method, and epistemology in approaches to the crisis. The article looks to visual mediatisation to understand how else knowledge about the crisis is being generated, circulated, internalised, and contested in the Zimbabwean public sphere. Placing a specific focus on social media-mediated images of the sick body, the article argues that such images are epistemic sites of power where politicised knowledge of the healthcare crisis is not only challenged and negotiated by ordinary citizens, but it also facilitates a hegemonic discourse of healthcare that reveals the politics of the visual economy of sick bodies in the era of the ‘viral’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the right to repair (R2R) movement through the lens of radical democracy, elucidating the opportunities and limitations for advancing a democratic repair ethics against a backdrop of power imbalances and vested interests. We commence our analysis by exploring broader political-economic trends, demonstrating that Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) are increasingly shifting towards asset-based repair strategies. In this landscape, hegemony is preserved not solely through deterrence tactics like planned obsolescence but also by conceding repairability while monopolizing repair and maintenance services. We further argue that the R2R serves as an 'empty signifier', whose content is shaped by four counter-hegemonic frames used by the R2R movement: consumer advocacy, environmental sustainability, communitarian values, and creative tinkering. These frames, when viewed through Laclau and Mouffe's theory of radical democracy, reveal different potentials for sustaining dissent and confronting OEMs' hegemony in the field of repair. Analysed in this way, an emerging business ethics of repair can be understood as driven by the politics of repair beyond repair. This notion foregrounds the centrality of non-violent conflict and antagonism for bringing radical democratic principles to repair debates, looking beyond narrow instrumentalist conversations, where repairability is treated as an apolitical arena solely defined by concerns for eco-efficiency and resource productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the legitimation efforts of the American and Chinese coalitional hegemonies have resonated within the ruling political elites in South Korea and shaped the role conceptions of Seoul. Those role conceptions have further shaped the contours of South Korea's strategic alignment as it strives to achieve strategic interests, especially with respect to North Korea. To demonstrate this argument, this article focuses on South Korea's contrasting responses to the competition between these coalitional hegemonies, with particular attention to the approaches of the progressive Moon Jae-in administration and the current conservative Yoon Suk Yeol administration. While the Moon administration sought to balance the two coalitional hegemonies, the Yoon administration has embraced a facilitative role in support of the United States (US)-led coalitional hegemony and has strengthened ties with like-minded democratic partners, thereby constituting the supporting constituency of the US-led coalitional hegemony in the Indo-Pacific region. While the Moon administration’s role as a balancer attempted to accommodate China as a means of engaging North Korea, the Yoon administration has sought to strengthen collective deterrence under the US-led coalitional hegemony against the North to respond to its nuclear threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the precolonial era, the practice of oral storytelling has greatly shaped Rwandan society. Ranging in style, form, and content, stories, particularly elite-driven ones, have served as a means to record and pass down histories, memorialize particular figures and events, and widely disseminate collective values, sentiments and/or ideals. This continues to be apparent in post-genocide Rwanda. As scholarship has widely shown, Rwanda’s post-genocide government has actively constructed and imposed a singular hegemonic narrative that promotes a selective memory of the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsis. Yet, as with all stories, the power of this narrative is neither total nor stable. Instead, other vernacular forms of remembering and narrating the past exist alongside of and in contention to “official” ones. As such, in order to more comprehensively understand Rwanda’s post-genocide society, we must turn to these more illegible but still influential stories and practices of storytelling. This article seeks to do so with a multispecies story – Mutware’s story. Detailing the life of Rwanda’s infamous elephant, the story describes Mutware’s experiences with genocidal violence, familial separation, trauma, and, eventually, imperfect recovery. The following argues that Mutware’s story serves as a vehicle of vernacular remembering that complicates Rwanda’s hegemonic narrative of the 1994 Genocide. By situating the more-than-human other as a social actor within human relationality, Mutware’s story obscures notions of collective memory/identity, alternatively centreing relationality in Rwanda’s post-genocide processes of reconciliation and recovery. Drawing on African humanism and multispecies ethnography, I will argue that constructing, relating, and sharing the story of Mutware not only challenges Rwanda’s hegemonic narrative, but highlights and even helps realize a more inclusive, holistic, and productive journey towards post-genocide societal healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article conceptualizes the relationship between the transitional aspect of third‐world nationhood and its allegorical aspect. It argues that to say that the moment of national self‐determinations is "transitional" is not to say that it is a necessary "stage" in the path to proletariat self‐determination. Rather, "transition" designates a present nonidentical with itself, in which an undetermined contest for hegemony determines the politics of an anti‐colonial movement. Given this nonidentity of such a movement with itself, its every document must be treated allegorically, that is, as necessarily contesting any totalizing representation of the movement as a "national" movement. This article takes as its occasion Fredric Jameson's controversial argument that all third‐world texts project a "political dimension," by rendering individual stories as "national allegories." The author shows that the persistently undialectical dimension of Jameson's argument, which amounts to a "stagist" reduction of the aforesaid transitional aspect of nationhood, springs from his refusal to see how these very third‐world texts invariably also flip the national‐allegorical script by treating—as proposed above—the nation as allegory: as an inadequate form of appearance for diverse struggles for self‐determination that needs to be read not with but against its own grain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black humour is associated with illness, death, and crisis and is frequently used as grassroots resistance to hegemonic power. However, black humour has received little attention concerning how it is appropriated by the state. Thus, this study contributes to reconceptualise black humour as the anti-epidemic slogans of the Chinese Communist Party by combining Bakhtin's carnivalesque and Van Leeuwen's (2007) legitimation strategies within Critical Discourse Analysis paradigm to investigate how inhumane slogans are legitimised. Our findings reveal that the CCP employs three legitimation strategies–authorisation, moral evaluation, and rationalisation–to maintain its power status through official slogans. This study offers a new perspective on how power relations are sustained and renegotiated through the official language in China. • CCP's official language can take the form of black humour that combines humour with threatening language strategies. • De-legitimising traditional Chinese cultures is employed as the authorisation strategy to legitimise CCP's slogans. • Moral evaluation is used to legitimise CCP's health campaign, often through curses and insults related to grotesque images. • Rationalisation is used as a discursive strategy to legitimise state slogans by assigning them absolute 'truth' and 'correctness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that an alternative conception of time to that underlying the ideology of productivism and growth is not only possible, but desirable. The creation of this time requires what I refer to as the practice of refusal via taking time: the self-determined arrangement of the nexus of time, action and utility that begins with the a-synchronous insertion of unproductive time into the synchronous horizontal time of productivism. The essay is divided into three sections. The first offers the reader a discussion of Jacques Rancière's notion of time as a social and political medium that partitions and distributes actions and utility. The subsequent section of the essay elaborates in aesthetic terms an account of unproductive time that is indifferent to the time of productivism. In the final section, I discuss examples that show how taking time to do 'nothing' can elicit an emancipatory politics that seeks to liberate us from the hegemony of productivism. I conclude that political theory should attend to time as a political medium and to the possibilities of its occupation, and that picturing the taking of time in terms of stopping the force of productivism's normalized horizontal time by entering the unproductive time of reverie and aesthetic experience, provides a promising perspective from which to apprehend a time for thriftless refusals, deliberate dis-identifications, and the forging of cooperation among people(s) and with nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 2018, a "Blue Apron type" meal kit for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) was announced. Like many food initiatives, there was no input from the intended audience. In contrast, we used community-based research (CBR, n = 65) to design a meal kit for families with low income. However, we were unable to separate our approach from the dominant framework, hegemonic nutrition, predominantly led by white experts. We center the voices of Black women whose role in the initiative were otherwise limited. Food reformers using CBR ought to interrogate hegemonic nutrition as "community" is not inherently transformative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the publication of Laclau's and Mouffe's Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, issues related to gender and discourse have been a recurring yet not central theme in discourse theory (DT). Not only are the authors' formulation of an anti-essentialist theory of hegemony explicitly influenced by feminist theoretical debates, but also much subsequent work has engaged with feminist theory. In Mouffe's more recent work on left populism, however, references to feminist theory and politics are almost entirely absent — while at the same time issues of gender, reproduction and sexuality have become increasingly central to politics both in many national contexts and geopolitically. Against this background, this article argues that it is today urgent for DT to re-engage with feminist theory — not least in relation to issues of anti-essentialism — and to revive the exchange between the two theoretical fields, focusing especially on issues related to the specificities of bodily materiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a panoramic view of the agroecological movement, led by several peasant and indigenous organizations around the world, and by different kinds of allies. The agroecological movement is defined as a diverse, decentralized coalition of movements, organizations and collectives, widely dispersed in urban and rural spaces, focused on contesting the hegemony of the agrifood system while taking action to radically transform it. We offer a classification that attempts to show the size of the movement and the characteristics of the diversity of experiences that exist in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study views the dispute over '996' work schedule (i.e. working from 9 am to 9 pm, six days a week) as a critical discursive moment in the modernization and marketization of China. It argues that behind the dispute lies the hegemonic struggles between business tycoons and the government amidst China's changing business mode. Drawing on the theories of critical discourse analysis, recontextualization, hegemony and interdiscursivity, this study examines the (de)legitimation of '996' by business tycoons and official news media through the appropriation of different discourses to illuminate the hegemonic struggles behind recontextualizing '996'. It concludes that when the business tycoons are blatant enough to whitewash overwork as a 'blessing', the age-old curse in China starts to befall them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This provocation examines the resurgence of border significance, arguing that the contemporary impetus of such revival is intricately linked to territorial discontents and their geopolitical imaginations. Our analysis of borders as conflictual spaces identifies three converging factors contributing to this phenomenon: the endogenous nature of borders as inherently artificial constructs, the contextual decline of US hegemony, and the habitualization of territorial contestations. Finally, we suggest that the current trend towards border revisionism heralds a new era of territorial instability and geopolitical insecurity, which calls for a transdisciplinary approach that puts borders at the center of the equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Pakistan the shared imaginal world of khwajasaras and malangs has been fractured by the divergent ways that each has been taken up in legal and religious discourse within the modern state. Tracing the development of the khwajasara as a secular, transgender subject and the marginalization of the antinomian Sufi malang through efforts to purify Islam, we examine the effects of this evolving public discourse on the persisting imaginal world of Faqiri that is shared by both khwajasaras and malangs. We argue that Faqiri offers articulations of gender and desire (ishq) that remain illegible to hegemonic state discourses while also offering an abundant site for rethinking religiously gendered selves, sexual difference and desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideal of masculine Hinduism which is currently being employed within the Indian national rhetoric to sustain and build a modern Hindu Rashtra is a direct consequence of India’s tryst with British imperialism. Since it is men who, as real actors of nationalist movement defend their homeland and the honour of women, the current Indian right wing politics ensures that men continue to uphold the ideals of Hindu hegemonic masculinity defined by martial prowess, muscular strength, moral fortitude and a readiness to battle groups to strengthen the nation. However, while the hegemonic notions of Hindu masculinity are achieved by a small minority who become the public face of gender and sexual politics, the majority are those who reap benefits from such gendered arrangements by being complicit in the hegemonic project. This paper makes an attempt to study the complex interdependencies between hegemonic and complicit masculinities in nation building processes in India. The aim is to uncover how complicit masculinities are created to sustain Hindutva nationalism within the current Indian climate and whether there are alternative possibilities and codes of behaviour in which privileges of masculinity and power are confronted and exposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces out all the references to classical Islamic scholarship with the Islamic State’s flagship, English-language magazine. It finds that more than one-third of these relate to one man and two of his students, living in Damascus during the early part of the fourteenth century. This, it is argued, can be explained in four ways. Firstly, the Islamic State uses their work as a basis for its own governance agenda, especially its search for legitimacy and authority. Secondly, it points to their struggles against the authorities of the day as grounds for its more general call-to-arms, notably its focus on recruitment. Thirdly, the Islamic State develops a wider narrative of diachronic comparison to ‘Mongolise’ its opponents and place itself at the vanguard of opposition to Western hegemony more broadly, and to its military policy in the Middle East in particular. Fourthly, it uses the internal divisions of the tumultuous early Mamluk period as a basis for the separatist claim that lies at the heart of the putative Caliphate’s strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractTeachers are burned out and leaving the profession at an alarming rate. We see this problem connected with the ethical orientation of care ethics that teachers are encouraged to adopt while preparing to enter the profession. When they enter the profession, educators often find themselves confronting a neoliberal hegemony that is at odds with care ethics in both theory and practice. This neoliberalized context is incompatible with the relational conceptual foundations of care ethics, forcing a compromised enactment of care that works against sustainability, equity, and educational transformation. In this article, we elaborate the ontological, epistemological, and axiological tensions that threaten educators’ care-ethics-in-practice within neoliberal hegemony. The ersatz care ethics-in-practice is at best able to deliver only a superficial form of caring to the students while possibly causing moral injury to the educators. Ultimately, we see this issue as illustrative of the co-option of progressive discourses by neoliberalism that leads to the hegemony of progressive neoliberalism in educational contexts. Shunning the incremental/structural changes binary, we suggest radical incremental enactments of a politics of collective care might be the way to bring about a future where authentic caring is found woven into the systemic fabric of schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractConsidering the June 2024 general parliamentary election results in India, this article undertakes a broad discursive analysis of the parliamentary Communists, tracing their trajectory from the inception of independent India to the present day. It argues that the Communists have continued to oscillate between liberal and neo-liberal notions of “governmentality,” constrained by its perpetuation of “capitalo-parliamentarian” hegemony. Drawing parallels with B.R. Ambedkar’s dichotomies on liberal democracy, the article highlights that the shifts in capital–labour dynamics have further deepened this ideological vacillation of the Communists. The article suggests that to move forward, Indian Communists must choose between constitutional governmentality and extra-parliamentary interventions rooted in transformative class politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins by commenting on recent work on legal consciousness, concentrating especially on the pioneering work of Patricia Ewick and Susan Silbey and later commentary, including research by Ayelet Oz that attempts to extend their ideas to cases of non‐state private ordering such as Wikipedia. It goes on to outline some of the distinctive features of Wikipedia's legal system and its ambivalence about (state) law and discusses the objections to what is called 'wikilawyering'. To illustrate 'wikilegality', it offers a brief examination of how a dispute develops and is processed. The article concludes with some brief comments about what this case study can tell us about Ewick and Silbey's claims about hegemonic legality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins by commenting on recent work on legal consciousness, concentrating especially on the pioneering work of Patricia Ewick and Susan Silbey and later commentary, including research by Ayelet Oz that attempts to extend their ideas to cases of non‐state private ordering such as Wikipedia. It goes on to outline some of the distinctive features of Wikipedia's legal system and its ambivalence about (state) law and discusses the objections to what is called 'wikilawyering'. To illustrate 'wikilegality', it offers a brief examination of how a dispute develops and is processed. The article concludes with some brief comments about what this case study can tell us about Ewick and Silbey's claims about hegemonic legality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]