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Nominally, the policy of the United States towards the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan is governed by the 'One China' Policy (OCP). However, the conditions under which OCP was originally formulated have long since given way to substantial growth in the economic and military power of the PRC and the democratisation of Taiwan. These changes raise several questions regarding the viability and applicability of OCP. Drawing on securitisation theory, this article examines discourses across three US presidential administrations to assess the trajectory of socio-political constructions of the PRC, Taiwan, and OCP. Three case studies suggest substantial challenges for OCP as a basis for maintaining desecuritised relations between the United States and the PRC. While discourses of 'engagement' prominent in the 1990s have lost ground, with presidential administrations increasingly but inconsistently drawing on OCP, in Congress OCP plays no role, while Taiwan is increasingly constructed as akin to the American self, serving as an identity proxy that highlights the otherness of the PRC. Polling supports the idea that OCP is not rooted in general American understandings of the region and consequently cannot serve to ground policy in a crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased nationalism, greater protectionism and a gradual move away from a rules-based international order by some members of the international community do not bode well for vulnerable populations around the globe. Human security is threatened by a host of non-traditional security challenges catalysed by the growth of physical technologies and require multifaceted responses from a variety of actors. Many of those actors look to transnational networks built on globalized liberal order's social norms—what we call social technologies—for protection. The dwindling interconnectedness of deglobalization is likely to further empower corrupt governments at the expense of vulnerable citizens. This results from a decreased willingness by states and international institutions to defend human security. Whether one looks at the plight of persecuted citizens during Burma's military junta, human slaves in the fisheries off the coast of Indonesia, or farmers uprooted from their land by palm oil plantations, without social technologies to counterbalance the negative implications of physical technology the international community will lack the political capacity (sanctions, arms embargoes, travel restrictions, etc.), to aid those most in need. Ultimately, the effects of deglobalization on human security will depend largely on the trajectory of social technology developing alongside advances in physical technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Orleans: University Press of the South, 2002. xxvii + 178 pp. In The Rhetoric of the Other: Lesbian and Gay Strategies of Resistance in French and Francophone Contexts, Martine [...]

The article focuses on pedagogies of race in nineteenth-century Louisiana and French education between Louisiana and France. It mentions a novel "L'habitation Saint-Ybars" by Alfred Mercier regarding French literature of Louisiana and contribution to American studies by challenging not only its Anglo-centrism but also the very nationalist narratives that construct Americanness as essentially Anglophone. It also mentions allegory of slavery.

Shapiro, Norman R., translator. Creole Echoes: The Francophone Poetry of Nineteenth-Century Louisiana. u of Illinois P, 2004. Pp. 280. ISBN 0-2520-7149-2. Jarrod Hayes, University of Michigan Creole Echoes makes an [...]

The article discusses the constructivism in international relations (IR) in an authoritative source on theoretical trends in IR of teaching, research and international policy (TRIP) program.

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In 2008, the announcement of the Global Zero campaign—an international effort to eliminate nuclear weapons—coincided with the election of Barack Obama. The new president, avowedly pro-disarmament, made getting to zero nuclear weapons a centerpiece of his foreign policy. This article takes on the question of what impact global disarmament might have on international strategic stability. In a break with much of the literature and analysis on nuclear policy, it explicitly focuses on how publics understand the significance of nuclear weapons. In so doing, the article draws on recent international relations scholarship on the role of habit to argue that eliminating nuclear weapons can generate instability by creating widespread perceptions of insecurity and anxiety. If disarmament campaigners wish to achieve their goal without generating instability, they will need to work over the long-term to break habituated beliefs about nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Rudra Sil and Peter Katzenstein's call for analytic eclecticism and making use of newly available, previously classified archival documents, we distill the essential logics of realism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism and examine their role in shaping the debates amongst British policymakers in the context of German unification in 1989-90. We find that, although all the theoretical logics help shape the policymaking surrounding unification, none stands alone as a basis for understanding social reality. Indeed, all functioned together as British policymakers thought in terms of theory to make sense of German unification. The logic of realism clearly played an important role in shaping the perceptions of top British leadership, particularly Margaret Thatcher, of German unification as a problem. But realism did not determine the solution to the "problem." Instead, British policymakers drew on the logic embedded in neoliberal institutionalism, turning to institutions to manage the unification process. The reason for this can be found in the role of constructivist logics-particularly identity and rhetorical entrapment-that constrained British policymakers to cooperative policy options. By taking this approach, this article makes several important contributions. First, it sheds light on British policy during a critical historical moment. Second, it significantly improves understanding regarding Germany's historical and current place in Europe. Third, it ties major theoretical traditions together through a foreign policy analytical approach, and in the process suggests that many of the theoretical boundaries separating scholars are overdrawn. Finally, the article pushes international relations scholars to keep in mind the complex relationship between reality and theory. In the final analysis, bringing to bear these three perspectives highlights the complexity of the processes that produced British policy-and by extension those that shaped German unification-as well as the importance of breaking free of the strictures of the ideas versus materiality debate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The relationship between challenging social order and bringing forth sexual secrets has an especially important role in Tahar Ben Jelloun's 1981 work, the book 'La priere de l'absent.' In the novel three marginal characters taking a baby to Smara, a site of Moroccan resistance to French invasion in a return to 'roots.' in the Alex Haley sense. They must give the baby national identity and subjectivity in returning to the origins of Moroccan nationalism and identity. The coming to national identity and 'birth of a nation' is allegorized. A person's nationality is still a place in which identity is rooted, but Maghrebian novels in French tend to challenge the dominant social order. Maghrebian authors commit political treason if they reveal sex secrets and disobey a kind of nationalist discourse rule that outlaws bringing dirty laundry out to world, and doing so in French, for outsiders, is double betrayal. Ben Jelloun brings forth the difference between the ideal of national identity presented by that which is official and what exists in Morocco., 'In the modern world,' wrote Benedict Anderson in 1983, 'everyone can, should, will, `have' a nationality, as he or she `has' a gender ...' (5). In contrast, it has become [...]

Since the democratic peace was ‘rediscovered’ in the 1970s, the phenomenon has become a mainstream research agenda. Significant attention and page space has been dedicated to large-N statistical tests of the phenomenon. Indeed, the methodological composition of the field is significantly tilted toward quantitative studies, creating significant lacunae in our understanding of the underlying mechanisms that generate the democratic peace. The central argument in this review is that academics need to pay much greater attention to the underlying mechanisms of the democratic peace, and in the process of doing so, the democratic peace has the potential to expand into a much more significant field of study: democratic security. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author's opinion of Jewish Tunisian writer Albert Memmi and the liberation of Jews through the Zionist project is presented. The author suggests that the circumcising of the male penis connects him to the Nation of Israel. The writings of Eilberg-Schwartz, Max Nordau, and Sander Gilman are discussed. The book "Queer Diasporas" is also referenced.

Focuses on the relationship between cruising and reading and between love and reading according to author Roland Barthes. History of monogamy as a social contract; Definition of cruising as the voyage of desire; Distinction between cruising and falling in love.

Examines the autobiographical fiction written by Rachid O. Driss Chraibi and Rachid Boudjedra of North Africa. Assessments of the literary styles of the authors; Opinions on the portrayal of homosexuality in literature; Overview of the books 'L'Enfant ebloui,' by Rachid O, 'Le Passe simple,' by Chraibi and 'La Repudiation,' by Boudjedra.